ed to only when a member has to submit a proposition to the Cortes, when any of the Secretaries has to make a communication, or when official documents are to be read. The Constitution provides, that ministers shall not have seats in the Cortes; but this body is authorised to demand the presence of any

member of the cabinet, or of all the mem

bers, as often as they think expedient. When a question is put to the vote, those who are for the affirmative stand up in their places; those against it remain sitting. During a division, strangers are not excluded. When the question is one of great importance, the names of the members voting are taken down."

We now come to that which is less permanent than benches and curtains, and which, unlike them, will probably never share the revival of easy debates, and the presence of majesty ;-the reputations and offices of the Liberal ministry. The writer speaks like an impartialist; and his opportunities seem to have allowed him a sufficient knowledge of the men and things that turned the helm of Spain. In the rapid alternations of democracy, the chief point of address is to" catch the Cynthia of the minute." The lords of the ascendant this hour are below the horizon the next-some never to rise again. We have here the portraiture of the cabinet for November.

"The ministry of Martinez de la Rosa having lost its moral influence in the country, in consequence of a general, though perhaps unjust suspicion, that they favoured the meeting of the Royal Guard on the 7th of July, 1822, a new ministry was formed, composed of men marked out for their determined zeal in support of the con

stitution. At the head of the new ministry is Evaristo San Miguel. He was chief of the staff in the army of the Isla, and per

formed his duties in a blameless manner.

After this, he became one of the principal members of the party of freemasons, to

which he owes his elevation."

This minister is described in rather unpromising colours, as irritable and impatient of censure; a proof that he would not answer for an English treasury bench; as partial in his distribution of patronage, and as unproductive of manly and original measures. One of the most curious traits of modern revolution is, its connexion with public journals. All the French demagogues were, in some mode or other, allied to the press, some of the chief were actually editors. Spain, in her remoteness, has learned this suspicious step to public honours, and a consider

able number of her more active disturbers have dipped their pens in edi torial ink, as a preparative for the dictatorship, and other absurdities of democracy. San Miguel, soldier as he was, found it expedient to advance to supremacy by the ordinary way of the Brissots and Marats. He was one of the editors of the journal called the Espectador immediately before his elevation to office; and unless the Duc d'Angouleme has prohibited him the exercise of his ingenuity, he is probably, at this moment, translating Berenger or Voltaire for the future hopes of Spain and freedom.

Lopez Banos, a name unmusical to Sir Robert Wilson's ears, was the minister of war, a soldier, and rather suspected, from his tardy junction with the insurrection of the Isla.

Gasco, the Minister of the Interior, an intelligent, manly personage. He was an advocate, and obscure. Revolution is tempting to men of this class and fortune. He is a Liberal, and yet considered as not quite liberal enough. This is probably since he has felt the comforts of place. In power every man is an aristocrat. Gasco is looked on as not " up to the age."

Navarro, the Minister of Justice, is" the declared enemy of the usurpations" of the court of Rome. He is well versed in the canon law, and "more of a logician than a statesman;" characters so seldom joined, that we feel no great surprise at the writer's deeming them nearly incompatible.

nister, Egea, is pronounced briefly, The panegyric of the Finance Mibut conclusively." He considers the modern science of political economy as a mere farce." Tell not this in the land of the Edinburgh Review. The Spaniard must be a man of sense.

The ministry of Martinez de la Rosa and his party were aristocratical. They were called the Anilleros, the ring-wearers, like the ancient Equites, and numbered many of the higher noblesse. Among their lazy dreams of renovation, was a Chamber of Peers. But they were, on the 7th of July, turned out by men less asleep, and on their pillows rose the Communeros, the friends of the sovereignty of the people; a willing, yet somnolent copy of the Parisian party of the Sections. Ballasteros, Romera Alpuente, and other nameless patriots, were its

leaders. The Freemasons, headed by Arguelles, Galiano, Isturiz, &c. were the original conspirators, and, by the help of the military, they were masters of the throne and the people for their day.

This is all a curious counterpart of the French Revolution. The same selfishness, the same light and ready usurpation of hollow patriotism, the same division of the spoil; the picture is still more curious, from its qualified and Spanish hue. The canvass, that in France was painted with flame and blood, is pale and watery in Spain. Revolution in France was a volcano in full eruption; in Spain the volcano is cold; the whole preparation and conformation of ruin is before the eye, but it is overlaid with ashes. There are few more convincing instances of the folly of reasoning from similar causes to similar effects in politics. The men of the Convention plunged into the temptation at once, and rebelled in the spirit and malignity of Satan. Their later followers gave way, in the rashness of the human appetite for power, but they could not altogether divest themselves of human nature. Their overthrow of the throne was the most bloodless of all rebellions. Men have been slain in battle, but the scaffold has been scarcely trodden;-in the midst of a fierce and haughty conflict of new passions, the civil sword has been but half-drawn; and the constitution, mad and fruitless as it is, has been almost without the stain of Spa

nish gore.

