hotel, and inquired for him; receiving for of panic. Consols and other Government answer that he had not as yet left his chamber, Securities are regulated by the prices at the owing to his being somewhat indisposed, they London Stock Exchange; but Bank Stock is. politely desired that he should not be disturbed a local security, and capable of being pecuuntil his usual hour of rising, and said they liarly influenced by domestic alarms. 'I he would wait on him about twelve o'clock, by run upon the Bank for gold, which has been which hour a number of gentlemen, having made to a considerable extent, produced a. heard of the circumstance, called on Mr.fall in Bank. Stock yesterday of nearly Cloney, and tendered their services on the three per cent.; and up to the moment at occasion. They al proceeded to the lead which I write the decline continues, but it will Police-office, accompanied by the two officers, not last long. The Bauk, with some inconwhere Mr. Edward Murphy, the eldest son of venience, perhaps, will meet any demaud that the late Bryan Murphy, Esq., of Kennedy's- can be made upon it, and the agitation in our lane, in conjunction with Mr. Andrew Tierney, Stock Market, which compared with the ocof the house of Tierney, Brothers, and Co., casional convulsions in your's, may be liken-' druggists, Skinner row, entered into the re-ed to a storm in a tea-pot, will very speedily quisite securities for Mr. Cloney's due appear ance in the Court of King's Bench on the first day of Term-Dublin Morning Register. The following Order was posted last night (Friday) on the board in the Chamber of Commerce :

"TO THE COUNCIL OF THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE.

you

subside. About a sixth part of the holders of Bank Stock are Englishmen.

Meetings of the peasantry in the North, respecting tithes aud rents, continue. All accounts agree in representing the distress amongst the poor as most appalling; and in anticipating a famine in the approaching summer, potatoes are already becoming very "We; the undersigned, members of the scarce, and oatmeal has reached a very high Chamber of Commerce, request that price. I allude particularly to the North and will convene a general Meeting of the Mem- West; but in the South, although the potatoe bers of the Body as early as possible, for the crop has been deficient in some districts, yet purpose of considering the propriety of pre-abundant, and the price is moderate. In the the supply in the chief markets continues senting an Address to the Marquess of Angle Clonmel market, for instance, potatoes sell at sey, expressive of their confidence in his Administration, and his exertions to preserve from 23. to 3d. per stone. public peace, and to promote the commercial and general prosperity of Ireland.

"The foregoing requisition, signed by one hundred and ninety-six highly respectable members of the Chamber, having been laid before the Council, and considered, it was "Resolved-That the Requisitionists he respectfully informed that although the Conn cil cordaily approve of the object of the above Requisition, they regret that, in consequence of the existing state of public excitement, they deem it inexpedient to call-any special general assembly of the Chamber.

"By order,

THOMAS JAMESON, Register." Mr. COSTELLOE.-Yesterday two warrants for the apprehension of Mr. Costelloe arrived in town, one directly from Dublin, and the other by the way of Dungannon; but he had gobe off in the morning coach before their arrival. We expected something of this kind. -Belfast News Letter.

ORANGEMEN.-We understand that this body has lately been greatly augmented in the north, and a new lodge of highly respectable members is about to be formed in Belfast; and this is the consequence of Mr. O'Connell's agitation-many public-spirited persons, who, in ordinary cases, would condemu such associations, being now of opinion that, they are at this time called on to counteract the agitator's insidious efforts to produce revolution in this country.-Belfast Chronicle.

DUBLIN, Jan. 20.-lu our little Stock-market, which may be regarded as a representation of our limited capital, there is now a sort

In Me South of Ireland several Reform Meetings have recently taken place, and others have been convened.

TO MY CONSTITUENTS.
"Within that land was many a malcontent,
Who cursed the tyranny to which he bent ;-
That soil full many a wringing despot saw,
Who worked his wantonness in form of law.”

Merrion-square, Jan. 21, 1831.

MY BELOVED AND RESPECTED FRIENDS,-} am your servant. My duty is to do your business and to obey your commands. I entirely disclaim the doctrine that a representative of the people can, without being dishonest, disobey his constituents. If he differs conscientiously from his constituents, there is but one course for him to pursue, and that is to resign. In fact, the contest between a representative aud his constituents, is almost always a contro- · versy between selfish interest and sacred duty.

When I solicited your votes, I pledged myself to constant attendance in the House. I have hitherto kept that pledge unbroken, It was and is my fixed determination to be in London the day Parliament meets, unless I am prevented by the paltry prosecution which has been instituted against me.

