trine of satisfaction in the manner in which he explains, e. g., the sufferings in the garden of Gethsemane, and the exclamation of Christ on the cross: My God, my God, etc. Bähr, p. 147–149.

7 Comp. the 19 Tom. in Joh. Opp. iv. p. 286, and the passage before quoted from the 28 Tom, p. 393, contra Cels. i. 1, p. 349: Ὅτι ὁ σταυρωθεὶς ἑκὼν τοῦτον τὸν θάνατον ὑπὲρ τοῦ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένους ἀνεδέξατο, ἀνάλογον τοῖς ἀποθανοῦσι ὑπὲρ πατρίδων ἐπὶ τῷ σβέσαι λοιμικὰ κρατήσαντα καταστήματα ἢ ἀφορίας ἢ Svoolas. These human sacrifices were thought to be connected with the influence exerted by the demons, which was to be removed by them; see Baur, p. 45, and Mosheim, in a note to the translation of that passage, p. 70. The death of Christ-also gave an additional weight to his doctrine, and was the cause of its propagation, Hom. in Jerem. 10, 2, comp. Bähr, p. 142, who observes, that no ecclesiastical writer of this period beside Origen distinctly mentions this point. This idea bears, indeed, the greatest resemblance to the modern rationalistico-moral notions concerning the death of Christ. He also compares the death of Jesus with that of Socrates, contra Cels. ii. 17, Opp. i. p. 403, 4, and regards it as a moral lever to strengthen the courage of his followers, ibid. 40-42, p. 418, 19.

8 Clement already believed that the death of the martyrs in some degree atoned for sin, Strom. iv. 9, p. 596, comp. p. 602, 3, likewise Orig. Comm. in Joh. Opp. iv. p. 153, 54, exhort. ad Martyr. 50. Opp. i. p. 309 : Τάχα δὲ καὶ ὥσπερ τιμίῳ αἵματι τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ἠγοράσθημεν......οὕτως τῷ τιμίῳ αἵματι τῶν μαρτύρων ἀγορασθήσονταί τινες.

This view rests upon Col. i. 20, Comment. in Joh. i. 40, Opp. iv. p. 41, 42: Οὐ μόνον ὑπὲρ ἀνθρώπων ἀπέθανεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπὲρ Twν MOTO Xoyikov. De princ. iv. 25, Opp. i. p. 188. (Red. p. τῶν λοιπῶν λογικῶν. 79 and 364.) There are two altars on which sacrifice is made, an earthly and a heavenly one, Hom. in Lev. i. 3. Opp. ii. p. 186, ii. 3, ibid. p. 190, comp. Bähr, p. 119, ss. Bäur, p. 64. Thomasius, p. 214-217. Redepenning, Orig. ii. p. 463.

From all that has been said in reference to the subject in question, it would follow that the primitive church held the doctrine of vicarious sufferings, but not that of vicarious satisfaction. But we should not lay too much stress upon the negative aspect of this inference, so as to justify or to

nects this passage with 1 Cor. iv. 13, and applies to Christ in a higher degree what is there said in reference to the Apostles.

identify it with that later interpretation of the death of Jesus, which would exclude everything that is mysterious. Comp. Bähr, p. 5–8, and

176-180.

$ 69.

DESCENSUS AD INFEROS.

Dietelmaier, J. A., Historia dogmatis de descensu Christi ad inferos, Altorf. 1762, 8. Semler, J. A., Observatio historico-dogmatica de vario et impari veterum studio in recolenda historia descensus Christi ad inferos, Hal. 1775. J. Clausen, dogmatis de descensu Jesu Christi ad inferos historiam biblicam atque ecclesiasticam composuit, Hafn. 1801. Comp. Pott. Epp. cath. Exc. iii. [Comp. also, Pearson, On the Creed, v. art. and Heylyn, on the Creed, vi. art.] J. L. König, die Lehre von Christi Höllenfahrt, nach der h. Schrift, der ältesten Kirche, den christlichen Symbolen und nach ihrer viel umfassenden Bedeutung. Frankf. 1842.