The suppression of the convents is touched on by the writer with good sense and feeling. After observing on the rashness of the measure, and its consequent unproductiveness, he alludes to one of those instances, which must not have been unfrequent in a lonely and pastoral country like Spain.

"The convent of the Battuecas was situated in a wild, mountainous country, where the population is scattered in little hamlets. The people seem, from the simplicity and innocence of their manners, to belong to the primitive ages of the world. Few of them have ever gone beyond the precincts of their peculiar territory; their days pass away in pastoral occupations, and their evenings are usually closed by works of piety, intermingled occasionally with such enjoyments as they can derive from a rude knowledge of the tambour and the guitar. The convent was their principal source of religious information, of

spiritual assistance, and of medicinal relief. It was occupied by fifteen monks, who, it was asserted, and the assertion was not contradicted, spent their whole time in

religious exercises and works of practical

virtue, never hesitating, at any hour of the

night, to traverse the coldest mountains, cred functions. They never evinced a disposition to mingle in the civil war which afflicted the country; the ruggedness of the territory in which the convent was placed, was a security that it could never be fixed on as an asylum for arms and provisions of the factious. The locality of the establishment, the thousand recollections by which it was endeared to the simple around it, and its acknowledged utility in such a situation, were, however, pleaded in vain for its continuance. It was subjected to the rigid law of suppression. It was the first public calamity which the people of the Battuecas experienced. It was not doubted that they would, one and all, resent it, as a wanton act of hostility on the part of the government."

to administer the consolation of their sa

In this excursive manner the writer passes through the principal points that make the charge against the democratic sovereigns of Spain. Violence against the weak, timidity and tardiness against the strong, a determination to overthrow things venerable and dear to the national feeling, a rash passion for useless novelty in legislation; their law caprice; their finance bankruptcy, and their war non-resistance, confusion, and perpetual retreat-the Spanish Jacobins shewed themselves incompetent to everything that the world had been taught to expect from the firmness and dignity of the native mind. The rebellious cup that had made France mad, had only made them drunk. Their revolt was a parody upon the French Revolution.

The public reading of the celebrated notes of the allies gives room for some striking sketches of Spanish delibera

tion.

"The government, having taken some days to consider the foreign dispatches, which had been communicated to it, and of the answers proper to be returned to them, resolved on laying the whole of the documents before the Cortes, in a solemn public sitting. This was not one of those points which necessarily required the cognizance of the Cortes; but the ministers believed they should be wanting to those sentiments which united them with the Congress, if they did not place the matter before them. Besides, the government of France had taken care to publish the in

structions which it had transmitted to the Count La Garde, and the government of Spain thought they could do no less than follow its example. It was not generally known that these important documents would be read to the Cortes; and in consequence the public galleries were not crowded, though rather well attended. Sir William A'Court was in the ambassador's tribune, to which also several English gentlemen were, by his politeness, admitted. The attendance of the Deputies was full.

"The Cortes had been previously engaged upon a question relating to ecclesiastical property; but from the manner in which it was treated, it was easy to perceive that the minds of the Deputies were full of anxiety and fervour upon another subject. Now and then this sentiment broke out, and there was a partial cheer, when Senor Velasco, a clergyman, said, I have learned to suffer privations; but there is no sacrifice which I can deem too great for the benefit of Spain; and even though I were about to become the victim of indigence, still my last resources should be exhausted for the Constitution and the liberty of the nation. This discussion was suspended when the Secretaries of State entered the hall of the Cortes, about two o'clock in the afternoon, and M. San Miguel appeared in the rostrum. Upon the instant every person present was breathless with attention, and the silence that pervaded the hall, the tribunes, and galleries, was as profound as if it were a desert.

"After a short preface, he proceeded to read the note transmitted by the French government to Count la Garde, which ha. ving been already familiar to the deputies and strangers, excited little attention. San Miguel's enunciation is bad. He gave no emphasis to those sentences, even in the answer to the French note, which was understood to be from his own pen. Yet no aid of elocution was necessary to render every word that fell from him impressive in the highest degree. When he came to that passage of his answer, which says that Spain was indifferent as to the results of the Congress of Verona, because secure of its principles, and firm in the determination of defending, at every hazard, its present political system, and national independence,' there was a general burst of enthusiasm, many of the deputies and spec. tators clapping their hands. These applauses were renewed at the close of almost every subsequent paragraph; and, when this paper was concluded, they were continued for several minutes.

