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"Merrion-square, 14th Jan., 1831. "FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN,-One word more on the fourth Proclamation; one word more of caution. The object of these Proclamations is to gag the Irish people. We are not deemed worthy of liberty of speech, and you will find, I am told, sage political hypocrites, and still more base and time-serving Catholics, to applaud the Algerine measures which would

cannot, without an overpowering motive, consent to risk any private or individual inconvenience, even for the greatest public advantage.

"Let the people of Ireland, therefore, pause for the present. Let them watch the motives of the vile underlings of despotic authority. Let them walt patiently until they see whether the Press is to be assailed. Until then I am neutral.

"But if the Press be assailed-if the persecution extends to the last hope of freedom, silence the voice of Ireland. the Press-that instant I will use all the ener"It is said that one of the principal mana-gies of my mind, and whatever influence I gers of the Provincial Bank in this country has, in conjunction with a slavish Catholic of the Bank of Ireland, stipulated to support the despotic Proclamations, and to applaud to the very echo the despotic acts of unlimited


"Perhaps I am unuecessarily alarmed, but I can scarce believe that the underlings of Government would put these money-dealers into motion, unless there was a determination to assail the last refuge of freedom in Ireland -the liberty of the press.

"It must be some very important measure of this description that would bring forth the powerful engines of our two paper banks. The soldiery and the police may answer to crush other political nuisances; but when the liberty of the press is assailed, it is necessary to bring forth the great moneyed interests; the men whose opinions would be likely to influence special juries. There is an appearance of this description in the Chamber of Commerce; and any man who possesses sagacity may safely conjecture the motives of the movement.

"There is also a phrase in the last Proclamation-I mean the fourth, because I do not know whether or not it be the last-which seems to countenance the suspicion, that when despotic power may have silenced the human voice, it will proceed to silence the press; that is, to attempt to silence the press.

"Mark me well, my countrymen! I some time since advised every body to exchange his notes for gold. I am convinced that it is essentially necessary for the permanent good of Ireland that the present anomalous state of the currency should be corrected, and that England should not have the advantage over Ireland of a gold circulation, whilst Ireland had only paper.

possess, to lessen the power of the papermakers, and produce a general gold currency. "I do hope that, if my fears are realised, and that the Press shall be assailed, there will not be in one week after a single bank-note in circulation.

"I cannot conclude even this letter without

cautioning the people against secret societies

against illegal oaths-and against every species of violence, tumult, or outrage. The repeal of the Union cannot be long delayed by their enemies; but it may be fatally retarded by the misconduct of the people themselves.

"I am, fellow-countrymen,
"Your devoted servant,

"DANIEL O'Connell.".


(From the Second Edition of the Weekly

DUBLIN, JAN. 15.-Mr. O'Connell published the following Notice in the Morning Papers :


"Mr. O'Connell requests that the Committee appointed to make regulations for the Meeting to Petition for the Repeal of the Union will be pleased to breakfast together at Hayes's Long Room, Dawson street, on this day, Saturday, the 15th inst., at ten o'clock. Such other gentlemen as take an interest in the proposed Meeting are at liberty to attend. -Tickets may be had at the bar, at 1s. 6d."

At ten o'clock this morning the Committee of Thirty-one accordingly assembled at Hayes's Tavern, in Dawson-street, to breakfast. There were, in addition to the Committee, several other gentlemen in attendance, who were admitted upon paying for their breakfasttickets. The number in the room was be

"There is turbulence and disaffection in England to an extent that may produce an insurrectionary movement in that country. In that case bank-paper would become worth-tween seventy and eighty. less; England would have the advantage of possessing gold, whilst the hands of the Irish would be left quite empty.

