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Si interdicta petes, vallo circumdata (nam te
Hoc facit insanum), multae tibi tum officient res,
Custodes, lectica, ciniflones, parasitae,

Ad talos stola demissa et circumdata palla,
Plurima quae invideant pure apparere tibi rem.
Altera nil obstat: Cois tibi paene videre est
Ut nudam, ne crure malo, ne sit pede turpi;
Metiri possis oculo latus. An tibi mavis
Insidias fieri pretiumque avellier ante

Quam mercem ostendi? "Leporem venator ut alta
In nive sectetur, positum sic tangere nolit,"

Cantat et apponit: "Meus est amor huic similis; nam
Transvolat in medio posita et fugientia captat."
Hiscine versiculis speras tibi posse dolores
Atque aestus curasque graves e pectore pelli?
Nonne cupidinibus statuat natura modum quem,
Quid latura, sibi quid sit dolitura negatum,
Quaerere plus prodest et inane abscindere soldo?
Num tibi cum fauces urit sitis aurea quaeris
Pocula? num esuriens fastidis omnia praeter

100

105

110

115

Pavonem rhombumque? Tument tibi cum inguina, num si
Ancilla aut verna est praesto puer impetus in quem
Continuo fiat, malis tentigine rumpi?
Non ego namque parabilem amo venerem facilemque.
Illam, "Post paulo," "Sed pluris," "Si exierit vir,”
Gallis; hanc Philodemus ait sibi quae neque magno

98. ciniflones] These persons' business was to heat the women's curling irons, and they were otherwise called 'cinerarii.' The name is compounded of ‘cinis' and 'flare.' 'Parasitae' were what we should call 'toadies,'-women who made themselves agreeable to ladies of wealth, and attached themselves to them as companions.

101. Cois] Thin textures of some sort from the island Cos. See C. iv. 13. 13.

105. Leporem venator] These four lines are from an epigram of Callimachus, which appears to have been a popular

song:

ὡγρευτής, Επίκυδες, ἐν οὔρεσι πάντα λαγωὸν

διφᾷ καὶ πάσης ἴχνια δορκαλίδος, στίβῃ καὶ νιφέτῷ κεχρημένος· ἢν δέ τις εἴπῃ

Τῆ, τόδε βέβληται θηρίον· οὐκ ἔλαβεν. χοὐμὸς ἔρως τοίοσδε· τὰ μὲν φεύγοντα

διώκειν

120

οἶδε, τὰ δ ̓ ἐν μέσσῳ κείμενα παρπέταται. This explains positum tangere nolit,' where however some commentators understand 'positum' in the same sense as in S. ii. 2. 23, 'posito pavone,' and Turnebus says it means 'appositum in ferculo.' [Ďoederlein says that a Dessau MS. has 'si positum,' which means though he would not eat it on the table.' Positum sic: see C. ii. 11. 14; Persius, Prolog. v. 3.]

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Nonne quaerere plus prodest quem mo. [111. Nonne, &c.] The construction is dum statuat natura, &c., quid latura, quid sibi negatum dolitura sit. Comp. S. i. 1. 75.]

113. inane abscindere soldo] To separate what is useless from what is of real value.

121. Gallis; hanc Philodemus ait] The Galli, or priests of the Galatian Cybele, whose worship was introduced into Rome

Stet pretio neque cunctetur cum est jussa venire.
Candida rectaque sit; munda hactenus ut neque longa
Nec magis alba velit quam dat natura videri.
Haec ubi supposuit dextro corpus mihi laevum
Ilia et Egeria est: do nomen quodlibet illi,
Nec vereor ne dum futuo vir rure recurrat,
Janua frangatur, latret canis, undique magno
Pulsa domus strepitu resonet, vepallida lecto
Desiliat mulier, miseram se conscia clamet,
Cruribus haec metuat, doti deprensa, egomet mî.
Discincta tunica fugiendum est ac pede nudo,
Ne nummi pereant aut puga aut denique fama.
Deprendi miserum est; Fabio vel judice vincam.

from Pessinus during the second Punic War (Liv. xxix. 11. 14; Juv. ii. 116; vi. 513; Ovid Fast. iv. 361), were eunuchs. The construction is Illam Philodemus ait Gallis, hanc sibi.' Philodemus was a Greek and an Epicurean. He lived at Rome on terms of great intimacy with L. Piso, against whom there is an oration of Cicero. Philodemus wrote poetry, and some of the epigrams in the Anthology are his. Cicero describes him (in Pisonem, c. 28) as "ingeniosum hominem atque eruditum." "Est autem hic (he continues) non philosophia solum sed etiam litteris, quod fere ceteros Epicureos negligere dicunt, perpolitus. Poema porro facit ita festivum, ita concinnum, ita elegans, nihil ut fieri possit argutius." He charges Philodemus with having corrupted Piso.

129. vepallida] On this Bentley has a long note and edits 'ne pallida,' which spoils the rapid accumulation of images from which the passage derives its expression. So does that of Acron, 'vae! pallida' adopted by Fea. 'Ve' in composition seems See Forcell., to have the force of 'male.' 'Vesculus.' Gellius (v. 12) says it has the force "augendae rei et minuendae;" and so it has some resemblance to the use of 'male' with an adjective (S. i. 4. 66 n.). See Persius S. i. 97) 'praegrandi subere

coctum,' and the note.

345

125

130

130. conscia] The ancilla' who was privy to her mistress' adultery. Torture by breaking the legs was not unusual in Deprensa' means the the case of slaves. mistress caught in her crime, who feared for her marriage portion, of which she was liable to lose a considerable part: one-sixth might be retained by the husband, and two-sixths for the children; but not more than three-sixths could be taken away, if (which is doubtful) this law existed when Horace wrote. If not, we do not know the particulars of the law which then affected such cases; but that adultery involved the forfeiture of part of the 'dos,' is clear from the text. (See Ulpian. Fr. Tit. de Dot. vi. 12.)

