as to be right, and your master in the wrong, pap, it should not give us bad words, and this you would make out a pretty livelihood on it is a fostering Government. (Cheers.) But for the remainder of your existence. When- this fostering Government is anxious for our ever you committed a second error, you could prosperity. They may pray for it, and I say to him, 'Oh, Sir, do you recollect how therefore will not dispute with them about wrong you were at one time?'" (Laughter.) their anxiety. I dare say they are anxious. Thus it is with Lord Anglesey. He is like (Hear!) He then says his Government "is the truant servant, and being once right, he incessantly occupied with the care of correcthas, he thinks, a privilege to be for evering abuses." What abuses? (Hear!) wrong. Now I will allow for his being once they have been incessantly engaged in corright the commission of two errors, and will recting them, I should be glad to know what have a balance-sheet of Proclamations against is the single abuse they have corrected, touched him. (Cheers and laughter.) He has, I upon, or even pointed out? What have they think, taken an exceedingly wrong course. even said they are going to do with the repeal What right, I would ask, has he to vitu- of the Subletting Act-that act which the last perate and abuse us, or why should he travel Government was going to amend by making beyond the matter of his Proclamation to it worse! What have they done with the heap censure upon us? It is too bad that he Vestry Bill? What with the abuses of the should be abusing us, and praising himself Grand Jury Laws? What have they said for nothing. (Cheers and laughter.) When about opening the Corporations, and destroythe weavers thought of presenting him au ing the monopoly that now exists in them? address, some of them asked me my opinion But are they, above all things, assailing that about the propriety of doing so; I told them master abuse-the enormous temporalities of that I thought they would obtain but little the Established Church? (Hear, bear.) Are from it, except hearing some of their best they going to put a tax of 75 per cent. upon friends abused! However, said I to them, absentees? or have they even promised to take care that there be nothing reprobatory revive the statute that was formerly passed of the repeal of the Union introduced into against them? (Hear.) What are they going your address. "Never fear, Sir," said one of to do with the police? Where have they spoken them to me, we understand the thing well, even of a reform of the Law Courts? (Hear, and will attend to it." (Cheers.) But, said hear.) No-he does not say one word of I to them, throw in as much fulsome flattery correcting one of those abuses; but he praises as your conscience will allow you, and your himself, and issues his proclamations, while stomachs can bear. (Laughter.) When you the letter to Mr. Kertland is still fresh before set about it, praise him as much as you like, him, in which he declared that he would and, depend upon it, you cannot praise him allow fair and full discussion. (Hear, and as much as he wishes; and whatever you be cheers.) If this be a fostering Government. deficient in, you may depend on it he will and incessantly engaged in correcting abuses, make it up in praising himself. (Cheers aud I ask what is the abuse they have corrected— laughter.) I was right in my estimate of what is it, where is it, when have they corthe gallant Marquess; and now mark what rected it? (Hear, and cheers.) He then he says of himself and his government- says his fostering Government is amending While," he says, a fostering government the laws-what laws have they amended? is anxious for its (Ireland's) prosperity, is No-1 can only find him issuing proclamaincessantly occupied with the care of correct- tions, and assailing us in language which ing abuses, of amending laws, and devising should not have been put into any public documeans for general improvement, other par- ment that comes from the Representative of ties, as if to counteract those salutary mea- Majesty-listen to his address-other parties sures, are perseveringly and mischievously as if to counteract these salutary measures "putting forward fresh pretexts for agitation." what measures?" are perseveringly and What is the first thing he says of his mischievously putting forward fresh pretexts government ? That it is a fostering for agitation." Fresh pretexts for agitation! Government." A fostering Government! Oh! then the old agitation was a pretext What does it foster, barring Jack Dogherty, also. (Hear.) I understand you, Marquess whom it has fostered until he is a fiue, fat, of Anglesey; it was Emancipation that filled plump chap enough. (Laughter.) "A fos- the sails of your political character with the tering Government! If he had said a pro- favouring winds of popular applause; but clamation Government-if he had said a that now has become stale. (Hear, hear, and scolding Government-if he had said an cheers.) I have always told the Marquess of abusive Government, then I could easily Anglesey, both in public and in private, that understand him. (Laughter and cheers.) I looked for Emancipation, not because it wish there was some one amongst us who had would be a triumph over Orangemen or Proa talent for caricaturing, and would draw a testants, but that I and my Catholic countrylikeness of the Marquess of Anglesey as "umen might grasp the right hand of friendship fostering government," with Paddy Mahony with them. (Cheers.) It was, that by being pulling out of one dug, and Paddy Murphy on terms of equality with each other we might dragging away at the other. (Loud laughter.) combine and struggle for the happiness and What does it foster? If it does not give us independence of our common country. (Hear,

