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Lord Castlereagh premised his motion for this resolution with some observations to correct the misconceptions which had prevailed on this matter. He said that a very general idea had gone forth, that it was intended to encourage an unrestrained resort of persons to India for religious purposes, on the same ground as it was imagined that an unrestrained com mercial intercourse for commercial purposes with that country would be permitted. The House would now be aware that the latter was a mistaken notion; and he could say the same of the former. It was, however, thought by the framers of the resolution in question, that no danger would arise from allowing a certain number of persons, under the cognizance of the court of directors, who were again controlled by the board of commissioners, to proceed as missionaries to India. As the House had adverted to the interests of religion in the charter granted in 1793, it would seem as if they were now less disposed to the cause of Christianity than formerly, if such a proposition had been omitted. He then made some observations to show that there were no grounds for apprehension from such an allowance, under proper control, and that great good might result from it. He then moved the resolution.

A long debate ensued, in which Mr. Wilberforce particularly distinguished himself as the advocate for proselyting attempts. In his speech he adduced a number of

facts, many of which had appeared in publications on the subject, and the purpose of which was to do away the notion of the impossibility of working any change upon the religious opinions of the Hindoos, to show the present wretched state of their morality and the mischiefs of their superstitions, and to answer some of the charges made against the missionaries. After several other members had spoken on each side of the question, a division took place, when there appeared, for the resolution, 89; against it, 36. Majority, 53.

On June 28th, Lord Castlereagh moved for the House to go into a committee of the whole House on the bill for continuing the charter of the East India Company, with its new regulations. On this occasion, as if nothing had already been said on the subject, speakers arose, who at great length gave their opinions on the various topics connected with it; in particular, the friends and partizans of the Company fought their battle with great vigour, though with no new weapons. The bill was at length committed, and a day was appointed for receiving the report.

The committee being resumed on July 1st, Lord Castlereagh requested that gentlemen would in this stage confine themselves to the consideration of the particular clauses of the bill, without any previous discussion on the general principle. On the reading of the second clause, relative to the trade with China, Mr. Canning rose, in pursuance of a former notice, to move a limitation with respect to time. After some preliminary observations to show that the conti

nuance of such a monopoly was not necessary to the political power of the Company, he moved as an amendment, that the exclusive trade to China should be granted them for a period of ten years. A debate followed on this topic, which was concluded by a division, for the amendment, 29; against it, 69. Majority 40.

Mr. Phillips proposed as an amendment of the clause that notice should be given to the Company on the 10th of April, 1813, that their exclusive trade was to terminate in three years, the substitution of April 10, 1821.

This amendment was rejected by 59 votes against 18.

When the clause respecting the propagation of Christianity was read, a decided opposition to it was declared; and Sir T. Sutton moved the omission of the words in the preamble of the clause declaring the purposes for which missionaries were to be sent to India, and the substitution of the words "for various lawful purposes." This motion rekindled the debate between the opposers and the promoters of the scheme for Christianizing India; of the former of whom were the greater number of those who had resided in that country; of the latter, those at home who are distinguished by the name of the evangelical party. The substance of the debate being only a repetition of the matter of prior discussions, it will suffice to state the result, which was a division, when there appeared for the original clause, 54; for the amendment, 32. Majority 22.

The consideration of the bill be ing resumed on July 2nd, Lord Castlereagh called the attention of

the committee to the clause relative to the appropriation of the Company's funds, which, he said, had been generally misunderstood. It was not the design of the framers of the bill to take out of the hands of the Company the application of any funds of which they were in legal possession, and of which they might dispose to the general advantage of the proprietors: the great object in view was, to draw a precise line between the territorial and the commercial transactions of the Company.

On the clause providing that 20,000 of the king's troops should be maintained in India by the Company, Mr. R. Thornton objected that it was a larger number than was hitherto allowed by law to be employed. Lord Castlereagh said, that although a much smaller number had been named in the last act, yet that in point of fact many more troops had been found necessary, and that the number employed was above 20,000. Our territory in the East had trebled since 1793, whence an increased military establishment was requisite.

On the clause respecting the appointment of a bishop and three archdeacons, Mr. W. Dundas stated that a majority of the British residents in India were of the Scotch church, and therefore would have no provision for their public worship; he therefore proposed a clause for the appointment of three Scotch clergymen, one at each presidency, with a salary of 1,000l. each. This clause was discussed, and no other argument was brought against it, than that its principle would require that wherever there was an establishment for the epis

copal church, there should also be one for the presbyterian. On a division, the clause was rejected by 20 against 18. At a subsequent discussion it was made known, that the Company had given an assurance for the maintenance of ministers of the Scotch church at its own expence.

Of the further proceedings of the House of Commons respecting this bill to its final passing the House, it is unnecessary to detail the particulars. Complaints of precipitation were made by the friends of the Company to the last; and the court of proprietors instructed those directors who have seats in parliament, to move for a delay till the bill in its amended shape should have undergone their consideration; but the minister was firm in resisting such motions. Some new clauses and amend ments were proposed, and nega

tived, and the third reading took place on July 13.

