tender to my readers, whom, however, I beg to read these documents with the greatest posible attention, they will then understand the nature of the quarrel, and will easily be able to determine which of the two parties are in the wrong. "By the Lord-Lieutenant-General and General-Governor of Ireland, "A PROCLAMATION. "ANGLESEY-Whereas, by an Act passed in the 10th year of his late Majesty's reign, entitled An Act for the Suppression of Dangerous Associations or Assemblies in Ireland,' a power is vested in the Lord-Lieutenant, or other Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland, by his or their proclamation or order, to protion, assembly, or body of persons, in Irehibit or suppress the meeting of any associa to be emancipated, if still living in sub- in favour of the measure of repeal. jection to this establishment? So con- When I have inserted these documents, vinced was I that the thing called I shall have some further remarks to emancipation would only give rise to a new struggle to get rid of this monstrous evil, that I petitioned the Parliament the moment the bill was passed, in language that must have convinced the two Houses, that I was ready to go upon my bare knees to prevail upon them to save England as well as Ireland from the perils that must attend an attempt to perpetuate this establishment. Unhappily my supplications were unavailing; and now the perils really seem to be at hand. The Irish people of whom Mr. O'Connell is no more than the faithful organ, now demand a repeal of the union, as the sure and certain means of getting rid of this enormous establishment. The Government are endeavour-land, which he or they shall deem to be daning to stifle the voice of the people. They have issued proclamation after proclamation having this object in view; and at last they have proceeded to the use of force in order to disperse persons assembled to discuss the subject. I know perfectly well how greatly Eng land as well as Ireland would be benefited by a repeal of the union. I shall now insert first one of the proclamations recently issued in Dublin, signed by that sensible, unassuming and high-blooded Statesman, E. G. Stanley, who had the refined taste, when he went to what he expected to be his re-election at Preston, the said assembly or body of persons, and the to make a display of his wit in a bon-meetings thereof, to be dangerous to the pubmot relative to Irish bulls, which he has lic safety, and inconsistent with the due adfound to be provided with horns as well ministration of the law. as with tongues. The next document is a speech of Mr. O'Connell's upon the subject of that proclamation; and it is one of the best that even he ever de-sembly or body of persons, and all adjourned, livered. Next comes another proclamation from E. G. Stanley, acting under the authority of the profound Lord Lieutenant, and this is followed by two proclamations from Mr. O'Connell, but then follows an account of the forcible dispersion of the people; and last comes a short extract or two from the Irish papers, which will prove to every reader that all Ireland except those who profit from the tithes and the taxes are gerous to the public peace or safety, or inconsistent with the due administration of the law, tinued meeting of the same, or of any part or any adjourned, renewed, or otherwise conthereof, under any name, pretext, or device whatsoever. "And whereas it hath been made known been in the habit of meeting, weekly, at a to us that an assembly or body of persons has place in the city of Dublin, called Holme's Hotel, Usher's-quay, and that the said assembly has been designed, and the meetings thereof held, for the purpose of disseminating seditious sentiments, and of exciting amongst his Majesty's subjects disaffection against the administration of the law, and the constituted authorities of the realm: "And whereas we deem the existence of "We, therefore, the Lord LieutenantGeneral and General Governor of Ireland, being resolved to suppress the same, do hereby prohibit the meeting of the said as renewed, or otherwise continued meetings of the same, or of any part thereof, under any name, pretext, or device whatsoever; and being determined and resolved strictly to enforce the law and penalties thereof against all persons offending in the premises, do charge and command all Mayors, Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, and all other Magistrates, officers, and others whom it may concern, to be aiding and assisting in the execution of the law in preventing the meeting of said assembly or body of persons, and all adjourned, renewed, or otherwise continued meetings of the same, or any part thereof, and in the effectual dispersion and suppression thereof, and in the detec tion and prosecution of those who, after this "By his Excellency's command, "God save the King." REPEAL OF THE UNION-ANTI-PRO- Instead of doing us mischief, it has only served to stimulate men to double energy, and it has roused to exertion those who before were apathetic. I have met, in the course of this day, twenty individuals who before had not taken part in politics, and have declared themselves decided friends to a repeal of the Union. I also see in this room, at this very moment, men whom I never knew before to take a part in agitation. (Hear.) I perceive, too, that in Orangemen and Protestants, their blood boils with still greater indignation than even mine does, at the issuing of this proclamation. They detest, even still more than I do, any attempt at gagging the public voice and popular sentiment. (Hear.) I received this day, what I