of the Whigs, and the subsequent conduct and course, feel myself very culpable, if I management of the parliament, exhibit, in" attempted to bring forward any measures their full blaze, all the beauties of this beauti-" in parliament as a ministerial measure unful and "venerable constitution." The history" less I had previously submitted that measure of the withdrawing of the Catholic bill now "to the consideration of the king, and obcame out and a history more disgraceful,“tained his majesty's consent to its adoption. never stained the character of any government" It was therefore that I laid before his maon earth. The public cried aloud for an ex- jesty all the particulars with regard to the planation of this matter. It was at once under-❝ measure respecting the Catholics, and waited stood by every-body that the ministers had to obtain his majesty's approbation before been turned out on account of the Catholic bill," I attempted to submit the consideration of and a cry was raised that they had attempted" that measure to this house." Here we have to force the king to break his coronation oath by making concessions to the Catholics! O how this nation was the sport of hypocrisy on this occasion! The Whigs, in order to parry this deadly cry, said that what they had done had been with the king's consent; that so far from their having, in this case, attempted to force him to act against his conscience, they had consulted 'him before they brought in the bill, and not only consulted him, but had explained all the details of the measure to him, and had, after this, brought in the bill with his cordial approbation.

the modern creed of the Whig politicians. What does the English constitution, or the law of parliament, know of any two-fold capacity of the members of the House of Commons? According to that constitution, those members are the guardians of the property and the liberties of the people; and they are nothing else. But now we learn; now, for the very first time since the parliament of England began to exist, the House of Commons are flatly and plainly told, that there is another body, namely, the Cabinet Council, who discuss bills, and resolve upou adopting them, 79. No doubt of the truth of this; but then before they are presented to that house, before the withdrawing of the bill, which was a fact leave be given to bring them in! One of their then fresh in every mind, became, in the eyes own members rises in his place, and plaiuly of every man of sense, an act of indelible dis- tells them, that he has recently brought in a grace, involving a principle utterly subversive bill because the king wished him to do it, and of every idea of any-thing like representative that he has since withdrawn that bill because government. Lord Howick, who was now, the king changed his mind, and for no other Fox having died in the autumn of 1806, be- reason whatever, though he was, at the same come secretary of state for foreign affairs, had time, firmly convinced, that the passing of to perform the task of giving, in the House of the bill was necessary to tranquillize and conCommons, the explanation of this matter, ciliate a fourth part of the people of the kingwhich, on the 26th of March, 1807, he did, in dom! Nay, he does not stop here; but goes on these strange and memorable words: "It has to say, that unless he had obtained the king's "been stated," said he, "by some persons approbation for bringing in the bill, he should "who have animadverted upon this transac- have regarded it as an act highly culpable to ❝tion, that ministers were not warranted in have brought it in! We might, perhaps, have "bringing forward a public measure without presumed before, that such really was the "previously obtaining the consent of his ma- case; but now it is openly avowed, that bills, "jesty. But this extravagant proposition before leave be moved for to bring them in, "scarcely deserves serious notice. According are discussed and resolved upon in the cabinet; "to any rational view of the subject, the duty that is to say, amongst men who are the king's "of a magistrate appears to be two-fold. He servants during pleasure, and that they re"may act in a double capacity upon different ceive the sanction of their master before they "occasions; namely, as a minister, and as an are proposed to the parliament. What pretty “individual member of parliament. There stuff have Blackstone and Paley and that fo"was no minister who had not acted so occa-reign sycophant De Lolme been writing about sionally. If, indeed, it were culpable to the checks and balances in that wonderful "pursue the course some extravagant writers product of human wisdom called the English "now maintain, Mr. Pitt's conduct upon the constitution! As to the distinction between "slave trade and parliamentary reform would bills brought forward as measures of the "have been highly censurable; for that dis- cabinet, and bills originating with persons as "tinguished statesman, in both these in- individual members of Parliament, what does "stances, brought forward the propositions as the constitution know of such distinction ? "an individual member of parliament. The Does any writer upon our constitution make "constitutional distinction which, in concur- such a distinction? Does Blackstone, who "rence with my colleagues, I take between has given us a commentary upon the whole of "the duty of a minister in the one case and our laws talk of any such distinction? Has "the other, is this; that when a minister he once named such a thing as a cabinet? "brings forward any motion as a measure of Can the parliament recognise the existence of "government which has undergone any dis- any such council, or body of men? Is not such "cussion in the cabinet, he violates his duty a body utterly unknown to our laws? Besides, “unless such measure shall have received let us ask a little, what bills there are of any "the sunction of that authority. I should, of consequence, which are not measures of the

of the deceivers! The mind shrinks back at the thought of an eteruity of suffering, even as the lot of the deliberate murderer; but if the thought were to be endured, it would be as applicable to that awful sentence awarded to hypocrisy like this.