I am bound to say that I am perfectly convinced that the principal motive of the most active advisers of this miserable prosecution is to prevent me from attending in my place to describe and denounce the despotic, arbitrary, and most unnecessary measures that have been resorted to in Ireland.

It would not be convenient for some arch

jobbers in Ireland, who contrive to stick their | ingly I do anticipate, that in my absence from families, like leeches, to suck the heart's the House there will be some new, and problood of Ireland, to have me expose all the bably more severe Algerine acts (as they have details of that species of peculation which been called) introduced by the Whigs. Mark enriches one family at the expense of an imme well, recollect my prophecy-you will poverished and exhausted country. have the Whigs introduce some delusive meaBut there is one prime grievance which, sure-some nibbling at the Subletting actabove all things, it is my duty to expose-theit will, probably, be some aggravation to be vestry cesses and the tithe system. In all my styled an amendment. There will be an alteraaddresses to you before my election, I ven- tion in the Vestry Bill; that probably will tured to. prophesy that the time was fast make it worse than it now is. There will be approaching when the people of Eugland some little peddling about corporation monowould join with us in a loud and irresistible polies, and a grand inquiry, to last three demand for the total abolition of the tithe years longer, into tolls and customs-and system. these mighty boons will be consummated by some law creating a Dictatorship, or something of that kind, in Ireland. Believe me I shall prove a true prophet.

Preserve this prophecy-and you will find that my words will prove true, or, if not quite accurate, it is, only because I probably underrate the baseness of some of the Whigs.

That salutary cry has commenced in EngJand. It is beginning to be re-echoed in a proper and legal manner in Ireland. The accomplishment of my prophecy is fast approaching. If I shall be permitted to do my duty in Parliament this Session, I hope that this most important result will be advanced; but, after all, it is only by the repeal of the If I am prevented from attending in my Union that we can look with certainty for the place in parliament-if the voice of almost total abolition of tithes. universal Ireland be, in my person, suppressed This is one of the great reasons why I insist-do not, indeed you cannot, blame me. upon that repeal. Indeed, the Repeal of the Union is the great and really healing measure which alone is calculated to form the basis, and raise the superstructure of prosperity in Ireland. Without it, distress must accumulate; poverty must increase; famine and pestilence, which are yearly taking a wider range, must become almost universal; and Ireland must become a solitude or a slaughter-house. I say this advisedly.

But the Repeal of the Union terrifies the sordid aristocratic absentees, and especially the bloated pluralists of the Established Church, who shudder lest we Radical Reformers and anti-Unionists should realize our plan, of the payment by the State of all such of the Protestant Clergy as really perform spiritual functions, in an ample proportion to their real labours, and not paying at all those who do no work.

But I should be to blame if I in anywise transgressed the law. I am a lawyer of great experience in the Criminal Law, and never was there a man more determined not to transgress that law than I was and am. My constant advice to the people for the last twenty-five years always was, as it still is, not to violate the law in any one particular. I should, therefore, be both absurd aud criminal if I violated it myself intentionally; and if it be said that I have violated it unintentionally, then, indeed, there is a demonstration of the enormous absurdity of our Penal Code-of its uuintelligibility, of its capariciousness, when a lawyer of 30 years' standing, determined not to violate the law, and knowing his every action to be watched, has yet, in presence of his enemies, put himself into their power.

What a happy elucidation it would be, of that which I have so often complained of and exposed-under the title given to it by the illustrious and immortal Bentham—of Judge

It is, however, thought wise and prudent to keep me out of the House of Commons this Session, and, accordingly, this strange prose-made Law. cution has been got up against me.

But, my friends, I can assure you, that, without the most violent contortion of everything that has hitherto been considered as fixed law, and stated to be such by the most venerable authorities amongst the English Judges, it is utterly impossible to sustain this prosecution.

I feel it my duty to give you this outline of the motives that have, I am convinced, instigated the advisers of this prosecution. Let me remind you that it requires not only a Reformer but a Lawyer, to speak in the House with effect on the subject of the late Proclamations, and, in particular, to expose the illegal There must be, I assure you, the most auand mischievous tendency of the famous Stan- dacious perversion of fact, and a still more ley circular. It would not be disagreeable to flagrant violation of law-things, the happenthat young gentleman not to have to encountering of which I certainly do not at all antici me on a subject so vitally important to the first principles of constitutional liberty.