"The Austrian note was heard in silence, until the Minister came to the words, and a military rebellion never can form the basis of an auspicious and permanent government;' but there was then a short murmur of indignation, which would have

The

been louder, but for the intense desire to hear what followed. The assembly, taking it altogether, seemed struck with surprise at the light in which this note represented the Spanish revolution. When they heard it said that the principal instruments of the Spanish revolution had excited Naples and Piedmont to follow the example of the Peninsula, Riego, Galiano, Arguelles, and others, smiled at the assertion, wondering at the hardihood of Metternich, who could put forth such a falsehood. Yet it was soon evident, that this note was drawn up with tact, and knowledge of human nature, for before the general indignation was raised to its height, it was wonderfully softened by that appeal to national pride, which was so artfully wrought up in the allusion to the peculiar position of Austria. House of Austria, looking to its own history, cannot but find in it the most powerful motives of friendship, solicitude, and sympathy for a nation, which is able to record, with just pride, ages of glorious recollection, during which the sun never set upon her dominions; and which, possessing respectable institutions, hereditary virtues, religious sentiments, and love for her kings, has distinguished herself in every age by a patriotism always faithful, always generous, and very frequently heroic.' This just and eloquent passage had an electric effect. You saw that the men were for a moment subdued; for flattery, so finely covered and directed, could not fail to touch every chord of national feeling. But this result was only for the moment; for although the remainder of the note was framed in language alternately soothing and severe, the terms in which the King was spoken of as a captive, and the authors of the constitution represented as acknowledging its impracticability, excited unqualified hostility. When the note was concluded, however, there was no very general expression of indignation, as its effect was in some measure qualified by the friendly and admonitory tone in which it ended.

"After pausing a few minutes, San Miguel proceeded to read the note from Prussia. Everything depends upon the manner in which it is done. There was a great deal of flattery in the commencement of the Prussian note; but it sounded hollow. The consequence was, that it was laughed

at.

The dignity of the assembly could scarcely be preserved when that passage was read, which stated that the Cortes 'presented nothing more than a conflict of opinions and objects, and a struggle of interests and passions, in the midst of which the most foolish resolutions and propositions have been constantly crossed, combated, and neutralized.' This picture of the Cortes, and its debates, if not false, was at least well calculated to excite laughter.

The remainder of the note, which is full of invectives against the constitution, was received with indignation, not unfrequently interrupted by strong expressions of contempt.

"But all the rage of the Cortes, or rather I might say of the general assembly, (for the spectators in the gallery seemed to form an integral part of the meeting,) all the rage of this anxious assembly appeared to be reserved for the Russian communication. The sentence commencing the second paragraph, When in the month of March, 1820, some perjured soldiers turned their arms against their sovereign and their country,' &c. was frequently interrupted by murmurs from the galleries and the deputies; and, amidst these, the former exclaimed more than once, Abaxo el Tirano!' (Down with the Tyrant!) uttered with a fierceness of tone peculiarly Spa

nish.

"During the time the minister was reading this paper, the agitation among the deputies was extreme, some turning from one side to the other, as in a state of painful suffering-some raising their hands in astonishment some looking intently on the minister, their faces fired with vengeance, &c.

"It was observable that frequently the deputies fixed their eyes attentively upon the ambassador's tribune, in which Sir William A'Court and several English gentlemen were seated. When, in the notes, a sentence of peculiar despotisin was read, many an eye was raised to that box, to read the impression which it made there. Sir William A'Court's countenance gave them neither hope nor despair, but several of his countrymen took no pains to restrain the abhorrence, which these documents must ever excite in the breasts of men who know what freedom is. These expressions of sympathy were anxiously looked for by the deputies, and afforded them evidently great satisfaction. They remarked upon them, one to the other, and occasionally smiled.

"San Miguel concluded with reading the copy of a circular note, which was to be sent to the Spanish ministers at each of the three northern courts; and in which it was stated, that the dispatches transmitted by those courts were so full of distorted facts, injurious suppositions, unjust and calumnious criminations, and vague demands, that they required no formal answer; but that the government would take a more convenient opportunity for publishing to the nation its sentiments, principles, and resolutions.

“As soon as the reading of these documents was over, the President of Cortes said, The Cortes have heard the communication which the government of his Majesty has just made. Faithful to their oath, and worthy of the people whom they repre

sent, they will not permit that any alterations or modifications shall be made in the constitution by which they exist, except by the will of the nation, and in the manner which the laws prescribe. The Cortes will give to the government of his Majesty every means for repelling the aggression of those powers who may dare to attack the liberty, the independence, and the glory of the heroic Spanish nation, and the dignity and splendour of the King's constitutional throne.'

"This well-timed reply was received with a peal of vivas that lasted for several minutes. The deputies all rose in a confused manner, and shouted Viva la Constitution! Viva la soberania national!' in which they were enthusiastically joined by the people in the galleries."

The effect of these discussions upon the populace is characteristically told.