"I have, however, heretofore done my duty; I have last year suggested to the people of Ireland to call for gold; it is quite true that I did not follow up that suggestion by repeating my advice. The truth is, I have been deterred by a fear of lessening the resources of private individuals in trade, and I

Mr. O'Connell sat at the head of the room. A few minutes before eleven o'clock he rose to address the Meeting, and to confer with the various gentlemen present upon the most proper time, the most fitting place, and the price which persons should be obliged to pay for admission to the Meeting. These points having been settled, Mr. O'Connell then said he should wish to explain to those present the powers which were given by the Act of Par

liament authorising the Lord Lieutenant to put down a Society by Proclamation. He told them that no Society could be made (unless it was so at common law) illegal until it was proclaimed-and that even such a Society so proclaimed was not illegal until two Magistrates had read a certain form prescribed by the Act, or any person at their discretion, and that even when that form was read, the Society did not come under the Act of Parliament until fifteen minutes had elapsed from the time of the reading of the form prescribed in the Act of Parliament. Mr. O'Connell was, after this explanation, proceeding to comment upon the conduct of the Marquess of Anglesey, when

Alderman Darley, Mr. J. C. Graves (two of the Magistrates of the head police-office), accompanied by Mr. Farrell (chief coustable), entered the room.

ALDERMAN DARLEY said, I hope I do not disturb you, Mr. O'Connell.

Mr. O'CONNELL: Not at all, Alderman Darley; I was only explaining the Act of Parliament.

Mr. GRAVES: We do not come here to discuss it.

Mr. O'CONNELL: I was not addressing myself to you Sir, but to Alderman Darley, who always conducts himself like a gentleman.

ALDERMAN DARLEY: Mr. O'Connell, you must be aware that I came here in consequence of the Proclamation, and, as a Magistrate, to direct that the present meeting shall disperse.

Mr. O'CONNELL: You must know, Alderman Darley, that there is a certain form prescribed in the Act of Parliament. We require now that that form shall be adhered to. We refuse to disperse under that Act, till the Act itself has been followed by the Magistrates. If you do not choose to adhere to that form, and lay your hand upon any man here, he shall immediately leave the room; but you must prepare for the consequences.

ALDERMAN DARLEY: Very well, Mr. O'Connell, I shall read the form prescribed by the Act of Parliament. (The Alderman here pulled out a piece of paper, which he was about reading.)

Mr. O'Connell Alderman Darley, before you read that paper, requiring the present Meeting to disperse, I beg to tell you, and I think it my duty to apprise you, that this meeting is not connected, nor does any one in it belong to any association, assembly, or society, nor is it connected with any-body whatever, mentioned in the Proclamation. These things I feel it necessary to inform you, and you will now proceed at your peril.) I say this with every personal respect for you, who, I know, are performing that which you consider your duty, as being ordered to perform it by the present Administration. I feel it to be my duty to tell you this. I do this as a free-born British subject, availing myself of all the privileges of a free man, having every respect for the law, but at the same time

determined to avail myself of, and take every advantage of it. Again, then, I tell you, Alderman Darley, and caution you, that the present assembly does not belong, nor is it connected with any society mentioned in the Proclamation.

Alderman Darley: I shall now read for you the form required by the Act, and do that which I am directed under the Proclamation. (The Alderman here read the prescribed form.)

Mr. O'Connell pulled out his watch, and said, It is now ten minutes after 11. Mr. GRAVES.-By my watch it is eight minutes.

Mr. O'CONNELL here addressed himself to the Meeting, and said-Gentlemen, this proceeding is totally illegal; but the gentlemen who are here, and who have dispersed this Meeting, are acting as Stipendiary Magistrates-are acting under the order of their British liberty; but it has the appearance of superiors. The proceeding is at variance with the law, and I now call upon you to obey even that which has the appearance of law; and I trust that a reformed Parliament will yet punish those who have thus caused the dispersion of a Meeting, assembled to do that which is most constitutional, and best becomes British subjects to perform-forwarding Petitions to Parliament. (Cheers.) Now, Gentlemen, we will all disperse.

The Meeting then dispersed, giving three cheers for a repeal of the Union.