In the House of Lords the progress of this bill was much more silent than in the Commons, few members seeming to interest themselves in its provisions after they had given a general opinion of it at its first introduction. The earl of Lauderdale was most conspicuous in opposition, and he entered upon the journals of the House a protest against the second reading, in strong terms of censure, particularly of the enactment which directs the yearly issue in India, for the purpose of investments, of a sum equal to the payment made from the funds at home on account of the territorial charges of the preceding year.

The bill passed into a law just before the close of the session. An abstract of its clauses will be found in another part of our volume.

VOL. LV.

[F]

CHAPTER

THE

CHAPTER VIII.

The Budget, English and Irish.

HE House of Commons on March 31, being in a committee of Ways and Means, the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose, and said, that he should first mention to the committee a transaction which had taken place that morning. Government had made the proposal to a considerable body of merchants and bankers of funding twelve millions of outstanding exchequer bills in the same stock in which they had lately been uniformly funded, namely, the five per cent navy annuities; for every 100l. so funded, the subscriber to receive 115l. 10s. of those annuities. The rate of interest to be paid by the public on this sum would be 51. 15s. 6d. which, added to the sinking fund upon it, would amount to 67. 18s. 7d. In addition to this proposal, it had been thought advisable to give an option to such of the holders of exchequer bills as might think fit to subscribe an additional 50 per cent in money, for which they should receive debentures. On these debentures he proposed an addition of one per cent, as a sinking fund for their redemption. After the right hon. gentleman had made various explanatory observations on this scheme, he said, he would now proceed, in conformity to his notice, to submit to the consideration of the committee the taxes which would be necessary, in order to make that provision for the sink

ing fund which was involved in the bill in progress through the House, provided it passed into a law. If, on the other hand, parliament should not think it advisable to give the bill their sanction, at least he would not be liable to reproach for having neglected to provide supplies which might be applicable to defray the charge and sinking fund of exchequer bills outstanding. Reverting to the financial occurrences of 1802, he observed, that although the noble lord then at the head of the Treasury (lord Sidmouth) did not provide a sinking fund for the sum funded in that year, yet the taxes imposed to defray the interest and charges of that sum had exceeded the estimate by four or five millions. This excess of produce, which went to the consolidated fund, he (the chancellor of the exchequer) might have been justified in applying to the services of the current year; but it was so important to maintain the consolidated fund, that it appeared to him to be very inexpedient to take such a step, and to be far better, however inconvenient in other respects, to add to the existing taxation. In addition to the 870,000l. which in the developement of his financial plan, he had shown to be necessary to supply the drain on the sinking fund, the committee would recollect, that in providing the supplies for the last year, there was one

proposition the auction duty which he had calculated at 100,000l. and which having abandoned, it became necessary for him to supply the consequent deficiency in the consolidated fund. The total sum, therefore, that it became requisite to raise by permanent taxes, was nearly a million of money, viz. 870,000l. to be applied to the sinking fund; and 100,000l. the deficiency occasioned by the relinquishment last year of the auction duty. For the purpose of providing the last-mentioned sum, it was his intention to propose to the committee an additional duty on tobacco equal to that imposed on it last year, which duty he would estimate at 100,000l. although probably it would produce more. He was not aware that this new tax would occasion any inconvenience; or at least he was persuaded that it would cause as little as any that could be devised. With regard to the greater sum of 870,000l. the principal tax that he meant to propose to meet it, was an increase of the custom duties. He thought this would be infinitely preferable to any augmentation of the assessed taxes, or of the stamp duties, which had lately been so much increased. As the most convenient mode, he proposed to raise the sum of 8 or 900,000l. by a general increase of those duties, with certain exceptions. These exceptions were the duties on tea, sugar, wine, raw silk, and cotton wool. On the other articles which paid custom duties he proposed an increase of 25 per cent. No such general augmentation had occurred since 1804, and only one partial and small increase in 1805. Under the existing circumstances of the

country this would be comparatively little felt. For the country had, until recently, been so much excluded from foreign trade, that, until lately, all foreign articles had come to our markets, what with the difficulty of transmission, the charge of freights, &c. under an augmentation of expense, greatly exceeding the proposed rate of duty. Many circumstances had, however, recently combined to render those articles at the present moment cheaper to the consumer, even with the increased tax, than they were last year without it. He would estimate the amount of the increase of the custom duties, at from 850 to 900,000l. In addition to this, however, he meant to propose a slight augmentation of the excise in a particular branch of it.

He proposed that this should take place on French wines, an article of mere luxury, entirely confined to the higher orders, and if checked in the importation, or wholly shut out, he should con sider it to be a national advantage. On French wines, he proposed to lay an additional excise duty of 13d. a bottle, which would be about 18d. to the consumer; a tax that could not be considered very burthensome to the country.

The produce he estimated at 30,000l. no very important sum, and one indeed which it would hardly be worth while so to raise, were not the subject itself one so proper for taxation, that even were it likely to produce less, or were the consumption to be so diminished as to impair the existing produce of the duty upon it, he should still feel it to be incumbent upon him to make his present proposition. The estimated produce,

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