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him. We believe that his lordship committed an error in not persisting in his resignation when the Premier declined to substitute Lord Palmerston for the Duke of Newcastle. We said this last month, and are glad to find that his lordship agrees with us. The explanations of the Duke of Newcastle in the Lords, and of Mr. Gladstone in the Commons, certainly leave an unfavorable impression respecting the ex-President of the Council

, which the adroitness and skill of his lordship fail to remove. It was due to his colleagues that they should know his views on so leading a point, and every fair means should have been taken to ascertain whether their concurrence might not be secured. This, however, his lordship did not do, and failing this, he has laid himself

open to suspicion of the worst kind. His position was in consequence a false one,, and when at length he stood face to face with Mr. Roebuck, we can readily understand his coming to the conclusion that there was no other safe or honorable course for him but to resign. To have opposed the motion for inquiry would have been dishonest in the last degree, whilst to resign office inevitably exposed him to misconstruction of a serious and damaging order. His lordship has done much to consolidate the Coalition Cabinet, and the fear of its dissolution probably retained him in his place until he felt that personal as well as official integrity was perilled. When this was the case, such a man-whatever his enemies may allege-would not hesitate a moment. Before dismissing this topic we must add, that while we regret the noble lord's resignation was not tendered earlier, we cannot avoid the impression that it was hastily, and with apparent pleasure, received. There is something more here than meets the eye, and we wait in hope of future explanation.

Lord Russell's Vienna mission is a wise step. It carries with it the confidence and approval of the country, indicating the harmony which subsists between himself and the Premier, and assuring us that the honor of England will be faithfully maintained in the negotiations which are being carried on. Our past diplomacy has covered us with shame. Let us hope that some improvement will be visible in the consultations in which his lordship takes part.

MR. ROEBUCK'S MOTION HAS BEEN PRODUCTIVE OF A SECOND MINISTERIAL Crisis. Parliament re-assembled on the 16th, and the new Premier did his utmost to induce the Commons to forego the inquiry on which they had resolved. It would be useless,' he said, 'to dissemble the difficulty which meets us and stares us in the face, from the notice of motion which my hon. and learned friend has given for Thursday next;' and he then proceeded with singular infelicity to illustrate the position of the Government and the Commons by referring to the case of Richard II. and Wat Tyler. 'If the House of Com. mons,' said his lordship, with marvellous effrontery, will now forego this committee, the Government will be your committee, and we will leave you to judge, by the results of our efforts, whether you will be satisfied with the inquiries and improvements we make, or whether you will afterwards choose to institute a somewhat more formal and parliamentary investigation of your own. The full significancy of this language was not at the time understood. Neither the House nor the country ima6th, adverting to the negotiations then pending, said, “If anybody throw any difficulty in his way, it was in his power to put aside that difficulty and to say to the person so attempting to create it, “Stand aside, I will put into office those who, if they do not attain the confidence of this House, will through me attain the confidence of the country, and I will do for the country that which I think the country desires I should do-namely, form an Administration regardless of party and of personal considerations.” If the noble lord acted upon that principle, sure he was that he would attain the confidence of the country, and attaining that he might rest content, and not wish for any other kind of confidence.'* One thing is apparent; inquiry is called for and it must be had. The nation has been outraged and will never be satisfied until delinquents are dismissed from the public service, and our governmental offices are freed from the miserable system which now renders them standing monuments of imbecility and neglect. We have been termed a nation of shopkeepers. The epithet has been intended as a reproach. We have admitted it, however, so far as it betokens a large infusion of business habits. This has been our boast, but it must be so no longer. A more inefficient, dilatory, bungling, and wasteful system was never adopted than that which is seen in our Eastern operations. Our offices at home have been in perpetual collision, and abroad our service has been in a condition too disgraceful to be appropriately designated. Our army has been starving, half-naked, and houseless, whilst food, clothing, and huts have been abundant in their neighbourhood. Our hospitals have been mere charnel-houses, where our wounded and dying soldiers have looked in vain for the medical attendance and sanitary regulations which their condition required. For details we refer to the daily press. They are too sickening to be specified, and too numerous to admit of doubt. We will mention only two facts of which we are personally cognizant. A ship-broker has just informed us that the French government has received from its agents in the Crimea so laudatory an account of the arrangements on board the steamers sent out by Sir Morton Peto and his partners to Balaklava, and of the admirable condition in which the men and horses have arrived, that they have commissioned him to make inquiries after vessels of similar construction and size. It is needless to contrast this fact with the accounts received of our government transports, nor does any information of the kind appear to have been transmitted to our authorities. It is also within our knowledge that several steamers engaged by private parties at the same time when others were taken up by the government