and cheers.) He then continues by saying, to her free, honest, and independent press; "This suffering country, with the fairest pros- and deeply and bitterly do those who are on pect of rapid improvement, if allowed to repose, the other side hate that press for the services may, if the present exhausting excitement be it has done, ahd the good that it is rendering permitted to continue, be soon disabled from to the Irish people. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) reaping the benefits projected by a patriot They may punish, they may incarcerate the King and an honest Government." Where, I persons belonging to that press, but they canask, is its prosperity and its rapid improve-not, shall not, ruin them-they may exercise ment? Is it to be found in Mr. Spring Rice's their vengeance upon the press, but it will scorn reports, the juggle and delusion of which I their puny efforts, and it will survive to be hailhave already exposed? What, I then ask, ed by the praises, and receive the benediction would be the advantage of repose to Ireland? of an emancipated people. (Cheers.) I have alIf the people of Ireland want to sleep, what ready observed that it is melancholy to look would they be the better of it? (Hear, hear.) upon the wreck of public and political characRepose can only be the result of the most des-ter; but upon how many shores do we find the perate tyranny, or it must be the result of characters of the Whigs scattered. (Hear.) great prosperity in a country, and which must While thinking upon the contradictory terms set at defiance the attempt of every demagogue of the Marquess of Anglesey's Proclamation, to disturb its peace. (Hear, hear.) It is not and his letter to Mr. Kertland, I wished to may individual character-it is not the long see what was the excuse given by the Whigs series of years I have devoted to your use-it for passing this Algerine act. I accordingly is not my services to Ireland-and, if I may turned to the Mirror of Parliament. In that so call them, it is not the conviction of any work I read the discussion on that Bill, which honesty which you believe me to possess-it is authorises the Marquess of Anglesey to issue not my devotion (for my vanity suggests to his Proclamations. The discussion took place me that you know it) to see my country what in the mouth of February, 1829, and I would she ought to be, great aud happy-it is not all be glad to know who was the first man who these that have brought you here to-day; but condemned this Bill in the House of Comthat which has made you assemble together is mons-who, think you, was it did so? It was the last proclamation of the Marquess of E. G. Stanley. (Hear, hear; groans and Anglesey. (Hear, and cheers.) And yet they laughter.) Here is E. G. Stauley, our new speak to me of repose. What is the repose Secretary! here he is making a speech against they want? Surely it is not that unnatural the new bill, which gives him the power of repose which the Roman historian has long putting his name to a Proclamation. (Hear.) since described, "Ubique solitudinem faciunt, Here he is, making a speech against it on the pacem appellant." (Hear.) Or is it that re- 10th of February, 1829. (Laughter.) Lord pose of which the Poet thus speaks:Althorp, who is now Chancellor of the Exchequer, also spoke against this bill. I was then in London. I spoke to several of the Whigs. I certainly did not speak to Mr. A death-like silence and a drear repose." Stanley, and I pressed them to oppose it, even Repose! it cannot be good for a country which though it was made a condition of Emancipais suffering under so many evils. By repose, tion. (Hear.) Hear what Lord Althorp says have waters become stagnant; they fill with respecting it:-" It may appear like a parapoisonous matter, and throw forth a mephitic dox; but the very extraordinary powers vapour fatal to those who come within its in-granted by this proposed measure make it, fluence; while, in the moral as in the political in my opinion, less dangerous, because it is world, if there exist requisite and salutary impossible that any House of Commons, or any agitation, that agitation serves to free the Parliament, can wish to draw such a measure waters of every impure ingredient. They into a precedent." Lord Althorp is now one burst in bubbling and gay fountains, and dif- of the Cabinet. I ask him will he draw this fuse health, pleasure, happiness, and comfort measure into a precedent. (Hear.) Listen in every country through which they flow. now to the Whig speech of Mr. Stanley :(Cheers.) Repose! repose beneath Procla-" Sir: If this measure were to be considered mations repose with 100 men to send to Par- as a substantive and distinct measure, standliament, where we should have 300, and this ing by itself, not even the details which the 100 men to oppose 552 in England-repose right hon. Gentleman has entered into, nor while there are twenty-two rotten boroughs the arguments he has used, would have inin Ireland for Englishmen to buy, and baser duced me, for one, or any Gentleman on this Irishmen to sell them. Repose! while we side of the House, to accede even to this preare ground down by tolls and customs of petty, liminary step-the motion for leave to bring paltry, pettyfogging Corporations, who inso- in the Bill. I, therefore, wish it to be distinctly lently trample upon us. (Hear, hear, hear.) understood, that, if to this measure we accede, No, Ireland never can repose while she has we do so not as to a measure standing by these and so many other grievances to com- itself, but as part of the great question it is plain of. (Hear.) It is evident that an attempt intended to bring under the consideration of will be made here to put down the press. the House." (Hear, hear, hear.) I say now (Hear.) Ireland owes a deep debt of gratitude to Mr. Stanley that emancipation has been