We have seen that the Fathers of this period, with the exception of Origen, limited the efficacy of Christ's death to this world. But several writers of the second and third centuries thought that it was also retrospective in its effects, and inferred from some allusions in Scripture1 that Christ descended in the abode of the dead (Hades), to announce to the souls of the patriarchs, etc., which were there kept, the accomplishment of the work of redemption, and to conduct them with him into his glorious kingdom.2

1 Acts ii. 27, 31 (Rom. x. 6, 7, 8), Eph. iv. 9. 1 Pet. iii. 19, 20 (in connection with Psalm xvi. 10).-On the clause descendit ad inferos in the Apostles' creed, which is of later origin, see Rufin. expos. p. 22 (ed. Fell), King, p. 169, ss. Pott, 1. c. p. 300. [Pearson, 1. c. p. 237.]

2 Apocryphal narrative in the Ev. Nic. c. 17-27. (Thilo, Cod. Ap. i. p. 667, ss.) Ullmann, historisch oder mythisch? p. 228. An allusion is found in the Testament of the xii patriarchs, Grabe, Spic. PP. Sæc. i. p. 250. On the passage in the oration of Thaddeus quoted by Eus. i. 13: Κατέβη εἰς τὸν ᾅδην καὶ διέσχισε φραγμὸν τὸν ἐξ αἰῶνος μὴ σχισθέντα, καὶ ἀνέστη καὶ συνήγειρε νεκροὺς τοὺς ἀπ ̓ αἰώνων κεκοιμημένους, καὶ πῶς κατέβη μόνος, ἀνέβη δὲ μετὰ πολλοῦ ὄχλου πρὸς τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ, comp. Vales.

-The passage from the longer edition of Ign. Ep. ad. Trall. c. 9, ii. p. 64, is doubtful; and that from the Shepherd of Hermas, Sim. ix. c. 16, refers more properly to the Apostles. Justin M. also supposes that Christ preached in the nether world, dial. c. Tryph. § 72. Comp. Semisch, ii. p. 414. More definite is the language of Iren. iv. 27 (45), p. 264 (347), v. 31, p. 331 (451). Tert. de an. 7 and 55. Clem. Strom. vi. 6, p. 762-67, and ii. 9, p. 452 (where he quotes the passage from Hermas); the latter is inclined to extend the preaching of the Gospel to the Gentiles. Orig. contra Cels. ii. 43, Opp. i. p. 419, in libr. Reg. Hom. ii. Opp. ii. p. 492-98, especially towards the close. Comp. König. p. 97. Among the heretics we may mention the opinion of Marcion, that Christ did not deliver the patriarchs, but Cain, the people of Sodom, and all those who had been condemned by the demiurgus. Iren. i. 27 (29), p. 106 (Gr. 104). [On the opinions of the Fathers, comp. also Pearson, 1. c. p. 239, 245, ss., and Heylyn, 1. c. p. 264, ss.]

§ 70.

THE ECONOMY OF REDEMPTION.

Heubner, H. L., historia antiquior dogmatis de modo salutis tenendæ et justificationis, etc. Wittemb. 1805, 4.

From what has been said in the preceding section, it is evident that the primitive church generally believed that Jesus Christ was the only way of salvation, and the Mediator between God and man. But all men were required to appropriate to themselves, by a free and independent act, the blessings which Christ has obtained for them, and is willing to bestow upon every one.1 The forgiveness of sins was made dependent both on true repentance,2 and the performance of good works.3 It is to be regretted that the Fathers, in treating of this subject, sometimes used language which might easily be interpreted as favourable to the doctrine of the meritoriousness of good works. Nevertheless all agreed in making faith (in accordance with the apostolic doc

7

trine) the conditio sine qua non of salvation,5 and acknowledged that it alone possesses the power of making men happy by bringing about an intimate union (unio mystica) between them and God." Though the will of man was generally admitted to be free, yet it was also felt that it must be assisted by Divine grace, and thus gradually arose the idea of an eternal decree of God (predestination), which however was not yet thought to be unconditional. Origen, in particular, endeavoured to explain the relation of predestination to the freedom of the human will in such a manner as should not endanger the latter.9

1 This follows from the above passages on human liberty, Justin M., dial. c. Tryph. § 95: Ei μetavooûvtes ẻπì toîs ημapτημένοις καὶ ἐπιγνόντες τοῦτον εἶναι τὸν Χριστὸν καὶ φυλάσσοντες αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐντολὰς ταῦτα φήσετε, ἄφεσις ὑμῖν τῶν ἀμαρτιῶν Őтi čσтαι, πρоεîπov. Comp. Orig. contra Cels. iii. 28. Opp. i. p. 465 (in connection with what was mentioned § 68), according to which every one who lives in compliance with the precepts of Christ, obtains through him friendship with God, and is vitally united to him.