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sacrificed to the dictate of private friendship and party alliance. The grounds of their secession, as set forth on the 23d, are utterly unsatisfactory. As the Times of the 24th remarks, 'All that the public will see in this special pleading is an elaborate attempt to make the judge change places with the accused. If the House of Commons will only be so good as to give up inquiry on a vague promise of amendment, that will remove the very unpleasant stigma under which certain gentlemen find themselves. The country has in truth resolved on inquiry, and we rejoice that it has done so. In the language of Sir J. Graham, we want to know the reason why' our money has been wasted, our honour tarnished, and our soldiers have perished. It is right that we should be told this, and we have no faith in any other investigation than that which is conducted by an independent and earnest tribunal. We have no faith in men who, as long as they were able, concealed from us the true state of the case, and now proffer future amendment as a reason why past delinquencies should be overlooked. The occasion was too tempting for Mr. Disraeli's evil genius, and we are not therefore surprised at the poor taunts with which he sought to throw discredit on his opponents. Had he been wise, he would not have added to the evidence previously furnished by himself and his leader of deep mortification at the failure of a Derby-Disraeli Government; but the silence which would have been dignified was surrendered at the bidding of folly. Mr. Roebuck's committee was afterwards appointed, and we trust that it will temperately yet firmly proceed with the inquiry intrusted to it.

What will be the result of these changes it is difficult to predict. Were the Premier equal to the occasion—did he possess, not only the nerve and the talent, but also the sagacity and high-mindedness which the position requires—he might make for himself a name not second to any in English history. We fear, however, that Lord Palmerston is not the man. His elevation is indicative of the domination of other interests than those of inflexible and far-seeing patriotism, and we tremble lest he should substitute for the fearless bearing and lionhearted integrity which the times require the effete and paltry tactics of a clique. Should he attempt to fill up the vacancies created by mere aristocratic men, looking rather to the ort of a few distinguished families than to the sympathy and confidence of a nation ; should he seek to perpetuate the system which supposes statesmanship to be inherent in certain houses, and public offices to be the right of a clique, his failure will be miserable and well-merited. The superficial popularity attaching to his name will speedily be lost, and he will be known to posterity, not as the vigorous and successful minister who redeemed our affairs from disaster, but as the man who sacrificed on the altar of party, or rather to the lust of power, the noblest opportunity ever enjoyed of combining public advantage with personal fame. We are not unaware of the difficulties which oppose themselves to such a course, and we fear the Premier is not the man to despise them. Of athis, however, we feel confident, that no other course will save his in ırdship's Cabinet, or retrieve our country from disgrace, and save our not ny from ruin. We perfectly agree with Mr. Roebuck, who, on the