The late administration declared that they would not introduce any coercive measures during the Session. When the Tories made thus a solemn declaration, they were entitled to be believed. It would be impossible to give the same credit to the Whigs. Accord

pate-if this prosecution does not totally and ludicrously fail. I tell you as a lawyer and as a man, that I am entitled to an acquittal, even on the showing of my enemies them. selves.

I owe it to you, my constituents, to show you that I have not in any one respect violated the law; nay, that, in fact, I am not even

accused of any-thing which can justly be called a violation of the law.

fascinate such persons as even a chance of reviving an obsolete despotism.

It is indeed part of history, and a remark. able fact, that Lord Coke, when Chief Justice, was earnestly urged by the Crown to give an opinion in favour of the validity of Proclamations. The conduct, on that occasion, of the then Solicitor General, the toocelebrated Lord BaconWho shined,

The charge against me on the silly warrant is split into two parts. They are, as usual with absurd charges, contradictory of each other, The first is for having disobeyed the Proclamations!! There is a charge for you on which to arrest the man who has the high honour of being the chosen Representative of your county. The second is for having evaded" the same Proclamations. Now, if I disobeyed the Proclamations, it is clear that I did not evade them; and if I only evaded the Proclamations, it is equally clear I did not disobey them.

This contradiction is, to be sure, rather a glaring one; but no matter. The entire may serve the purpose of keeping me from exposing, in my place in Parliament, the fatal and foolish proceedings of some of our rulers.

But I proceed to show you the futility of those charges:

The first is, that I disobeyed a Proclama tion. I have two answers to this charge.

The first is, that it is quite untrue. It is quite false that I disobeyed all, or any of them. There is not the least foundation of fact in this charge.

The second answer is, that even if I had disobeyed any or all of the' Proclamations, I should not have been guilty of any offence, unless I came within the terms of the act, called the Algerine Act-which, observe, it is not pretended or alleged that I have done.

Thus, my friends, I tell you, that this prosecution is unfounded in two respects first, in point of fact; and, secondly, in point of law.

The fact is for a Jury all I could desire, if it were to go to a Jury, would be a fair and impartial Jury—that is, I should desire-and with such a Jury:

The law, however, is so plainly with me, that it will be intelligible to everybody.

I utterly deny that it is any crime or offence to oppose or disobey even a lawful Proclamation.

The wisest, brightest, meanest, of maukind
is well known for his servility and audacity.
He endeavoured to cajole, bribe, or terrify
Lord Coke into a declaration that the law
justified the infliction of punishment for
violating a Proclamation; but, although the
Judges were then removeable at pleasure,
Lord Coke, to his eternal honour, resisted.

This is not the place to quote passages of law, but I cannot resist quoting here the abstract of Lord Coke's opinion, as given in a work of the highest authority, called Comyn's Digest.. Here is the passage :

Proclamation; and, therefore, nothing will "The King cannot create an OFFENCE by "be punishable after a Proclamation which "was not so before."

cannot be punishable as an offence to disobey I need not say any more to show that it the charge against me of "disobeying a Proa Proclamation. I therefore laugh to scorn of human ingenuity to create a scrap of clamation; and I could defy the powers JUDGE-MADE LAW" to suit this occasion.

But really this is not all. The act which enables a Lord-Lieutenant to use arbitrary, and, indeed, despotic power over all meetings, is in its nature sufficiently severe and sufficiently unconstitutional not to have it extended one iota by construction. It is really most monstrous to talk of extending its effects by any construction; and I trust that the day will shortly arrive when the real advisers of this prosecution, and of the Proclamations, will meet the punishment they so justly merit.

In the quaint language and latinity of Lord Coke, it is said "that all indictments conclude contra legem et consuetudinem, or contra leges et statuta. But never was seen any indictment to conclude-contra regiam procla

I know that the reverse was once decidedbut it was decided-where, think you? Iumationem." the Star-Chamber.

That decision has, until a very modern time, and, indeed, with the single exception of one briefless English Barrister, been held in utter contempt. I would wager any man a thousand pounds to a shilling, that one of the legal advisers of the Crown ferretted out a passage in the work of a modern Barrister and without examining its slender foundation, nor the palpable manner in which this Barrister contradicts himself-they have instituted the present prosecution upon no better authority, with the hope of reviving NOTHING LESS THAN THE STAR CHAMBER LAW.

I think I know the calibre of some that underhand advised this proceeding, and I cannot conceive any-thing more likely to

We are, I suppose, soon to see such an indictment-another bad precedent to be added to those already furnished by the Whigs when in office.