"Here pale Melancholy sits, and round her

throws

carried; the Act is now "a substantive and and its seat is the bosom of 7,000,000 of its distinct measure"-it is no longer "a pre-population. It is therefore idle to talk of liminary step." Why, then, will he act upon putting down the Catholic Association, except it? (Hear, hear.) Mr. Stanley, however, by removing the causes to which the Catholic continues by saying, "I consider the proposed Association owes its existence." (Hear.) So measure of coercion as being ultimately I say of our meetings. Putting down Home's blended with the promised one of concilia- breakfast cannot put down the question of the tion; and unless I did so consider it, I never repeal of the Union; it is not a corporeal could give any consent to it, as it would, in being; its spirit is to be found in the griev my opinion, not only be nugatory, but worse ances of the people; in the sufferings which than nugatory-destructive to the tranquillity Orangemen, Protestants, and Catholics are of the empire." (Hear and cheers.) De equally obliged to endure. (Cheers.) I wish structive to the tranquillity of the empire! now to read to you the observatious of Mr. Read that to-morrow, Marquess of Anglesey, Henry Brougham upon this Bill:-" I feel it and then tell Ireland that she is in want of my duty, Sir, to say a few words to the House repose. There is what your Secretary says on the second reading of this Bill; from of the Algerine Act; but he continues which, though I cannot give it my support, I "If the right hon. Gentleman had asked for am willing to withdraw my opposition. I will permanent power, I would have been the at ouce declare that I cannot vote for it on first to oppose the granting it. But a measure any other ground than my conviction that it not of permanent infringement on the constitu-is to be followed up by a measure of emancition, but as a temporary deviation therefrom,pation for the Catholics. If it were not for giving those powers necessary at the present that consideratiou, I would not allow it to go moment, I assent to, with the strict understand-through a single stage without meeting it ing that the measure of conciliation will fol- with the most strenuous opposition. I object low close upon the heels of the measure of to this Bill in the first place, because it is to coercion." (Hear, hear, hear.) Iufriuge-put down the Catholic Association. I object ment on the Constitution! And here is a to this Bill, in the next place, because it Secretary acting on what he himself terms makes the suppression of that Association per"an infringement on the Constitution."petual. I object to this Bill again, because it (Cheers and laughter.) In the same debate arms the Lord Lieutenant with what I must Mr. Robert Grant took a part, and here are his ever consider unconstitutional power; and 1 words respecting the Algerine Act-"I am object to this Bill still more, because it arms almost afraid of this bill, as it looks like that the Local Magistracy with authority, which I kind of legislation which has been so often tried dread much more than the power that it vests for Ireland, which always failed to produce the in the hands of so responsible a magistrate as intended