"The following day, a detailed account of the debates, and copies of the notes and answers, were published in the principal journals. From an early hour of the morning, the offices of the Universal and Espectador, and the streets leading to them, were crowded with applicants for papers. Du ring the whole day the demand was so great, that it was impossible to satisfy it ; but a plan was adopted which in some measure compensated for this defect. When a lucky patriot succeeded in getting a paper, he posted to the Puerta del Sol, or the arcades of the post-office, and here, as soon as he produced his prize, a crowd collected round him, and he read aloud the whole of the journal, from the beginning to the end. The remarks which the listeners occasionally made were short and pithy. Hear,' said one, hear the Prussian King, who once promised a constitution to his own subjects.' And who never gave it,' added another. Only observe how tender he is of the Catholic Church, himself a heretic. This caused a laugh. Now for the Russian bear,' remarked another.-' Down with the parricidal race! Down with the tyrant!' they said, as the reader proceeded."

6

The debate on the message is then detailed with passing indications of the character and manner of the chief speakers. Saavedra, young, poetical, fluent, and enthusiastic-Canga, old, eloquent, learned, and wise-Galiano, metaphorical, spirited, and full of picturesque gesture-Arguelles, par excel lence the Orator, argumentative, vivid, bold, and rapid in his transitions from reasoning to irresistible appeals to the heart. While he spoke, every one of the deputies appeared to be entranced by his eloquence; and when

be concluded, there was a general look up to the ambassador's tribune, to see what effect it produced there. He spoke for an hour and ten minutes; and when he first rose, often during his speech, and when he sat down, he was cheered by the populace, and even by the deputies, in the most lively and affectionate manner.

After all, these men deserve a better fate than to be the slaves of the Bourbons and the Inquisition. Their first experiment has been crude, and it deserved to fail. But honest lovers of monarchy may join in the wish that the Spaniard shall" be a man yet."

The volume closes with some general views of the arts, amusements, habits, and costume of the people. These

notices are drawn up with grace and intelligence. The writer followed the King to Seville, and a curious account of the royal progress and reception is given. The course of the magnificent Guadalquivir, and Cadiz, are touched upon, which, with the writer's return through the French army, then marching on Madrid, make up a narrative of peculiar interest at the present time; and for its general manliness and simplicity, its truth-telling spirit, and its clearness of political view, it is unquestionably a safer guide to the feelings of the Spanish people, as well as a more honourable testimony to individual authorship, than any work that has hitherto appeared on the Peninsular Revolution.

LAS CASES is a well-meaning, easy, silly, old gentleman, whom we really like, in spite of all the lies with which his volumes are crammed. Indeed he seems himself de bonne foi, literally be lieves all the nonsense dictated to him, and has just the credulous and obsequious swallow necessary for a follower of Napoleon. There could be no work which we would have been more glad to possess, than the one which this pretends to be-a Journal of Napoleon's free and unmade-up conversations. But, first of all, when the Ex-Emperor knew that M. Las Cases was taking down every word that dropt from his mouth, that the Docteur O'Meara was doing the same, and every one else that came near him, we may conceive how naturally, how much without a motive he spoke, and how much the detail of these theatrical conversations unmasks him. In fact, the great man seems to have been kept at St Helena in a continual state of pleading-no matter what he was doing, what time of the day, dined or undined, in bed or in bath, there were ever his eternal companions, the Grand Marechal, or Count this, or Count that, with pencil and ass-skin, ready to note down his crudities. And had they kept him at it, (for at times we have whole continued pages of his pleading,) how faithfully reported by Las Cases, who never, perhaps, belonged to the "glorious company," we leave that learned body to determine. Nay, so impartial an account is this of

Napoleon's private life and conversations, that it was afterwards overlooked and revised by the Emperor's self, lest anything unfavourable but true should have escaped the pen of the of ficious, but not over-prudent, jackall.

In the minor details, we dare say the volumes are correct. We have no doubt that the Emperor tore his stocking, put on clean ones, coughed so many times a-day, and burnt his coxendix with his bath-spout. Nay, we will go farther, and believe, with the Count de Las Cases, that he was a good-natured, amiable man in his interior, and, like Sir Anthony, "the easiest man led in the world, when he had his own way." His pulling the ears of all his household, as was his custom, we believe a joke; nay, more, or, as Las Cases calls it, a lendresse, though, for ourselves, we should have dispensed with it. That he pulled the Pope by his grey locks (if old Chiaramonte had a single lock about his tonsure,) around the Corridores of Fontainbleau, is another story not to be swallowed. And, by the by, it is to be remarked, that all these calumnies were not propagated by the English ministry, as Buonaparte himself always said; but, from Las Cases' own admission, they were fabricated by those around his person; so that even his counsellor of state, poor Las Cases himself, had acquired a false and horrible idea of the Emperor. Whatever Napoleon's own counsellor of state may have credited, we certainly do not

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