Leaving this first charge to shift for itself amidst the monstrous novelties of Whig liberality-a liberal, wide, and universal extension of a most penal and restrictive statute a species of Whig anomaly in our lawLeaving it to shift for itself, I come to the second charge.

It is no less than this-" of a conspiracy to evade the Proclamation!!". There is a criminal charge in a country calling itself freeevading a Proclamation ! ! !

I did think badly of the Whigs, but really this exceeds all their former outdoings--con

臺

this

This trumping up of a ridiculous charge of conspiracy is therefore not new. The case of De Potter is, as we lawyers say, quite in point; but its results are widely different.

I cannot, my friends, conjecture why this A Proclamation issues I disobey it. De Potter charge should be brought against punishment for that. Well, I do not disobey me. I will not do the legal advisers of Lord it. Why, then, I evade it-punishment for Anglesey the gross injustice to suppose that that again. Thus, whether it be disobeyed they speculated either on the Court or the or not, the only thing certain is the punishment. Jury. That would be an injustice of which 1 For committing what is called a crime-would not directly or indirectly accuse them; punishment for not committing that crime-but, if they had so speculated, they would punishment again. Really, really, this is a speculate badly,

little too bad.

It is quite true that a former Court of

I will put this matter for one moment in King's Beuch decided that the word "preanother point of view. To evade a Proclama-tence" in a criminal statute was perfectly tion is to avoid obeying it; but for avoiding synonymous with "purpose." That certainly to disobey it there is to be an indictment was a wrong measure, but one which took that is, for not perpetrating what is called a place in angry times, and will never be quoted crime. Who ever yet heard of an indictment as a precedent for imitation. for evading to steal a horse? But this is a Judicrous mockery.

There is, however, one curious coincidence between the charge of a couspiracy to evade the Proclamation and the accusation brought in Belgium against the celebrated De Potter, De Potter is well known to have been an ardent enemy to the oppressions which his country suffered from the uefarious union with Holland, and from the grinding and insulting nature of the Dutch superiority. He struggled strongly and perseveringly against the grievances which his native country sustained from the insolent domination of strangers. He was closely watched. The law of libel, the sedition law, were both excessively severe-as severe as with us-but De Potter, who sought ameliorations only by peaceable means, took care not to violate the law. Yet it was determined to annihilate him one way or the other.

I have now, my friends, exposed to you the nature of the charges against me-their contradiction, and thei. total absurdity.

I am not accused of any immoral offence, of seditious speectr or libellous language-still less am I accused of provoking to outrage or breach of the peace. The fact simply is, that Lord Anglesey does not like discussion, and having made up his mind that there shall not be any, in any shape, that he dislikes-on he goes-that is all.

But this would be cruel, if it were not laughable. Here I am striving for three things:-First, to abolish Tithes. Second, to destroy Corporate Monopolies. Third, to repeal the Union.

prosperity, and liberty for her inhabitants.

And endeavouring to do these things by peaceable, legal, and constitutional means, and none other, I am set on and assailed as if it were a crime to love one's country, and to struggle honestly, faithfully, and disinterestWhenever power is determined to crush aedly to serve her, and to seek peace, comfort, man "at all hazards," it never wan's a pretext. They could not, it is true, indict De Patter upon any known law. What did the lawyerlings of the Dutch King do? Will you believe it, reader? They actually indicted him for a conspiracy to evade the laws of libel and sedition, or to that effect. The Bench was packed; he was tried and sentenced to banish

ment.

The coincidence is only in the charge. I have not the talents nor the useful patriotism of De Potter, but I rival him in three things. First, in the enthusiastic love 1 bear to my unhappy native land: secondly, in the everliving detestation I bear to the oppressions and grievances under which she labours; and thirdly, in the rancorous and malignant hatred borne towards me by the enemies of my native country.

There the comparison ends. De Potter was not long in banishment. The men who af fliccted his country became too outrageously tyrannical, and were expelled. He returned; but, to his immortal honour be it spoken, he forgot the injury done him, and forgave all his enemies.

My consituents-my friends-be not discouraged. Patience obedience to the lawsuo illegal oaths-no secret societies—no turbu'ence-no violence-but at the same time peaceable, legal, and constitutional agitation. Let every parish, nay let every village meet. Let there be a petition from every village, parish, town, and district. Let those petitions firmly, boldly, but respectfully, demand the total abolition of Tithe and Vestry Cesses. Let them state that Ireland is an agricultural country, in a most depressed state, and, therefore, requires that the agricultural produce should be relieved from all ecclesiastical burdens.