tranquillity." (Hear, and cheers.) the Lord Lieutenant.” (Hear, hear.) The That Mr. Robert Grant now belongs to the man who delivered this speech is now Lord Government. Will he now try one of those Chancellor. I call upon him from this place, measures which he himself allows never either to resign his office, or whistle back "produced the intended tranquillity in Ire- Lord Auglesey. (Hear.) Let him have Lord land?" (Hear.) I shall now read you a Anglesey, the Lord Lieutenant who would use passage from Mr. Huskisson's speech, in the power he has thus described, immediately which he thus speaks of the Algerine Act: recalled. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) "If it (says Mr. Huskisson) had been pro- If he will not do so, then, Henry Brougham, posed by itself, I should have been bound to Europe shall be filled with my voice-as I consider it as a total suspension of the Consti- exclaim against you, it shall echo with the tution in Ireland." (Hear, hear.) Such is the cry, that a man now keeps his place in preopinion of the Whigs of this Act. Now, mark ference to his principles, and that he prefers what Lord Palmerston, one of the present office to consistency. But I wish now to Government, says of this Act:-"My first refer you to the speeches in the House of objection to the present measure is, that it is Lords on the bill. I shall first refer you to unnecessary, cousidering the course which we the speech of Lord Claoricarde, and I do so, are now going to pursue; and my next objec- because he and his party are now in power. tion is, that if we do not follow that course, it These are his words on the bill, in the House is perfectly ineffectual, for there is not an Act of Lords, on the 19th of February, 1829:of Parliament, consistent with the spirit of the "Were I to confine my observation to it English Constitution, which can put down the exclusively, I would say that it is not a bill of Catholic Association, except emancipation. which I approve, because it is unconstitutional Put down the Catholic Association! you may in its principle; for if the root of the evil were as well talk of putting down the winds of not to be removed, and this bill became perheaven, or chaining the ceaseless tides of the manent, it would put an end to the British ocean. The Catholic Association has been Constitution in that part of his Majesty's dospoken of to-night as if it were a corporeal minions in Ireland." (Hear, hear, and being, capable of being grasped by the arm of cheers.) If the Irish people take my advice the law. This is fully; for the Catholic if they be peaceable, if they keep them Association is the people of Ireland. Its selves within the law, they cannot be deprived spirit is caused by the grievance of the nation, of the benefits of the constitution. (Hear,

keep alive in the minds of his Majesty's subjects in Ireland a spirit of disaffection and hostility to the existing laws and Government:

"Aud whereas, it hath been made known to us, that other meetings of the said associa tion, assembly, or a body of persons for such purposes, under the aforesaid designations, or some of them, or some other name or names, and under various pretexts and devices, are intended to be held:

hear.) But there was one man in Parlia- for Legal and Legislative Relief, or the Antiment, who refused to vote for the Algerine Union Association;' The Association of Act. There was one man, who would not Irish Volunteers for the Repeal of the Union;' consent to its becoming the law of the land. The General Association of Ireland for the (Hear.) Sacred Heaven! You, Marquess of Prevention of Unlawful Meetings, and for the Anglesey, were that man. (Hear, and Protection and Exercise of the Sacred Right cheers.) Every body else consented-even of Petitioning for the Redress of Grievances; Brougham gave his assent to it; but the only The Subscribers to the Parliamentary Inman who would not compromise his principles | telligence-Office, Stephen-Street;' and other in opposition to this bill for any price, was designations, have from time to time held the Marquess of Anglesey. (Hear, hear; meetings at different places in the city of groans, and cries of "shame.") Yes, Ire- Dublin, for the purpose of promulgating and land-my country! the hand of God has long circulating seditious doctrines and sentiments, been upon yon. Many have been the woes and have endeavoured, by means of inflammaand the sorrows that you have endured-buttory harangues and publications, to excite and God has blessings in store for you yet-your enemies are confounded. (Hear.) Here are his words:-" My Lords, you are about to confer a great boon; I wish it to be unincumbered by conditions, and without a drawback. You are about to perform an act of grace; let me implore your Lordships not to allow this act of grace to be accompanied, or, I should rather say, preceded, by an ungracious act. It appears to be nothing else than a gratuitous insult. My Lords, it is useless and nugatary-It is a work of pure supererogation-it is an enactment against a thing which has no existence. The Catholic Association is defunct, it dissolved itself upon the prospect of brighter days." (Hear, hear, and loud cheering.) "We, therefore, the Lord Lieutenant-GeneI have now shown you what have been the ral and General Governor of Ireland, being reopinions of the Members of the Whig Govern-solved to suppress the same, do hereby prohibit ment upon this bill-this Proclamation bill, the meeting of the said association, assembly, which has assembled us all here to-night. I or body of persons, and every adjourned, rehave shown you how the Marquess of Angle-newed, or otherwise continued meeting of the sey, above all others, spoke, and acted upon same, or of any part thereof, under any name, it. (Hear.) It is not upon Whigs, nor upon pretext, or device whatsoever. Tories, that the people can rely for a repeal of the Union. We can only accomplish it by legal and peaceable means-we can only succeed by making the law not only the shield to defend us, but also to turn it into a weapon of offence against our enemies.

"A PROCLAMATION. " ANGLESEY.

"And whereas, we deem the said associa tion, assembly, or body of persons, and the meetings thereof, to be dangerous to the public peace and safety, and inconsistent with the due administration of the law:

"Given at his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, the 13th day of January, 1831.

By his Excellency's Command,
"E. G. STANLEY.
"God save the King!

The publication of the above Proclamation drew from Mr. O'Connell two Letters addressed to the people of Ireland. They are to the following effect :

"TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND.
"Merrion-square, Jan. 14, 1831.
"And thrice he slew the slain.'
"FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN,-Lord Anglesey

"Whereas, By an Act passed in the 10th year of his late Majesty's reigu, entitled' An Act for the suppression of dangerous associations or assemblies in Ireland,' a power is vested in the Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland, by his or their proclamation or order, to prohibit or suppress the meeting of any association, as-is what they call a Great Captain, and a resembly, or body of persons in Ireland, which be or they shall deem to be dangerous to the public peace or safety, or inconsistent with the due administration of the law, or any adjourned, renewed, or otherwise continued meeting of the same, or of any part thereof, under any name, pretext, or device whatso

nowned military man, but he carries on the political warfare more in the fashion of the savages of New Zealand than in the modes adopted by civilized natious. Not content with having found amongst the almost forgotten dead two of the intended societies strangled in their birth by the Duke of Northumberland-and which societies Lord Angle"And whereas an association, assembly, or sey, who is a man of honour, declared, in his body of persons, assuming the following de-letter to Mr. Kertland, he would not touchnominations, or some of them, that is to say, The Society of the Friends of Ireland of all Religious Persuasions;The Irish Society

ever.

but having found them dead, and having himself, contrary to that declaration, slaughtered two or three more, like a Zealander over the

with any previous body or assembly. It is, in short, an attempt to violate law, by perverting grammar, and to make men who have constituted a body still continue to constitute that body, although that body has been totally and for ever dissolved.

foes who have been slain, comes with his Pro- | acting as individuals, and wholly unconnected clamation club, and breaks the limbs and batters the faces of those already deprived of life, "This new Proclamation is, therefore, in its nature, silly and absurd. It is, in one view of it, the most foolish Proclamation that ever issued, merely showing a childish and peevish disposition, without the power to be mischievous.