(From the Dublin Morning Register.) ARREST OF MR. STEELE.-Yesterday morn ing Mr. Steele was taken into custody, under a warrant from the Castle, for his speech which had been printed by himself. He was accompanied, when he entered the Magistrate's room, by Mr. Maurice O'Connell. Mr. John Reynolds and Mr. Dollard were his securities in 1007. each, and he himself was bound to appear in the King's Bench in the penalty of 2007. When he was about to retire from the office he addressed the Magistrates, and said he did not consider that an appropriate occasion to express his opinious on the conduct of the Marquess of Auglesey's government, but he could leave the office without expressing his sense of the very courteous and gentlemanly manner in which the Sitting Magistrates had acted towards him these gentleman, Alderman Darley, Mr. during the time he was in custody. He and Tudor, and Mr. Graves, then bowed to each other, and Mr. Steele retired with his friends.

"To the Editor of the Morning Register.

"Friday Evening, Jan. 14, 1831. "MY DEAR SIR-The statement in The Evening Mail, of O'Connell's having shown me auy want of regard, when under arrest this day, is totally false, and originated probably in the mistake, whether wilful or other

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wise, of the policeman who went to his house guards are to be permanently stationed at with my letter. each mill.-Dublin Morning Register.

"I wrote to O'Connell, that his personally coming to me might create excitement through the city, and draw a crowd to the office, and he, acting upon my suggestion, directed his servant to say that my letter should be immediately attended to; and he accordingly sent down his eldest son, my friend Mr. Maurice O'Connell, as speedily as it was possible, and he immediately went to get the sureites.

"The friendship O'Connell has for me is too sincere, and I know too affectionate, to admit the possibility of his treating me with any unkindness; he has never doue so, but directly the reverse.

"I have the honour to be, my dear Sir, yours most truly and sincerely,

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(From the Dublin Evening Post.) THEATRE ROYAL-Last night the house was crowded to the top-and notwithstanding all the preliminary efforts which were made to produce a contrary effect, the Marquess of Anglesey was welcomed on his entrance with an enthusiasm and vehemence which we never saw equalled since the visit of the late King to the Theatre. In the drinking scene of the opera (Der Freischutz), where a health is proposed for the lovely Agnes," the applause was deafening, followed by clapping of hands, waving of handkerchiefs, &c. His Excellency stood up and bowed most graciously and cordially to the audience. This was only a signal for renewed cheers, and other demonstrations of applause. His reception altogether must be highly gratifying to the lovers of peace and good order, and even the party who were most vociferous in shouting out for the repeal of the Union seemed to act from a generous impulse of gratitude to the Nobleman, who so anxiously wished to benefit in every possible manner this distracted and agitated country There were groans for "Doherty," "Stanley," "The Lord Mayor," &c. We were delighted to recognise Mr. Sheil and other gentlemen conspicuous in applauding the patriotic and loyal feelings evinced by the great majority to the Lord Lieutenant. lu one scene, where Johnson says, "Why shut the door against your friends?" a voice from the gallery cried out, "Because the Proclamation is abroad!" This created a groan for the "Proclamation," which was accomanied with some clapping of hands from ihe Unionists. The Marquess did not retire until the emertainments had concluded, and on his rising to depart there was a general shout of applause, both warm and enthusiastic, from every part of the house.

REPEAL OF THE UNION. (From the Limerick Evening Post.) The following letter has been received by Mr. Terence Kennedy, of John-street, from our city representative, acknowledging the receipt of a petition from the cordwainers of Limerick, in favour of a repeal of the Union:

"London, Jan. 10, 1831. "Sir, I have this moment received your Petition, and the letter which accompanied it. The former I shall take an early opportunity of presenting, explaining your opinions to the House.

"It is with regret that I differ at any time from my constituents, or a portion of them. I value those constituents highly-and it is because I respect their independence, and their exercise of the right of free judgment, that I claim au equal freedoom for myself. If I could believe that the repeal of the Union would advance the interests of Ireland, no one should exceed me in zeal as an advocate for such a measure. But I conscientiously believe that such a repeal would ruin all the best prospects of our country. I do not believe it would bring back absentees. I do not believe it would add to our capital. I do not believe that it would improve the condition of our people.