cabinet, if we admit of this distinction? All these words, sometimes in chalk and somebills relating to the army; all bills relating times in paint; the clergy and the corporato the navy; all bills relating to the church; tions were all in motion; even the cottages all bills relating to the colonies; all bills re- on the skirts of the commons and the forests lating to foreign connexions and subsidies; all heard fervent blessings poured out on the head bills relating to loans and taxes, not only in the of the "good old king for preserving the principal, but also in the amount; in short, no "nation from a rekindling of the fires in one will pretend to deny, that every bill in“ Smithfield !" Never was delusion equal which the people are generally interested, to this! Never a people so deceived; never must, according to this distinction, be re-public credulity so great; never hypocrisy so garded as a measure of the cabinet; and there- profound and so detestably malignaut as that fore, if to all such bills the king's consent, previously obtained, be an indispensable requisite, we may call upon Blackstone and Paley to come forth from the grave, vindicate their writings, and tell, if they can, of what use is a House of Commons, except that of amusing the unthinking mass of the people 81. However, it answered its purpose for with the idea that they are represented, and the time; the rage of the people, from one that the laws by which they are taxed and end of England to the other, was excited bound are made with their own consent. against the Whig ministry; and in this state Yes, Mr. Blackstone, you, who through four of things, on the 27th of April, 1807, the parmortal volumes, which, piled upon one ano-liament was dissolved. It was done by comther, might supply the place of a stool, have mission, in a speech which contained the folrung the changes upon the blessings arising lowing passage: "We are further commandfrom the checks and balances of the English" ed to state to you, that his Majesty is constitution, do rise and tell us where, if" anxious to recur to the sense of his people, Lord Howick's doctrine be sound, or if the" while the events which have recently takeu parliament be content to act upon it, or rather" place are yet fresh in their recollection. to be passive under it, we are to look for those" His Majesty feels, that in resorting to this inestimable checks and balances. It is the" measure, under the present circumstances, peculiar business of the House of Commons" he at once demonstrates, in the most unequito frame and to pass bills for the raising of" vocal manner, his own conscientious persua money upon the people; and when they pass "sion of the rectitude of those motives upon any bill for the placing of the public money" which he has acted; and affords to his at the disposal of the crown, it is called a people the best opportunity of testifying grant. Now, as all these bills, without one "their determination to support him in every exception, are what Lord Howick terms," exercise of the prerogatives of his crown, measures of the cabinet, what a farce, if this" which is conformable to the sacred obligadoctrine were sound, would this granting work" tions under which they are held, and conbe! According to this doctrine, it is resolved" ducive to the welfare of his kingdom, and in the cabinet to bring in a bill for granting "to the security of the constitution. His the king money; the king has the bill sub-" Majesty directs us to express his entire mitted to him, and directs it to be brought in;" conviction that, after so long a reign, the secretary to the treasury brings it in; it is" marked by a series of indulgences to his passed without a division; and this, this, Lord" Roman Catholic subjects, they, in common Howick would tell us, is the true "practice of" with every other class of his people, must the constitution in this free country," where," feel assured of his attachment to the prinas Blackstone says, the people, by their representatives, tax themselves!

80. Here was, then, a grand blow given to the "venerable constitution." But it was speedily followed by another, coming from the same cause. We have seen that the Whig ministry dissolved the parliament when it was four years old, and we are now going to see this parliament dissolved when only four months old! The new ministry had nominally at its head the late Duke of Portland; but PERCEVAL, who was chancellor of the exchequer, was, in fact, the master of the whole affair, co-operating, however, cordially with ELDON, who now again became chancellor. The moment the dismission of the Whigs was resolved on, the other party set up the cry of "NO POPERY." The walls and houses, not only of Loudon, but of the country towns and villages, were covered with

"ciples of a just and enlightened toleration; "and of his auxious desire to protect equally, " and promote impartially, the happiness of "all descriptions of his subjects."

82. Away went the delusion all over the country! The ministerial members got turned out of their seats, as a set of delinquent servants are driven out of their places. Many of them did not dare to show their faces in the boroughs and counties where they before had been elected; and, in short, as Mr. WINDHAM told PERCEVAL in the House of Commons, the new ministry sent the majority of the parliament back to the people to be torn to pieces. And all this on a pretext as false as perjury itself! There were the people putting up prayers for the prolongation of the life of the "good old king," as their sole protector against the horrors of popery, and exclaiming against those ministers who

had wanted to force him to break his corona- | BENETT, of PYTHOUSE, at whom some tion oath when he had actually consented to of you are said to have flung flint-stones the measure after all its details had been explained to him; and he had had no objection to it, and no thought of changing the ministry, till the Princess threatened him with the publication of the BOOK!