2 The very circumstance that, in the opinion, of the primitive church, sins committed after baptism are less easily pardoned (Clem. Strom. iv. 24, p. 634. Sylb. 536, C.), and the entire ecclesiastical discipline of the first ages prove this. As regards peтávola, Clement was aware of the distinction afterwards made between contritio and attritio, Strom. iv. 6, p. 580: Toû μеTAνοοῦντος δὲ τρόποι δύο· ὁ μὲν κοινότερος, φόβος ἐπὶ τοῖς πραχ θεῖσιν, ὁ δὲ ἰδιαίτερος, ἡ δυσωπία ἡ πρὸς ἑαυτὴν τὴς ψυχῆς ἐκ ovveidnσews.-On μeтávoia comp. also Pæd. i. 9. 146, and quis div. salv. 40, p. 957.

3 Hermas, Pastor. iii. 7: Oportet eum, qui agit pœnitentiam, affligere animam suam et humilem animo se præstare in omni negotio et vexationes multas variasque perferre. Justin M. also lays great stress upon the external manifestation of repentance by tears, etc. dial. c. Tryph. § 141. Cypr. de opere et eleem. p. 167. (237 Bal.); Loquitur in scripturis divinis Spir. S. et dicit (Prov. xv. 29): Eleemosynis et fide delicta purgantur. Non utique illa delicta, quæ fuerunt ante contracta, nam illa Christi sanguine et

sanctificatione purgantur. Item denuo dicit (Eccles. iii. 33): Sicut aqua extinguit ignem, sic eleemosyna extinguit peccatum. Hic quoque ostenditur et probatur, quia sicut lavacro aquæ salutaris gehennæ ignis extinguitur, ita eleemosynis atque operationibus justis delictorum flamma sopitur. Et quia semel in baptismo remissa peccatorum datur, assidua et jugis operatio baptismi instar imitata Dei rursus indulgentiam largitur (with a further appeal to Luke xi. 41). Tears are of great importance, Ep. 31, p. 64, Rettb. p. 323, 389. Origen, Hom. in Lev. ii. 4, Opp. ii. p. 190, 91, enumerates 7 remissiones peccatorum: 1, that which is granted in baptism; 2, that which is obtained by martrydom; 3, by alms, (Luke xi. 41); 4, by forgiveness which we grant to those who have trespassed against us, (Matth. vi. 14); 5, by the conversion of others, (James v. 20); 6, by exceeding great love, (Luke vii. 47; 1 Pet. iv. 8); 7, by penance and repentance: Est adhuc et septima, licet dura et laboriosa, per pœnitentiam remissio peccatorum, cum lavat peccator in lacrymis stratum suum, et fiunt ei lacrymæ suæ panes die ac nocte, et cum non erubescit sacerdoti Domini indicare peccatum suum et quærere medicinam. On the merit of the martyrs, comp. § 68. The intercession of confessors yet living is opposed by Tert. de pud. 22. Cyprian also limits their influence to the day of judgment, de lapsis p. 129, (187.)— Concerning a first and second penance, see Herma Pastor. Mand. iv. 3, Clem. Strom. ii. 13, p. 459: Kaì oùк old оπóтEρоv avтоîv χεῖρον ἢ τὸ εἰδότα ἁμαρτάνειν ἢ μετανοήσαντα ἐφ ̓ οἷς ἥμαρτεν πλημμελεῖν αὖθις. The different views of Tertullian before and after his conversion to Montanism may be seen by comparing de poenit. 7. with de pud. 18. On the controversy between Cyprian and the Novatians see the works on ecclesiastical history.

4 Traces of the doctrine of supererogatory works (opera supererogatoria) are found in the Shepherd of Hermas, Simil. Lib. iii. 5. 3: Si præter ea quæ non mandavit Dominus aliquod boni adjeceris, majorem dignitatem tibi conquires et honoratior apud Dominum eris, quam eras futurus. Origen speaks in a similar manner, Ep. ad Rom. Lib. iii. Opp. T. iv. p. 507, (he makes a subtle distinction between the unprofitable servant, Luke xvii. 10, and the good and faithful servant, Matth. xxv. 21, and appeals to 1 Cor. vii. 25, concerning the virgins).

5 During the present period, in which the attention of men was principally directed to theoretical knowledge, faith was for the most part considered as historico-dogmatic faith in its relation to