"If I am asked to compare the proceedings of Parliament before and after the Union, I can do so easily and conclusively. Before the Union your trade was fettered-our agriculture was depressed-and we were excluded from the British market. Since the Union, a freedom of intercourse has opened to our industry the whole of England. The Irish Parliament, by the vote of egistment, threw the burden of tithe almost exclusively on the poor man. The Imperial Parliament, by the Composition Act, has removed many of the abuses and inequalities of the system. The Irish Parliament passed the detestable Penal Code. The Imperial Parliament has established perfect liberty of conscience. "I am, Sir,

"Your very obedient, humble servant, "T. SPRING RICE." For a few weeks past several shop-windows in Waterford have been placarded by a Mr. George Russell, a manufacturer and repairer of time-pieces, &c. The gentleman got a great deal of business in his costly line; all varieties of watches, time-pieces, musical boxes, &c., were poured in. But on last Saturday evening enquiries were made at Mr. Russell's lodgings, which induced a pursuit to be commenced towards Dunmore East, where Mr. R. was found preparing in a great hurry for his passage by the Milford packet to the sister island. He was most inconveniently interrupted in his route, and brought up to Waterford on Sunday morning. He remains

MILITARY GUARDS ON THE PAPER MILLS. -The Government have issued orders for a military guard to be supplied from the Royal Hospital, for the protection of eac of the paper mills in the vicinity of Dublin, in which the new machinery has been introduced. The in custody.

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(From the Dublin Morning Post.) FRIDAY, TEN O'CLOCK.-We give, in a second edition, a Proclamation which was posted throughout the city at an early hour this morning. It will be seen that it contains restrictions on a much more extended scale than any that has beretofore been published. Whether or not it will have the effect of altogether suppressing political meetings in this country remains yet to be proved. It has, however, caused great excitation in the city, and various are the speculations to which it has given rise as to its probable result.

next day, the O'Connell Tribute Sunday,Tralee Mercury.




Bolt-court, 19th January, 1831.

You have now read the whole of the foregoing documents; you must clearly The excitement created by yesterday's Proclamation has been greater than we have witsee that it is the people of Ireland, and nessed on any of the preceding occasions. We not any demagogue, or association of must confess that the effects were really demagogues, as the impudent vagaastounding. It appears, now, that a complete bonds of loan-jobbers and tax-eaters trial of skill is at issue between the Govern- call all those who have an objection to ment and Mr. O'Connell. Whatever skill the be robbed of the last penny of their Government may use, they have in addition, the balance of power in their favour; whilst, earnings. It is the constant practice of on the other side, Mr. O'Connell announces these impudent vagabonds to represent his determination to use no weapon but the all those who have the spirit to oppose law-no support but public opinion. But Mr. the measures by which they fatten; it O'Connell has another task to encounter: he has at once to combat the Government by is their constant practice to represent legal means, and to control the feelings of his all such men, as men destitute of forfriends by means of his extensive influence; tune and of character. What, then, is to check the progress of public opinion from it that can give these men such enoradvancing to public exasperation, and yet to

keep up the public opinion at the point which mous power over the minds of the is deemed requisite to give it due weight. We people? Their arguments must he have already given our opinion on the " Pro- powerful indeed, if the organs be so clamation" system; and the last Proclamation, though different in degree of force, is precisely lies in her heart; the organs are destivery contemptible. But, Corruption the same in principle as the others on the sub. ject. The question of Repeal or no Repeal tute of neither property nor character; will be lost or carried by the public opinion; but still the weight of these, in addition if that he firmly for it, the Repeal will take to all the talent that they possess, and place-if not, there is an end to the possibility all the just confidence that the people of its accomplishment.-Dublin Morning Post of Saturday. place in their judgment, would be nothing at all, were there not good grounds for the propositions that they advocate; in short, if the people of



The paragraph which appeared in The West-Ireland were not cordially for the repeal ern Herald regarding the Catholic Bishop of of the Union, could the Paget-StanleyKerry, we have authority to say is false in all its parts. It is false that he refused the use Proclamations have been necessary of the chapel. It is false that he controlled Could it have been necessary to prevent, any of his clergymen. It is false that he dis- by force, people from dining or breakapproved of the collection. Indeed, his own fasting together? munificent donation to the O'Connell Fund, which exceeds that of any other Ecclesiastical Dignitary in Ireland, ought to be sufficient to stamp the paragraph with falsehood, and should have made our enlightened contemporary hesitate ere he opened his columns for a bundle of falsehoods regarding our truly estimable Prelate.-Tralee Mercury.