some time ago. I have heard of all your recent sufferings, about which I shall not be more particular here. I have long known how greatly you have suffered from want of a sufficiency of food and raiment; and, in the letter which I intend to address to you, I will explain to you all the causes of that suffering, and will expose the baseness of the cruel villains who would make you live upon potatoes, and who would make you believe that you have of late years been as well off as your forefathers

83. These transactions, however, disgraceful as they were to the factions, and little creditable as the temporary delusion might be to the understandings of the people, did a great deal of good in the end, by opening the eyes of the people with regard to the true character of the factions, and of the House of Commons. The people saw Ministers bring in a bill; they saw the House approve of it; they saw the same Ministers withdraw the bill without a word from the House against this step; they heard the Ministers declare that they held it to be their duty to have the King's previous consent to every bill that they brought in; they heard them declare that the bill had been withdrawn because the King had changed his mind relative to it; they saw one Par: liament dissolved, at four years old, to suit one Ministry; they saw another dissolved at lished on the 1st of March, and it will four months, to suit another ministry. They be at Salisbury the next day. I beg could not see all this without great disgust you to read it, when you get it, with being excited in their minds with regard to

were.

I am glad to hear that your wages have been raised, and I need not tell you what has been the cause of that rise. The Two-PENNY TRASH will be pub

the factions and the House also. Great dis-great attention, and to fling away the nongust was excited; and from the period of these sensical little books which are given you striking transactions the factions date their to read, and to make you believe that it fall. From this time the main body of the is necessary for you to be starved to people began to see that there was no differ- death in order to ensure you a place in ence in the factions; that both sought the public money; that all their professions aud heaven after you are dead. I shall show promises were false; and that, of every quarrel you that God never intended that those between them, the people became the only who did all the work should live on a sufferers. So that from this affair of the poor miserable root, nine-tenths of which ill-treated Princess, arose this great good to the nation, that it never, since that time, has consist of dirt and water. been the sport of any faction; but, as we shall see in the sequel, this was only a small part of the good which ought to endear her memory to the people of England.

(To be continued.)

I am your friend,
WM. COBBETT.

TO THE

THE FIRES.

THE week before last I addressed the Ministers, and in the most respectful,

LABOURERS OF Wiltshire. though in the most urgent manner, to

Bolt Court, Fleet Street, Feb. 10th, 1831.

MY FRIENDS,

In the next number of the TwoPENNY TRASH, I shall address a good long letter to you, and shall send a good parcel of copies to Mr. BARLING, of FISHERTON, Salisbury, where you may get them, in any number that you please, for two-pence a-piece. I have just been writing to your member,

do certain things to put an end to these calamitous and disgraceful conflagrations; and I never was more certain of any thing than I am, that the measures which I recommended would, if adopted, have had that effect. Those measures would, as I then observed, not have taken three days in adopting; would have interfered with no man's property, would have been no innovation, could have given offence reasonably to no man; would have been agreeable to the

cordial wishes of ninety-nine hundreths" there was a very extensive fire beof the people, and would have brought" tween Popham-lane and Winchester. blessings on the head of their royal" There was also a fire at Fareham, near master from millions of lips. They" Gosport, on Thursday last. One rick have not listened to my advice; and, I" in the middle of a row of 13 was on do not say the consequences are before fire, but from the snow on the roofs us; but, at any rate, the terrible" of others, they were untouched when disgrace has not been removed. I" assistance arrived. assistance arrived. A farm-yard of understand that the country news- "Micheldever has also been consumed." papers, which are almost wholly under With regard to the fire on ALEXANawe of the aristocracy, the clergy DER BARING's estate, as mentioned in and the magistrates, have been, in many the first paragraph, it is probably the places, actually forbidden to publish ac- same as the first fire mentioned in the counts of the fires as they occur. At second paragraph, and it is probably any rate, that they do occur is certain, Sir THOMAS BARING's farm, and not and I am informed that in Hampshire that of ALEXANDER; because the estate and Wiltshire, where the "exposition of of the former, and his house also, lie the law" has, God knows, been pretty between Popham-lane and Winchester. ample, they are occurring with more The farm mentioned in the latter part violence than ever. I have been told of the second paragraph, as lying at that fifteen fires have taken place in the Micheldever, must belong to vicinage of one single market-town in THOMAS Baring; because he is not Hampshire, and seven of them since only the owner of all the land, but lay the conclusion of the Special Commis- impropriator of all the tithe. It is: sion; and five of them since the hang- curious that these two fine parishes of ing of COOPER and COOK. But Stratton and Micheldever were the though I could state particulars, I shall private proverty of King Alfred the not do it here; but in these cases I shall Great, who bequeathed them as an enconfine myself, as far as particulars go, dowment to the monastery which he to what I find in the newspapers, or founded at Winchester, and in which other publications. In the Morning he was buried. They were seized by Chronicle of the 9th inst., I find the the ruthless Henry the Eighth, and first of the following paragraphs: the second paragraph I take from the Morning Chronicle of the 10th instant.