Let your petitions state these three facts :

First, That Ireland is the most fertile country in the world-the most productive for her extent-the best situate for industry and commerce, and yet that she is the country in the world deriving least benefit from these advantages.

Secondly, That Ireland produces more of all the prime necessaries of life than any other country under the sun, and that there is no

other country in which the people receive so little of the necessaries of life for their use as Ireland.

Thirdly, That Ireland has, at one and the same time, the richest Established Church in the world, and the poorest population, with the sinallest number of votaries of the religion of the State.

Do not ask why all this is so: We do not govern ourselves. We are governed and managed by others. We are a province, when we ought to be a nation.

Do not, therefore, ask why there is so much misery and woe in Ireland, but seek for amelioration through the only channel by which it can be obtained-that of the Law and Constitution; and if I have any influence with you, now, at my instance, and for my sake, redouble your exertions, multiply your petitious, and determine never to relax until Ireland regains her Legislative independence. I am, my friends,

Your devoted and most faithful servant,
DANIEL O'Connell.

consult his national feeling, in opposition to his judgment. But, although he knew little of Ireland himself, and from what he did know, he believed its condition to be very wretched; yet he had heard that there had recently appeared there some signs of improvement, to which the Repeal, desired by petitioners, would put a stop, by immediately checking the introduction of English capital. His Lordship concluded by presenting Petitions from the Paper-stainers, Carpet-weavers, and other Trades of the City of Kilkenny, praying for the Repeal of the Union.

Earl DARNLEY concurred fully in the opinions expressed by the noble Lord who had just addressed their Lordships; but he had differed from that noble Lord when the Act of Union was passed, for he (Earl Darnley) had advocated that measure, in the expectation that benefits to Ireland would result from it, which he had not yet had the happiness to witness. However, he believed that the good effects would now be soon observed, as the healing measure which the Legislature had most wisely adopted in the last Session had removed the chief obstacles to the improvement of that country. He was convinced that the repeal of the Union would annihilate the incipient I left off my extracts from the Par-prosperity of Ireland. The individual who at liamentary proceedings with those of the 14th of December, and these will be found in the Register, No. 25, Vol. 70. I must now, before the "Collective" meet again, bring up the arrear, which I can do in this and the next Register; and then we shall start again.

PARLIAMENT.

Thursday, Dec. 16th, 1830.

HOUSE OF LORDS. Repeal of the UNION; and, IRISH TITHES.-Every word that is said upon these two important subjects becomes every day of more and more importance; and, therefore, men should read attentively all that they can spare time to read on both.

Lord KING had a Petition to present to their Lordships, on a very important subject, respecting which his opinions were quite at variance with those of the Petitioners. When the measure of which they complained-the Union of Great Britain and Ireland, was under the consideration of the British Legislature he was opposed to it; because he did not wish the corruptions of England to be increased by those of Ireland. But he now feared that it would be a mischievous experiment to repeal that measure after such a lapse of time. He believed that Ireland would suffer greatly from the separation of the two countries, the more so as they could be separated only by means of war, and to that a repeal of the Union would certainly lead. If he were an Irishman, he might perhaps be induced to

present agitated that question had derived his had been made to exciude him from the other importance from the injudicious attempt which House of Parliament. No calamity could he more destructive to the country of that individual than his efforts, should they be successful in repealing the Union.

TITHES.-Lord FARNHAM moved for Returns respecting the Composition of Tithes in Ireland, under the late Act of Parliament on that subject. He explained that the operation of that Act was greatly inpeded by the manner in which the Select Vestries for settling the composition of tithes were constituted. The land of many parishes in Ireland was occupied principally in pasture, and in the cultivation of potatoes. Upon the latter the whole burden of the tithes was thrown; so that the very poorest parishioners, to whom the potatoe land chiefly belonged, paid the most part of the tithes, from which the pasture lands, always in the hands of the richest parishioners, were wholly exempt. Hence it became the interest of the Select Vestries, which consisted of only twenty-five persons (they being of course the richest inhabitants), to oppose the composition; because that would equalize the burden between them and their fellow-inhabitants. To enable the poor of Ireland, whose advantage the Act was chiefly calculated to promote, to benefit by its provisions, it was necessary to enlarge the Vestries. He would introduce a Bill to increase them to fifty parishioners, in the course of the Session; unless the Government, in whose hands he would prefer to leave the matter, should themselves introduce the amendment. He would take that opportunity of stating that, in those cases where the operation of the Act was prevented by the tithe