should never like to get, an anoymous letter, advising that Mr. Home should petition Parliament. I do not advise him to do so; though I think he should try an action with E. G. Stanley, for depriving him of 101, a week, which he had clear out of the breakfast. (Cheers and laughter.) I purpose, gentlemen, to give three toasts, and I think we should confine ourselves to three: the first, "The People;" the second, "The King;" and the third, "The Repeal of the Union." (Cheers.) After that, any gentleman in whose face I see a speech, I will call upon him to make one by drinking his health. (Cheers and laughter.) The first toast, gentlemen, then, that I propose to you is, "The People "-it is with a proud and bounding heart I propose it to you, because the rights aud the cause of the people have been triumphant over the world. (Cheers.) In America they have succeeded in establishing free institutions and cheap governmentsHeaven bless them for it! In South America and on the continent, liberty has been triumphant over bigotry and despotism. Ju Ireland, we are still struggling to obtain liberty and constitutional independence for the people YESTERDAY evening, in consequence of an advertisement from Mr. O'Connell, calling upon his friends to meet him, at six o'clock, in Hayes's Tavern, Dawson-street, there were, long before six o'clock, upwards of three hundred applicants for tickets; but the rooms not being capable of accommodating more than half that number, one hundred and fifty sat down to dinner. A good substantial repast was provided for the company; as usual, the Government reporters were in attendance. Mr. O'CONNELL, immediately upon the cloth being removed, rose to address the assembly, amid the most enthusiastic cheers. As we have, said he, met for business, and not for the mere purpose of amusement, the sooner, I think, we proceed with the business, the better. You all know that we are assembled here in consequence of another exceedingly foolish exhibition of power. It is idle to suppose that the exercise of that power can be injurious to the popular cause, much less is it probable that such proceedings can convince the people that it is best for Ireland to have a government uncontrolled by an Irish Parliament-that they should be at the mercy of a British Minister, and without the shield of an Irish Parliament to protect their rights and guard their liberties. (Hear, hear.) Every additional Proclamation can have but this effect-to increase our exertions, to redouble our energies, and to add to our desire to attain that which can alone be the salvation to see our Parliament restored to us, and of Ireland-the Repeal of the Union. (Hear, our country enjoying all those blessings which hear, and cheers.)` In point of fact, caù auy- nature and nature's God intended for her. thing be more foolish than these prolama- (Hear, hear, and cheers.) It is melancholy tions? Do they imagine, that by preventing now for me to look upon the wreck of the us from assembling at one place they can Marquess of Anglesey's character. I cannot binder us from meeting somewhere else? All look upon the prostration of that character they can do by their last proclaination is to without some feelings of affectionate solicitude prevent us from breakfasting at Home's. We for one who, I had hoped, would never have may, for instance, meet here to-morrow and thus lowered himself. There is but one bright breakfast; if they proclaim us down here, we spot about him as a politician-he has been can go to another tavern; then we have all lucky once, by accident; and having then the public-houses to go to, and, after that, we acted well, I should wish him never to act ill. can have the private houses. (Cheers and Up to that period, however, he was not a very laughter.) My two drawing-rooms are as consistent politician. I recollect, in 1825, his large as these rooms. Some of my independ-"sword speech," upon which I was then ent and particular friends can meet ine there; and I shall be extremely happy that my friends, the reporters, will also come there to breakfast with me. (Cheers aud laughter.) If they should issue a proclamation against my house, then we have five thousand other houses in Dublin, which will do equally well. (Hear, and cheers.) In my opinion, then, the proclamation is as foolish as it is absurd. obliged to comment at some length. That speech, however, was an exceedingly awkward one at the time. Why did he then speak of the sword? But he had the good fortune to come to Ireland at a lucky period, and he had common sense enough to bend to the circumstances by which he was surrounded. Swift, in his Instructions to Servants, says to them, "If you could once be so lucky as to be right, and your master in the wrong, | pap, it should not give us bad words, and this you would make out a pretty livelihood on it is a fostering Government. (Cheers.) But for the remainder of your existence. When- this fostering Government is anxious for our ever you committed a second error, you could prosperity. They may pray for it, and I say to him, 'Oh, Sir, do you recollect how therefore will not dispute with them about wrong you were at one time?'" (Laughter.) their anxiety. I dare say they are anxious. Thus it is with Lord Anglesey. He is like (Hear!) He then says his Government "is the truant servant, and being once right, he incessantly occupied with the care of correcthas, he thinks, a privilege to be for evering abuses." What abuses? (Hear!) If wrong. Now I will allow for his being once they have been incessantly engaged in corright the commission of two errors, and will