THE O'CONNELLTRIBUTE-THE ARMY.-We understand that the Officer commanding the depot of the 10th Regiment, now stationed in our Barracks, received an order on Saturday last, by express, to prevent the Catholics from attending Mass at the parish chapel on the

It is clear, then, brother tax-payers, that it is the Irish people who call for a repeal of the Union; and supposing them to understand their interests, let us now see whether our interests would not be advanced by the same measure. I have always been for a dissolution of this Union, because I thought that such dissolution would be for the benefit of England as well as Ireland. In the Register before the last, I gave what I


deemed some very cogent reasons in ment inflicted on farmers and gentlefavour of this dissolution. I showed men for employing Irish labourers; clearly how the union robbed Ireland and, observe, our labourers have counof the main part of its resources, and tenanced in the commission of these how it made the people the most violences on this account by the memwretched upon the face of the earth; 1bers of parliament themselves, who, showed how it reduced to hog-food, and in their speeches in Parliament have, hog-food alone, the people whose labour a hundred times over, represented this sent forth bacon, pork, beef, mutton, and inundation of Irish labourers as a great butter, in hundreds of ship-loads, to evil, and especially as one cause of the feed other nations. In the space of one sufferings of the people of England. month (last spring), more than nine They, the English landowners, and thousand Irish hogs, fit for the knife, Burdett particularly, have represented passed through one single turnpike-these Irish labourers as interlopers who gate, at Speen Hill, near Newbury, in come and take away all the advantage Berkshire. When I was at Bristol, of the harvest from the English lalast spring, I every day saw droves of bourers. This has been repeatedly the fat hogs and fat sheep landed at that talk in the House of Commons for town from Cork. Nearly the whole of years past. Is it any wonder, then, Lancashire, and a great part of York- that the English labourers should have shire, are fed by Ireland, down to the risen upon the Irish labourers and their very eggs themselves. I have heard of employers? a man at Manchester who imports Irish eggs to the amount of forty thousand pounds a-year. In short, with the exception of the soldiers, the tax- the butter, the poultry, the eggs, come eaters of various descriptions, and comparatively a few persons in trade, with the exception of these the laborious people of this productive country never them. Now, a repeal of the union taste flour in any shape; never taste meat of any sort; never taste even a miserable egg. Their only food is that damned root which it has been sought to render the food of the working people of England; but to which food they have, I thank God, shown that they will not submit.

Here, then, is clearly one cause of the union of the two countries. The taxes, tithes, and rents are brought hither; the bacon, the pork, the flour,

hither, and the sturdiest of the Irish labourers come hither in order to get their teeth stuck into some portion of

would, to a certainty, produce a repeal of the Church establishment there; and thus all the tithes would be left in the country. The Irish tax-eaters would live in Ireland, for the greater part, at any rate; and the Parliament being restored to Ireland would keep a large part of the land-owners constantly there.

Now, is there any man who will look me in the face and say that the people But, now, will not some narrowof Ireland ought to be made to live minded short-sighted Englishman say: thus? Is there any Englishman who" This would be bad for England; for will say that he would assist to kill the" she would not then have expended Irish unless they will consent to live" in her so large a part of the rents, thus? A tax-eater base enough to say "tithes, and taxes of Ireland." This, this may be found; but to be found no even if there were nothing more; even such man is, who lives upon the fruit if we were to acquiesce in this opinion, of his own labour. For my part, my is an opinion to be urged, in opposition astonishment is that any Englishman to the repeal, by no man who does not can be found, who does not live upon deserve to be hanged upon a limb of the taxes, who is not for a repeal of the tree nearest to the spot where he the union with Ireland. It is very well utters the sentiment; for, what argument known that, in many instances,violences is this but that of the robber and the in Kent, and other counties, and that murderer? He robs because he wants even fires have taken place, as a punish- to take away the property of the person

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