sacrificed to the dictate of private friendship and party alliance. The grounds of their secession, as set forth on the 23d, are utterly unsatisfactory. As the Times' of the 24th remarks, 'All that the public will see in this special pleading is an elaborate attempt to make the judge change places with the accused. If the House of Commons will only be so good as to give up inquiry on a vague promise of amendment, that will remove the very unpleasant stigma under which certain gentlemen find themselves.' The country has in truth resolved on inquiry, and we rejoice that it has done so. In the language of Sir J. Graham, we want to know the reason why' our money has been wasted, our honour tarnished, and our soldiers have perished. It is right that we should be told this, and we have no faith in any other investigation than that which is conducted by an independent and earnest tribunal. We have no faith in men who, as long as they were able, concealed from us the true state of the case, and now proffer future amendment as a reason why past delinquencies should be overlooked. The occasion was too tempting for Mr. Disraeli's evil genius, and we are not therefore surprised at the poor taunts with which he sought to throw discredit on his opponents. Had he been wise, he would not have added to the evidence previously furnished by himself and his leader of deep mortification at the failure of a Derby-Disraeli Government; but the silence which would have been dignified was surrendered at the bidding of folly. Mr. Roebuck's committee was afterwards appointed, and we trust that it will temperately yet firmly proceed with the inquiry intrusted to it.

What will be the result of these changes it is difficult to predict. Were the Premier equal to the occasion-did he possess, not only the nerve and the talent, but also the sagacity and high-mindedness which the position requires-he might make for himself a name not second to any in English history. We fear, however, that Lord Palmerston is not the man. His elevation is indicative of the domination of other interests than those of inflexible and far-seeing patriotism, and we tremble lest he should substitute for the fearless bearing and lionhearted integrity which the times require the effete and paltry tactics of a clique. Should he attempt to fill up the vacancies created by mere aristocratic men, looking rather to the support of a few distinguished families than to the sympathy and confidence of a nation; should he seek to perpetuate the system which supposes statesmanship to be inherent in certain houses, and public offices to be the right of a clique, his failure will be miserable and well-merited. The superficial popularity attaching to his name will speedily be lost, and he will be known to posterity, not as the vigorous and successful minister who redeemed our affairs from disaster, but as the man who sacrificed on the altar of party, or rather to the lust of power, the noblest opportunity ever enjoyed of combining public advantage with personal fame. We are not unaware of the difficulties which oppose themselves to such a course, and we fear the Premier is not the man to despise them. Of athis, however, we feel confident, that no other course will save his lordship's Cabinet, or retrieve our country from disgrace, and save our arnay from ruin. We perfectly agree with Mr. Roebuck, who, on the

6th, adverting to the negotiations then pending, said, 'If anybody throw any difficulty in his way, it was in his power to put aside that difficulty and to say to the person so attempting to create it, "Stand aside, I will put into office those who, if they do not attain the confidence of this House, will through me attain the confidence of the country, and I will do for the country that which I think the country desires I should do-namely, form an Administration regardless of party and of personal considerations." If the noble lord acted upon that principle, sure he was that he would attain the confidence of the country, and attaining that he might rest content, and not wish for any other kind of confidence.** One thing is apparent; inquiry is called for and it must be had. The nation has been outraged and will never be satisfied until delinquents are dismissed from the public service, and our governmental offices are freed from the miserable system which now renders them standing monuments of imbecility and neglect. We have been termed a nation of shopkeepers. The epithet has been intended as a reproach. We have admitted it, however, so far as it betokens a large infusion of business habits. This has been our boast, but it must be so no longer. A more inefficient, dilatory, bungling, and wasteful system was never adopted than that which is seen in our Eastern operations. Our offices at home have been in perpetual collision, and abroad our service has been in a condition too disgraceful to be appropriately designated. Our army has been starving, half-naked, and houseless, whilst food, clothing, and huts have been abundant in their neighbourhood. hospitals have been mere charnel-houses, where our wounded and dying soldiers have looked in vain for the medical attendance and sanitary regulations which their condition required. For details we refer to the daily press. They are too sickening to be specified, and too numerous to admit of doubt. We will mention only two facts of which we are personally cognizant. A ship-broker has just informed us that the French government has received from its agents in the Crimea so laudatory an account of the arrangements on board the steamers sent out by Sir Morton Peto and his partners to Balaklava, and of the admirable condition in which the men and horses have arrived, that they have commissioned him to make inquiries after vessels of similar construction and size. It is needless to contrast this fact with the accounts received of our government transports, nor does any information of the kind appear to have been transmitted to our authorities. It is also within our knowledge that several steamers engaged by private parties at the same time when others were taken up by the government

