much in consequence of the deep and refined speculations of philosophers and politicians, as by the concussion of discordant interests, and the hostility of contending parties. The struggles for power before the revolution were very numerous, and in some of them the rights of kings were as flagrantly insulted as those of the people. The measures frequently employed for the destruction of the constitution, particularly in the reign of James II. were the means that ultimately strengthened its powers, and gave fresh vigour to its operations. The auspicious effects and remote tendency of many transactions, which contributed to its improvement, were probably neither foreseen by the agents, nor formed any part of their plans. From the reign of John to that of William III. every attempt in the form of war, treaty, and accommodation, has been made to narrow the circle, and define the power of the royal prerogative; and the designs of every true patriot, whenever sincerely directed to the promotion of the good of the community, have ever been ultimately crowned with success. In a period the most disastrous in the modern part of our history viz. the usurpation of Cromwell, the rights of property, which is the basis of our political establishment, were grossly violated by a democratic faction. The popu lace were roused to arms to serve the ambitious purposes of hypocritical tyrants, and the monarchy was overturned. The events of past ages are recorded in vain, unless they afford useful lessons for the instruction of ourselves and our posterity. The BRITISH CONSTITUTION deserves the grateful. homage of every one who shares its blessings, and presents to the attention of the political speculatists, both of our own and other countries, the fairest theme of admiration and applause*. All the advantages of a representative republic are derived from the right of the people to choose their own members of the house of commons, and from the important privileges which those members enjoy. The house of lords forms a middle link of the political chain between the king and the people, and is peculiarly useful, when regarded as a barrier against the usurpations of arbitrary power on the one side, and the encroachments of popular licentiousness, on the other. Considered as an assembly appointed for * "The English, said the illustrious President de Montesquieu, are the most free people that ever were upon earth. England, of all the nations in the world, is that which has known how to make the most (all at the same time) of those three great things, religion, commerce, and liberty." Brissot, who perhaps paid even with his life for the opposition of his actions to his opinions, says in his letter to his constituents, "The English government, which I had investigated upon the spot, appeared to me, in spite of its defects, a model for those nations that were desirous to change their government. The work of M. De Lolme, adds he, which is no more than an ingenious panegyrick upon this excellent constitution, was at that time in the hands of the learned few. It ought to have been made known to my countrymen ; for to make it known was to make it beloved." Fas est et ab hoste doceri. Seward's Anecdotes, vol. ii, p. 386, &c. "Happy constitution! which the people who possess it did not suddenly obtain : it has cost them rivers of blood; but they have not purchased it too dear." Vattel in his Law of Nations. See the equa:ly impartial and honourable testimonies of Philip de Comines, Rapin, De Lolme, Frederick of Prussia, Beaumeile, the authors of the Encyclopedie Methodique, &c. &q the revision of such measures, as may be brought forward with precipitation, either by the king or the house of commons, they are of the highest impor tance to the state. As the king is wholly dependent upon the other branches of the constitution for pecuniary aid, he is debarred from the execution of frivolous or ambitious projects, even were his ministers inclined to suggest them; and can only execute those plans, which are determined by the voice of the majority of his parliament to be conducive to the good of the nation. The constitution of England includes the essence of the three different forms of government which prevail in the world, without their attendant disadvantages; for we have democracy without confusion, aristocracy without rigour, and monarchy without despotism. These principles are so compounded and mixed, as to form a political system, which is capable of producing more freedom, and true independence, than the renowned commonwealths of Athens and Rome could boast, or perhaps than was ever enjoyed by any other state in its highest prosperity and perfection. Here then we behold that theory reduced to practice, which one great politician of antiquity pronounced to be the best; and which another esteemed to be a fair subject of commendation; and yet if it ever should exist, he maintained that it could not be permanent. The duration, however, of our constitution for so long a period of time, has happily proved, and, by the favour of a gracious Providence, it is devoutly hoped will continue to prove to the most remote times, the fallacy of his prediction.* *Esse optime constitutam rempublicam, quæ ex trious generibus illis, regali, optimo, et populari, fit modice This is the source of social order and comfort, and from it flow the invaluable rights of free-born Englishmen. These rights consist in the full enjoyment of security, liberty, property, and the impartial administration of the laws. The Englishman, whenever he is attacked, is not condemned to silence, or left unprotected. He can exercise a censoral power over his enemies, and speak, or publish his sentiments to the world. The courts of law are open to his complaints, and he may throw himself with perfect confidence upon the upright and impartial deliberations of a jury of his equals. He can petition the king and parliament for a redress of his grievances, and he can keep arms for his defence suitable to his rank and condition: He thus enjoys all the privileges, which the social compact, when properly understood, can bestow, and his sphere of action is as enlarged as a good citizen can desire. It is indeed only confined within such limits, as guard him from actions, which would prove dishonourable to himself, and pernicious to the public. See Blackstone's Comment. vol. i, p. 50, 127. vol. iii, p. 60. vol. iv, p. 267, &c. This establishment is well adapted to the manners and character of the people. The freedom of spirit, confusa." Cicero Fragm. de Repub. lib. ii. "Cunctas nationes et urbes populus aut primores, aut singuli regunt: delecta ex his, et constituta reipublicæ forma laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest." Tacitus, Ann. Lib. iv. The original idea is to be found in Polybius: lib. vi. p. 628. vol. ii, Edit, Casaub. Upon the nature of different governments, their origin and revolutions, this profound author, whose works ought to be carefully studied by every statesman, has made some judicious remarks in his sixth book. VOL. II. 2 D which forms its basis and produces its glory; and the rational checks, which are laid upon the different branches of the legislature, accord with that complexional boldness of disposition, which is corrected by our national sedateness and deliberation of character. The temper of the people, like their climate, is variable and cloudy, continually exhibiting the most striking contrasts: but their principles of action, like those of their government and their religion, are permanent and fixed. Stern o'er each bosom reason holds her state, True to imagin'd right, above control: While even the peasant boasts those rights to scan, The mild administration of justice, and the indulgence of the law to the accused, is correspondent with that national benevolence, which, at the call of distress and indigence, pours forth a stream of bounty with a degree of copiousness unknown in any other country. The equality of the laws, extending their unbounded control, their restraints, and privileges, from the throne to the cottage, cherishes the native dignity of the Briton, and increases the intrepidity of his character. This equality is moreover an incentive to every useful enterprise, and encourages that activity of mind and body, which is natural to man. In the extension of trade and * Goldsmith's Traveller.. |