"It is, in other words, saying, that because a man once belonged to a body, or assembly, he must always belong to it. But the reply is, that body, or assembly, is extinct. No matter, says this proclamation, it must continue for the purposes of proscription, outlawry, despotism, and punishment, although, in truth and in fact, it has no longer any real exeistence. Such is this attempt to extend a despotic statute.

the spirit of the Act. Bad as that letter and spirit are in themselves, they are not sufficiently destructive to freedom for some of the advisers of Lord Anglesey.

"Before I proceed, let me once again conjure every man, woman, aye and child, in Ireland, to recollect that we are busied in a struggle for national independence by the restoration of a domestic legislature. Let every human being recollect that year after year, since the Union, Ireland has become more and more exhausted. The drain of absenteeism-the drain of eight millions of "It is easy to see through this machinery. pounds sterling every year, has had its na- This is an effort to extend, by equitable contural effect, aggravated almost to madness as struction, a most penal, unconstitutional, and the misery of Ireland is by the heartless Sub-despotic statute, beyond the letter and even letting Act. Famine succeeds famine in a country which exports more of the prime necessaries of life, in provisions of all kinds, than any other country on the face of the earth. Every succeeding famine becomes "The former Proclamation I declared to more and more desolating, and the famine be consistent with law. This I affirm to go which threatens us in the year 1831 promises beyond the law, and to be an attempt to make to be more horribly afflicting than any that a despotic authority which the law has not went before it. Remember that we, the anti-vested in any person. For the abuse of the Unionists, are struggling to apply the only legal power in the former Proclamation, the efficacious remedy to all these evils; and advisers of them might, if the Parliament then, my friends, do recollect, let it never be thought fit, be impeached. I have no hesitaforgotten, that the only mode to obtain re- tion in saying that this Proclamation is in dress or relief for Ireland is by a peaceable, itself an impeachable offence; and the mo legal, and constitutional course. He who ment I see a popular House of Commons, I violates the law is a vile enemy of the free-pledge myself to bring it before that House, dom and happiness of Ireland. Let there be with a view to salutary punishment. no irritation, no outrage, no violence. Above all things, avoid the least approach to that which the basest of the English enemies of Irish liberty do in their publications call for a crisis. Let the law be observed in every thing.

Having told you that this proclamation is, in one view of it, most miserably silly and foolish, there is another in which it is most reprehensible; it is the false accusations it contains of sedition and disaffection. There never was anything more atrociously false than the accusations of those crimes contained in this Proclamation.

"There is another falsehood suggested. It is, that the societies mentioned in the Proclamation were identical. That is totally and ludicrously untrue.

"But there is another point of view in which the present Proclamation must be considered as a wicked attempt to extend the provisions of a most despotic statute beyond its words, and far beyond its meaning. In that respect I fearlessly state, that this Proclamation is grossly and palpably illegal. It is an attempt to fix on individuals a species of outlawry. It is an attempt to extend a law, intended only for an assembly or body of persons, acting in a species of corporate or general capacity, to private individuals,

"Let me, however, inform the public, that this Proclamation does not affect any meeting for petition-at least that every peaceable meeting for the purpose of petitioning, the Parliament may be held, notwithstanding this Proclamation. Let there be meetings of every trade, occupation, and district in Ireland, to petition for the Repeal of the Union. Let there be a petition voted and transmitted by every parish in Ireland-let the parishes in Dublin meet-let those who have already petitioned for the Repeal of the Union, meet again) to petition for the removal of the Algeriue advisers of these despotic Proclama tious. In short, this is the time to meet again and again, to petition, and to show thereby that we are not willing slaves.

Every part of Europe, and of the civilised world, is in a progress to freedom. In Ireland alone is it deemed wise to exercise despotic power. People of Ireland, patienceobey the law-resort to no violence, to no secret societies-patience! obey the lawand, believe me, that those who now insult a loyal and a peaceable nation will fail in their endeavours to obstruct us in our determination to obtain legislative independence.

"I am, fellow-countrymen, "Your devoted servant,

“DANIEL O'CONNELL".