Our

* We are grieved to learn from the journals of the 26th that our worst fears are realized. A purely Whig Administration has been formed. To adopt the language of the Daily News,' It is vain to try to conceal the disappointment and discontent with which the country will receive the announcement that the Government is once more to be monopolized by the members of a few great families, their retainers, and nominees.' Lord Palmerston has made his choice, and he will rue it. Lord John Russell takes the Colonies, and has issued an Address to his constituents. We cannot add more.

have arrived with their cargoes at Balaklava before the latter vessels had left the Thames.

THE SUBJECT OF NATIONAL EDUCATION HAS BEEN AGAIN SUBMITTED TO THE HOUSE. On Tuesday, the 23rd of January, Lord John Russell gave notice that on the following Friday he should move for leave to bring in a Bill on this subject. This was prevented by the ministerial changes which speedily took place, but on the 8th of last month his lordship, as a private member of Parliament,' brought on his motion, purposely abstaining from entering on a discussion of the measure, and simply urging that the Bill should be placed before the House, that it might be printed, and its provisions made known to the country.' Leave having been obtained, the Bill was brought in and read a first time. It consists of twenty-two clauses, and is certainly an improvement on its predecessors. As the Nonconformist' of the 14th observes, 'It leaves almost everything to local authority, insisting only on government inspection. Its machinery is simple. Its provisions liberal. It is the fairest embodiment of an unsound principle which has yet been put forth-so fair, that we can hardly anticipate that a dominant Church will acquiesce in its adoption.'

The main provisions of the Bill are-that Town Councils at meetings duly convened, where two-thirds of their members are present, may determine on a scheme of education to be submitted to the Education Committee of the Privy Council, and that in case such scheme be approved by the committee, it may be carried into effect, a rate for its support being levied, not to exceed sixpence in the pound. The plan is adapted further to parishes in which no municipal government exists, and may be altered from time to time with the approval of the Committee of Council. The management of the school is to be vested in the Town Council or Vestry, subject to government inspection, and to the rights of trustees or special visitors in the case of schools previously existing. The Scriptures are to be read, but no child of a Roman Catholic or Jew is required to be present without the sanction of his parents or guardians, and in no such school are the children of Protestant Dissenters, Roman Catholics, or Jews, to be required to learn the catechism, attend on church or other religious observances' without similar approval. We are glad that the Bill has been printed, as it will afford the opportunity to all parties of acquainting themselves with its provisions, and would advise our friends carefully to reflect upon them, and to prepare their measures wisely for the course to be pursued. Much has been gained by frequent discussion of the subject. The form in which it is now presented is unquestionably superior to its former appearances. Some objections are entirely obviated, and the force of others is considerably diminished. Still we abide by our objection to State interference in such matters. It will injure rather than benefit. The temporary good it accomplishes will be far outweighed by the evils it engenders. We have recently had another and most distressing illustration of the bungling manner in which Government competes with the private trader, and we see no reason to suppose that education will constitute an exception to the general law.

We object, moreover, and in toto, to the unconstitutional character of the Educational Committee of the Privy Council, and are not willing that the educational schemes of the country should wait the sanction of such a body. There is an assumption in this, against which we protest. Let us have the short-comings of local education rather than the torpid influence of an oligarchy, whose immediate benefit is purchased at the cost of expansive improvement and vital energy.

We had noted several other topics for remark, but our space is occupied, and we must refrain. The critical condition of our public affairs must plead our apology-if such be needed-for the attention we have given to them.

Literary Intelligence.

Just Published.

Population and Capital. Being a Course of Lectures delivered before the University of Oxford in 1853-4. By Geo. K. Rickards, M.A., Professor of Political Economy.

The Ecclesiastical Principles and Polity of the Wesleyan Methodists, comprising a Full and Impartial Account of all their Ordinances, Institutions, Laws, Regulations, &c. By William Pierce.

The Tract Magazine and Christian Miscellany. Containing various Pieces of Permanent Interest. 1854.

The Life of James Arminius, D.D., Professor of Theology in the University of Leyden, Holland. Translated from the Latin of Caspar Brandt, by John Guthrie, A.M.

Jerusalem Revisited. By W. H. Bartlett. With Illustrations.

Playing at Settlers; or, the Faggot-House. By Mrs. R. Lee. With Illustrations.

Notes on the Scripture Lessons for 1854.