recting them, I should be glad to know what have a balance-sheet of Proclamations against is the single abuse they have corrected, touched him. (Cheers and laughter.) He has, I upon, or even pointed out? What have they think, taken an exceedingly wrong course. even said they are going to do with the repeal What right, I would ask, has he to vitu- of the Subletting Act-that act which the last perate and abuse us, or why should he travel Government was going to amend by making beyond the matter of his Proclamation to it worse! What have they done with the heap censure upon us? It is too bad that he Vestry Bill? What with the abuses of the should be abusing us, and praising himself Grand Jury Laws? What have they said for nothing. (Cheers and laughter.) When about opening the Corporations, and destroythe weavers thought of presenting him au ing the monopoly that now exists in them? address, some of them asked me my opinion But are they, above all things, assailing that about the propriety of doing so; I told them master abuse-the enormous temporalities of that I thought they would obtain but little the Established Church? (Hear, hear.) Are from it, except hearing some of their best they going to put a tax of 75 per cent. upon friends abused! However, said I to them, absentees? or have they even promised to take care that there be nothing reprobatory revive the statute that was formerly passed of the repeal of the Union introduced into against them? (Hear.) What are they going your address. "Never fear, Sir," said one of to do with the police? Where have they spoken them to me, "we understand the thing well, even of a reform of the Law Courts? (Hear, and will attend to it." (Cheers.) But, said hear.) No-he does not say one word of I to them, throw in as much fulsome flattery correcting one of those abuses; but he praises as your conscience will allow you, and your himself, and issues his proclamations, while stomachs can bear. (Laughter.) When you the letter to Mr. Kertland is still fresh before set about it, praise him as much as you like, him, in which he declared that he would and, depend upon it, you cannot praise him allow fair and full discussion. (Hear, and as much as he wishes; and whatever you be cheers.) If this be a fostering Government. deficient in, you may depend on it he will and incessantly engaged in correcting abuses, make it up in praising himself. (Cheers aud I ask what is the abuse they have correctedlaughter.) I was right in my estimate of what is it, where is it, when have they corthe gallant Marquess; and now mark what rected it? (Hear, and cheers.) He then he says of himself and his government- says his fostering Government is amending While," he says, a fostering government the laws-what laws have they amended? is anxious for its (Ireland's) prosperity, is No-I can only find him issuing proclamaincessantly occupied with the care of correct- tions, and assailing us in language which ing abuses, of amending laws, and devising should not have been put into any public documeans for general improvemeut, other par- ment that comes from the Representative of ties, as if to counteract those salutary mea-Majesty-listen to his address" other parties sures, are perseveringly and mischievously as if to counteract these salutary measures "putting forward fresh pretexts for agitation." what measures ?-" are perseveringly and What is the first thing he says of his mischievously putting forward fresh pretexts government ? That it is a fostering for agitation.' Fresh pretexts for agitation! Government." A fostering Government! Oh! then the old agitation was a pretext What does it foster, barring Jack Dogherty, also. (Hear.) I understand you, Marquess whom it has fostered until he is a fiue, fat, of Anglesey; it was Emancipation that filled plump chap enough. (Laughter.) "A fos- the sails of your political character with the tering Government!" If he had said a pro- favouring winds of popular applause; but clamation Government-if he had said a that now has become stale. (Hear, hear, and scolding Government-if he had said an cheers.) I have always told the Marquess of abusive Government, then I could easily Anglesey, both in public and in private, that understand him. (Laughter and cheers.) I looked for Emancipation, not because it wish there was some one amongst us who had would be a triumph over Orangemen or Proa talent for caricaturing, and would draw a testants, but that I and my Catholic countrylikeness of the Marquess of Anglesey as "umen might grasp the right hand of friendship fostering government," with Paddy Mahony pulling out of one dug, and Paddy Murphy dragging away at the other. (Loud laughter.) What does it foster? If it does not give us with them. (Cheers.) It was, that by being on terms of equality with each other we might combine and struggle for the happiness and independence of our common country. (Hear, and deeply and bitterly do those who are on the other side hate that press for the services it has done, ahd the good that it is rendering to the Irish people. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) They may punish, they may incarcerate the persons belonging to that press, but they cantheir vengeance upon the press, but it will scorn their puny efforts, and it will survive to be hailed by the praises, and receive the benediction of au emancipated people. (Cheers.) I have already observed that it is melancholy to look upon the wreck of public and political charac and cheers.) He then continues by saying, to her free, honest, and independent press "This suffering country, with the fairest prospect of rapid improvement, if allowed to repose, may, if the present exhausting excitement be permitted to continue, be soon disabled from reaping the benefits projected by a patriot King and an honest Government." Where, I ask, is its prosperity and its rapid improve-not, shall not, ruin them-they may exercise ment? Is it to be found in Mr. Spring Rice's reports, the juggle and delusion of which I have already exposed? What, I then ask, would be the advantage of repose to Ireland? If the people of Ireland want to sleep, what would they be the better of it? (Hear, hear.) Repose can only be the result of the most des-ter; but upon how many shores do we find the perate tyranny, or it must be the result of great prosperity in a country, and which must set at defiance the attempt of every demagogue to disturb its peace. (Hear, hear.) It is not my individual character-it is not the long series of years I have devoted to your use-it is not my services to Ireland-and, if I may so call them, it is not the conviction of any honesty which you believe me to possess-it is not my devotion (for my vanity suggests to me that you know it) to see my country what she ought to be, great aud happy-it is not all these that have brought you here to-day; but that which has made you assemble together is the last proclamation of the Marquess of Anglesey. (Hear, and cheers.) And yet they speak to me of repose. What is the repose they want? Surely it is not that unnatural repose which the Roman historiau has long since described, "Ubique solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant." (Hear.) Or is it that repose of which the Poet thus speaks : "Here pale Melancholy sits, and round her throws characters of the Whigs scattered. (Hear.) While thinking upon the contradictory terms of the Marquess of Anglesey's Proclamation, and his letter to Mr. Kertland, I wished to see what was the excuse given by the Whigs for passing this Algerine act. I accordingly turned to the Mirror of Parliament. In that work I read the discussion on that Bill, which authorises the Marquess of Anglesey to issue his Proclamations. The discussion took place in the mouth of February, 1829, and I would be glad to know who was the first man who condemned this Bill in the House of Commons-who, think you, was it did so? It was E. G. Stanley. (Hear, hear; groans and laughter.) Here is E. G. Stauley, our new Secretary! here he is making a speech against the new bill, which gives him the power of putting his name to a Proclamation. (Hear.) Here he is, making a speech against it on the 10th of February, 1829. (Laughter.) Lord Althorp, who is now Chancellor of the Exchequer, also spoke against this bill. I was then in London. I spoke to several of the Whigs. I certainly did not speak to Mr. A death-like silence and a drear repose." Stanley, and I pressed them to oppose it, even Repose! it cannot be good for a country which though it was made a condition of Emancipais suffering under so many evils. By repose, tion. (Hear.) Hear what Lord Althorp says have waters become stagnant; they fill with respecting it:-"It may appear like a parapoisonous matter, and throw forth a mephitic dox; but the very extraordinary powers vapour fatal to those who come within its in-granted by this proposed measure make it, fluence; while, in the moral as in the political in my opinion, less dangerous, because it is world, if there exist requisite and salutary impossible that any House of Commons, or any agitation, that agitation serves to free the Parliament, can wish to draw such a measure waters of every impure ingredient. They into a precedent." Lord Althorp is now one burst in bubbling and gay fountains, and dit- of the Cabinet. I ask him will he draw this fuse health, pleasure, happiness, and comfort measure into a precedent. (Hear.) Listen in every country through which they flow. now to the Whig speech of Mr. Stanley :(Cheers.) Repose! repose beneath Procla"Sir: If this measure were to be considered mations repose with 100 men to send to Par- as a substantive and distinct measure, standliament, where we should have 300, and this ing by itself, not even the details which the 100 men to oppose 552 in England-repose right hon. Gentleman has entered into, nor while there are twenty-two rotten boroughs the arguments he has used, would have inin Ireland for Euglishmen to buy, and baser duced me, for one, or any Gentleman on this Irishmen to sell them. Repose! while we side of the House, to accede even to this preare ground down by tolls and customs of petty, liminary step-the motion for leave to bring paltry, pettyfogging Corporations, who inso- in the Bill. I, therefore, wish it to be distinctly lently trample upon us. (Hear, hear, hear.) understood, that, if to this measure we accede, No, Ireland never can repose while she has we do so not as to a measure standing by these and so many other grievances to com- itself, but as part of the great question it is plain of. (Hear.) It is evident that an attempt intended to bring under the consideration of will be made here to put down the press. the House." (Hear, hear, hear.) I say now (Hear.) Ireland owes a deep debt of gratitude to Mr. Stanley that emancipation has been carried; the Act is now "a substantive and and its seat is the bosom of 7,000,000 of its distinct measure"-it is no longer "a pre- population. It is therefore idle to talk of liminary step." Why, then, will he act upon putting down the Catholic Association, except it? (Hear, hear.) Mr. Stanley, however, by removing the causes to which the Catholic continues by saying, “I consider