Sir

given to Wriothesly, one of his tools, who was made Earl of Southampton. From him they passed by marriage into "A messenger arrived yesterday at the hands of the Russels; and from "the town residence of A. Baring, Esq., the present Duke of Bedford they passed "and stated that a valuable farm upon into the hands of these BARINGS. But "that gentleman's estate in Hampshire where did the Morning Chronicle get "had, at a late hour on Monday night, its information, that it is "rather extra"been discovered on fire. Every ex-ordinary" that this should be the work "ertion was used by the servants and of an incendiary? Where did Dr. Black "others to suppress the flames, but learn that these Barings petitioned to "without effect, and the whole was save the life of Cook? And how came "consumed. The fire is supposed to the Doctor to connect Cook's name “be the work of an incendiary, which is with this fire? And who told him to "rather extraordinary, as Mr. Baring say that Baring refused to appear "not only refused to appear against "Cook, who attempted his life, but had, together with the whole of the mem"bers of his family, signed the petitions "in favour of the convicted."

againt Cook, who was hanged? And who told the Doctor that Cook attempted Baring's life? Did the Doctor dream all this, or did somebody write it to him that he might publish it? As dead men tell no tales, dead men can set no fires; and, therefore, Cook could not have set this fire. Does the Doctor

;

mean to say that this fire was set by man would but go to a pretty_large some of poor Cook's relations or farm-house, any-where, either in Hampfriends, and that, therefore, it is extra-shire or Wiltshire or Berkshire, and ordinary, seeing that the Barings were pass two or three dark evenings and so very kind in the case of this poor nights there, he would discover, I beCOOK? However, in the case of the lieve, that the dangers have not ceased farm at Micheldever, we come nearer that peace is not restored; that all is to the remains of this poor young man, suspicion, distrust, fear, alarm, agitawho was only nineteen years of age. tion, and constant racking anxiety; faIn that village he was born; in that milies going to bed with their clothes village he had been bred and had al-half on and half off; lights burning all ways lived; to that village his poor, night; servants watched to their beds; honest, and broken-hearted parents every creature approaching the house, took his dead body; and there they or coming to speak to a servant, watchpaid the parson sixteen shillings, as Ied as if suspected. In short, turning am told, for leave to bury it in the the most happy of all the dwellings church-yard In this very village, and upon earth into dwellings of the deepnecessarily (for I know the village and est misery. Afraid to speak an angry the farms very well) within about a word to a servant: afraid to turn a serhundred and fifty yards from the spot vant off: afraid to hire a new one. And where the dead body of Cook lies, this this is what English farm-houses have farm-yard, as the Chronicle tells us, has been brought to, in consequence of a been consumed, and that, too, since series of measures that have at last rethe hanging and the burial of Cook! duced the labourers to live upon potatoes.

January.

WM. COBBETT.

I have stuck

Better answer PROTESTANT

Will not these facts speak? Will not these facts produce conviction? Will not these facts urge the ministers to reflect, and induce them to adopt measures to tranquillize the minds of the people, and to remove from them that THE following is taken from the bitterness, that vengeful feeling, which COLCHESTER GAZETTE of the 29th of Read it, PARSONS, and is so manifestly at work? The AttorneyGeneral said, the other night, in Ah! I have hit gnash your teeth! a speech that he made in consequence of you: I have given you something to the motion of HUNT, that, "through- make you remember your Tracts and " out the country neither life nor pro- your Sermons against me. "perty was safe for a single hour; but the blister plaster upon you: scratch it "what was the change wrought by the off, firk it off (Hampshire Parsons), if "simple announcement that the law you can. “was to take its course? The mischief REFORMATION and TWO-PENNY TRASH, "ceased, with a single exception, to No. 7, than waste your time in abusing "which I shall advert presently." I do not perceive, by the report, that the learned gentleman did at all advert to this exception; but I suppose him to have meaned the fires to form the exception; and then all that the special commissions had done was to secure the commodité, as the French people call it, while the house was more exposed to destruction than ever. For, what were all the rest of the dangers compared to that of the fires! It was the fires that kept the country in a state of alarm; and, if the learned gentle

me!

SIR,-The whole country from one end to the other seems in commotion about tithes, and it seems really as if people were suddenly awakened to the perception of grievances that they ought to have seen and sought some legal remedy for years ago. I picked up the other day a small pamphlet, sold for twopence, bett; in it I found the whole history of the entitled "Two-PENNY TRASH," by Mr. Coborigin and perversion of tithes; they were formerly intended to keep the poor, and to repair the churches and hospitals. Now, how has it happened that all this was not known till now? Why was it left for Mr. Cobbett in the

History of the Protestant Reformation," as he calls it, to tell us what our historians