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6th, adverting to the negotiations then pending, said, “If anybody throw any difficulty in his way, it was in his power to put aside that difficulty and to say to the person so attempting to create it, “Stand aside, I will put into office those who, if they do not attain the confidence of this House, will through me attain the confidence of the country, and I will do for the country that which I think the country desires I should do-namely, form an Administration regardless of party and of personal considerations." If the noble lord acted upon that principle, sure he was that he would attain the confidence of the country, and attaining that he might rest content, and not wish for any other kind of confidence."* One thing is apparent; inquiry is called for and it must be had. The nation has been outraged and will never be satisfied until delinquents are dismissed from the public service, and our governmental offices are freed from the miserable system which now renders them standing monuments of imbecility and neglect. We have been termed a nation of shopkeepers. The epithet has been intended as a reproach. We have admitted it, however, so far as it betokens a large infusion of business habits. This has been our boast, but it must be so no longer. A more inefficient, dilatory, bungling, and wasteful system was never adopted than that which is seen in our Eastern operations. Our offices at home have been in perpetual collision, and abroad our service has been in a condition too disgraceful to be appropriately designated. Our army has been starving, half-naked, and houseless, whilst food, clothing, and huts have been abundant in their neighbourhood. Our hospitals have been mere charnel-houses, where our wounded and dying soldiers have looked in vain for the medical attendance and sanitary regulations which their condition required. For details we refer to the daily press. They are too sickening to be specified, and too numerous to admit of doubt. We will mention only two facts of which we are personally cognizant. A ship-broker has just informed us that the French government has received from its agents in the Crimea so laudatory an account of the arrangements on board the steamers sent out by Sir Morton Peto and his partners to Balaklava, and of the admirable condition in which the men and horses have arrived, that they have commissioned him to make inquiries after vessels of similar construction and size. It is needless to contrast this fact with the accounts received of our government transports, nor does any information of the kind appear to have been transmitted to our authorities. It is also within our knowledge that several steamers engaged by private parties at the same time when others were taken up by the government

* We are grieved to learn from the journals of the 26th that our worst fears are realized. A purely Whig Administration has been formed. To adopt the language of the Daily News, It is vain to try to conceal the disappointment and discontent with which the country will receive the announcement that the Government is once more to be monopolized by the members of a few great families, their retainers, and nominees. Lord Palmerston has made his choice, and he will rue it. Lord John Russell takes the Colonies, and has issued an Address to his constituents. We cannot add more.

have arrived with their cargoes at Balaklava before the latter vesse.s had left the Thames.

THE SUBJECT OF NATIONAL EDUCATION HAS BEEN AGAIN SUBMITTED TO THE HOUSE. On Tuesday, the 23rd of January, Lord John Russell

gave notice that on the following Friday he should move for leave to bring in a Bill on this subject. This was prevented by the ministerial changes which speedily took place, but on the 8th of last month his lordship, “as a private member of Parliament,' brought on his motion, purposely abstaining from entering on a discussion of the measure, and simply urging “ that the Bill should be placed before the House, that it might be printed, and its provisions made known to the country.' Leave having been obtained, the Bill was brought in and read a first time. It consists of twenty-two clauses, and is certainly an improvement on its predecessors. As the “Nonconformist of the 14th observes, “It leaves almost everything to local authority, insisting only on government inspection. Its machinery is simple. Its provisions liberal. It is the fairest embodiment of an unsound principle which has yet been put forth—so fair, that we can hardly anticipate that a dominant Church will acquiesce in its adoption.'

The main provisions of the Bill are-that Town Councils at meetings duly convened, where two-thirds of their members are present, may determine on a scheme of education to be submitted to the Education Committee of the Privy Council, and that in case such scheme be approved by the committee, it may be carried into effect, a rate for its support being levied, not to exceed sixpence in the pound. The plan is adapted further to parishes in which no municipal government exists, and may be altered from time to time with the approval of the Committee of Council. The management of the school is to be vested in the Town Council or Vestry, subject to government inspection, and to the rights of trustees or special visitors in the case of schools previously existing. The Scriptures are to be read, but no child of a Roman Catholic or Jew is required to be present without the sanction of his parents or guardians, and in no such school are the children of Protestant Dissenters, Roman Catholics, or Jews, to be required to learn the catechism, attend' on church or other religious observances' without similar approval. We are glad that the Bill has been printed, as it will afford the opportunity to all parties of acquainting themselves with its provisions, and would advise our friends carefully to reflect upon them, and to prepare their measures wisely for the course to be pursued. Much" has been gained by frequent discussion of the subject. The form in which it is now presented is unquestionably superior to its former appearances. Some objections are entirely obviated, and the force of others is considerably diminished. Still we abide by our objection to State interference in such matters. It will injure rather than benefit. The temporary good it accomplishes will be far outweighed by the evils it engenders. We have recently had another and most distressing illustration of the bungling manner in which Government competes with the private trader, and we see no reason to suppose that education will constitute an exception to the general law.

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