the proposed Association owes its existence." (Hear.) So measure of coercion as being ultimately I say of our meetings. Putting down Home's blended with the promised one of coucilia- breakfast cannot put down the question of the tion; and unless I did so consider it, I never repeal of the Union; it is not a corporeal could give any consent to it, as it would, in being; its spirit is to be found in the grievmy opinion, not only be nugatory, but worse ances of the people; in the sufferings which than nugatory-destructive to the tranquillity Orangemen, Protestants, and Catholics are of the empire." (Hear and cheers.) De equally obliged to endure. (Cheers.) I wish structive to the tranquillity of the empire! now to read to you the observatious of Mr. Read that to-morrow, Marquess of Anglesey, Henry Brougham upon this Bill:-" I feel it and then tell Ireland that she is in want of my duty, Sir, to say a few words to the House repose. There is what your Secretary says on the second reading of this Bill; from of the Algerine Act; but he continues which, though I cannot give it my support, I "If the right hon. Gentleman had asked for am willing to withdraw my opposition. I will permanent power, I would have been the at ouce declare that I cannot vote for it on first to oppose the granting it. But a measure any other ground than my conviction that it not of permanent infringement on the constitu- is to be followed up by a measure of emancition, but as a temporary deviation therefrom, pation for the Catholics. If it were not for giving those powers necessary at the present that consideration, I would not allow it to go moment, I assent to, with the strict understand-through a single stage without meeting it ing that the measure of conciliation will fol- with the most strenuous opposition. I object low close upon the heels of the measure of to this Bill in the first place, because it is to coercion." * (Hear, hear, hear.) Infringe- put down the Catholic Association. I object ment on the Constitution! And here is a to this Bill, in the next place, because it Secretary acting on what he himself terms makes the suppression of that Association per"an infringement on the Constitution." petual. I object to this Bill again, because it (Cheers and laughter.) In the same debate arms the Lord Lieutenant with what I must Mr. Robert Grant took a part, and here are his ever consider unconstitutional power; and 1 words respecting the Algerine Act-"I am object to this Bill still more, because it arms almost afraid of this bill, as it looks like that the Local Magistracy with authority, which I kind of legislation which has been so often tried dread much more than the power that it vests for Ireland, which always failed to produce the in the hands of so responsible a magistrate as intended tranquillity." (Hear, and cheers.) the Lord Lieutenant." (Hear, hear.) The That Mr. Robert Grant now belongs to the man who delivered this speeca is now Lord Government. Will he now try one of those Chancellor. I call upon him from this place, measures which he himself allows never either to resign his office, or whistle back "produced the intended tranquillity in Ire- Lord Auglesey. (Hear.) Let him have Lord land?" (Hear.) I shall now read you a Anglesey, the Lord Lieutenant who would use passage from Mr. Huskisson's speech, in the power he has thus described, immediately which he thus speaks of the Algerine Act: recalled. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) "If it (says Mr. Huskisson) had been pro- If he will not do so, then, Henry Brougham, posed by itself, I should have been bound to Europe shall be filled with my voice-as I consider it as a total suspension of the Consti-exclaim against you, it shall echo with the tution in Ireland." (Hear, hear.) Such is the cry, that a man now keeps his place in preopinion of the Whigs of this Act. Now, mark ference to his principles, and that he prefers what Lord Palmerston, one of the present office to consistency. But I wish now to Government, says of this Act:-"My first refer you to the speeches in the House of objection to the present measure is, that it is Lords on the bill. I shall first refer you to unnecessary, considering the course which we the speech of Lord Clanricarde, and I do so, are now going to pursue; and my next objec- because he and his party are now in power. tion is, that if we do not follow that course, it These are his words on the bill, in the House is perfectly ineffectual, for there is not an Act of Lords, on the 19th of February, 1829 :of Parliament, consistent with the spirit of the " Were I to confine my observation to it English Constitution, which can put down the exclusively, I would say that it is not a bill of Catholic Association, except emancipation. which I approve, because it is unconstitutional Put down the Catholic Association! you may in its principle; for if the root of the evil were as well talk of putting down the winds of not to be removed, and this bill became perheaven, or chaining the ceaseless tides of the manent, it would put an end to the British ocean. The Catholic Association has been Constitution in that part of his Majesty's dospoken of to-night as if it were a corporeal minions in Ireland." (Hear, hear, and being, capable of being grasped by the arm of cheers.) If the Irish people take my advice the law. This is folly; for the Catholic if they be peaceable, if they keep themAssociation is the people of Ireland. Its selves within the law, they cannot be deprived spirit is caused by the grievance of the nation, of the benefits of the constitution. (Hear, |