Logic for the Young. Consisting of Twenty-five Lessons in the Art of Reasoning. Selected from the Logic of the Rev. Isaac Watts, D.D. By the Author of 'Logic for the Million.'

Memoirs of Anne, Duchess of Brittany, twice Queen of France. By Louisa Stuart Costello.

The Christian Life, Social and Individual. By Peter Bayne, M.A. Food and its Adulterations, comprising the Reports of the Analytical Sanitary Commission of "The Lancet' for the Years 1851 to 1854 inclusive. By Arthur Hill Hassall, M.D., Chief Assistant of the Commission.

Sappho: a Tragedy. By Franz Grillparzer. Translated by L. C. C. Missions in South India Visited and Described. By Joseph Mullens. Letters from Palestine, descriptive of a Tour through Galilee and Judea. With some Account of the Dead Sea and of the Actual State of Jerusalem. By T. R. Joliffe. Two Vols. A New Edition, much enlarged and revised throughout.

Memoir of the Rev. Joseph Entwisle, Fifty-four Years a Wesleyan Minister. With copious Extracts from his Journals and Correspondence. By his Son. 2nd Edition.

The Battle of Inkermann: a Ballad. With Balaklava, Alma, Sinope, &c. By a Retired Liverpool Merchant.

A Geographical Dictionary of the Holy Scriptures; including also Notices of the Chief Places and People mentioned in the Apocrypha. By the Rev. A. Arrowsmith, M.A.

The Life of William Cowper. With Selections from his Correspondence. Nineveh and its Ruins; or, the History of the Great City. By Robert Ferguson, LL.D., F.S.A.

Scripture Readings; or, the Bible Familiarly Explained to the Young. Edited by the Rev. Robert Jamieson, D.D. The Patriarchs.

The Nature of the Mediatorial Dispensation. By the Rev. James Meikle. Leaves from Life. By L. N. R., Author of The Book and its Story.' The Lands of the Messiah, Mahomet, and Pope, as visited in 1851. By John Alton, D.D. 3rd Edition.

A Treatise on Greek Tragic Metres. With the Choric Parts of Sophocles Metrically arranged. By Rev. Wm. Linwood, M.A., M.R.A.S. Mer-cur-ius; or, the-Word-Maker.

An Analysis of the Structure and

Rationality of Speech. By Rev. Henry Le Mesurier, M.A.

Remains of the Hon. and Rev. Somerville Hay, A.M. With an Introductory Memoir. By Thos. J. Graham, M.D.

The Dream of Pythagoras and other Poems. By Emma Tatham. 2nd Edition, revised and enlarged.

Cain. By Charles Bower.

Condensed Notes of Scripture; being Substance of Sermons preached by the late Rev. Edward Bickersteth. Selected from his MS. Sermon Notes, and Edited by his son, Edward Henry Bickersteth, A.M.

Leaves from a Family Journal. From the French of Emile Souvestre.

Grammatical Exercises on the Moods, Tenses, and Syntax of Attic Greek. By James Ferguson, M.D.

Fabiola; or, the Church of the Catacombs.

Mountains and Molehills; or, Recollections of a Burnt Journal. By Frank Marryat. With Illustrations by the Author.

Observations on the Discipline and Management of Convicts, and on Tickets of Leave. By John Field, M.A.

A Popular Harmony of the Bible. Historically and Chronologically arranged. By H. M. Wheeler.

Free Trade in Land. An Inquiry into the Social and Commercial Influence of the Laws of Succession, and the System of Entails, &c. By James Beal. Congregational Church Music. A Book for the Service of Song in the House of the Lord. General Psalmody-Treble and Alto. Ditto, Bass. A Few Words to the Jews. By One of Themselves.

Sermons, by the Rev. Abraham P. Mendes.

Psychology and Theology; or, Psychology applied to the Investigation of Questions relating to Religion, Natural Theology, and Revelation. By Richard Alliott, LL.D.

The Ethics of the Sabbath. By David Pirret.

A Word in Season; or, Comforting Thoughts to the Relatives of the Fallen Brave. By the Rev. John Cumming, D.D., F.R.S.E.

Does Christianity Sanction War? An Essay. By the Rev. J. Jenkinson,

Oakam.

Is Man Responsible for his Belief? A Lecture delivered in the City Hall, Glasgow, 23rd October, 1854. By the Rev. Brewin Grant, B.A.

Life according to the Patterns in the Heavens. A Sermon preached at Huddersfield, 21st December, 1854. By James Martineau.