134 Fabio vel judice vincam] As to ['Vincam' means Fabius, see S. i. 14 n. I will prove.' If Fabius had been caught himself, it would be easy to prove to him that deprendi miserum esse:' but, as Ritter truly remarks, Horace says, 'Fabio vel judice, which must mean something else. Ritter explains it thus: 'Nimirum Stoicus Fabius, ut ceteri ejusdem sectae satellites, nihil miserum esse dicere solebant, quod extrinsecus accidat.' If Fabius was a Stoic, this may be the meaning of the passage.]

SATIRE III.

Horace appears to have brought enemies upon himself by the last Satire, and perhaps by others, which have not been published. His amiable temper was not very well qualified for that sort of writing, and we may infer from the present poem that he wished to clear himself from the imputation of a censorious spirit, and so to set himself right with Maecenas and his friends. The connexion between the two Satires is seen in the opening of this, in which Tigellius is again introduced and the peculiarities of his character described, for no other reason, as it would seem, but to serve as a text for the discourse that follows, on the duty of judging others charitably as we wish to be judged ourselves. In the course of his remarks on this subject Horace comes across two of the Stoic absurdities: one that all faults are alike (v. 96 sqq.), which he meets by the doctrine that expediency is almost the mother of justice and equity; and the other that every wise man (that is, every Stoic) is endowed with all the gifts of art and fortune from the skill of the mechanic to the power of a king. With a jest upon this folly the Satire closes.

but all mankind's epiThe language is genial, may suppose. That of

The character of Tigellius is happily described ("Not one, tome"), and a tone of good feeling runs throughout the Satire. and the sentiments amiable. The style is Horace's own, as we Lucilius, it is clear, was more after the fashion of the second Satire, in which his freedom of speech and licentious language appear to me to be aimed at without the power which he possessed of giving them point and severity. No one who reads this Satire would wish to see Horace in the disguise of the other.

If there is between the two the connexion above supposed, the third Satire must have been written at no great distance of time after the other. But it appears from v. 63 that he was now well acquainted with Maecenas, though not on the terms of intimacy which afterwards grew up between them. On these grounds it seems probable that the Satire was written about the end of A.U.C. 716, as Kirchner supposes.

ARGUMENT.

Singers have all one fault-that they will never sing to their friends when they are asked, and never leave off when they are not. This was the case with Tigellius, the most inconsistent man in the world. Caesar himself could not induce him to sing unless he chose; when the fit was on him he would keep it up from the first course to the dessert; one moment in a hurry, another absurdly slow; now with 200 slaves, now with but ten; one while talking big, another all humility; one while content with a little, another squandering millions; up all night, snoring all day. But what, have you no faults? Yes, but perhaps not so bad as his. And yet I am not like Maenius, who, while he exposed his neighbour's faults, coolly declared he made excuses for his own. Why should a man be blind to his own defects and have an eagle's eye for his fellows'? He may presently find them turning the tables upon him. Your friend we will say is a little hasty, and sensitive, and perhaps not very polished; but he is a good man, and kind to you, and a man of genius withal. In short, examine yourself, and see what faults nature or neglect has sown in your own breast before you pass judgment on others.

Let us think of this, how the lover overlooks or even loves the deformities of his mistress. So let us err in friendship and not be too fastidious; even as the fond father finds pretty names for his ugly boy's defects. Let the close be called thrifty; the silly man who is a little too prone to boast, say he is anxious to please; the rude and off

handed, let him be natural and manly; the passionate, high spirited;—this is the way to make friends and to keep them. But we do just the reverse, turning virtues into defects. An honest man is a driveller; the slow and sure is a hog; the prudent and cautious, a liar and a fox; the unsophisticated, a fool.

What rashness thus to establish a rule which must react upon ourselves. All have their faults; he is best who has fewest. Let my friend weigh my good with my bad, and I will do the same by him. If he would not have his great deformities offend my eye, let him learn to overlook my little ones: who would have indulgence must show it.

In short, since the defects of fools, according to your Stoic theory, cannot be got rid of,
it is reasonable we should judge others as we judge ourselves, and visit each fault with
no more than its due censure. The man who should crucify his slave for eating the
remnants of his fish must be mad; but he is not less mad who for some trifling fault
hates his friend. Because a friend breaks my old-fashioned dish, or helps himself
before me at table, am I to love him the less for that? What if he were to commit
theft, or embezzlement, or fraud? They who declare that all faults are alike, are
refuted by common sense, experience, and expediency. Expediency is the parent of
justice therefore men when they were in their first rude state fought like beasts for
their food; but when they became civilized, expediency taught them to make laws,
which every one must admit were framed to put down injustice. Nature cannot draw
the distinction between right and wrong; nor will any argument convince us that a
petty theft is as bad as sacrilege. Let us visit each fault then with its proper meed
of punishment; that is, let us not use the scourge where the whip is only due; for I
have no fear of your reversing this and substituting the whip for the scourge, though
you do say you would cut up all vices alike if men would but make you king.
But are you not a king? Is not the wise man rich and handsome, a cobbler and a king?
Don't you know what our founder Chrysippus said?"The wise man never made him-
self a shoe in his life, yet is the wise man a cobbler." How is this? Why just as
Hermogenes is the best of singers, even when his lips are closed, and Alfenius con-
tinued to be a clever shoemaker after he had changed his trade and shut up his shop;
even so the wise man is the best and only workman, and a king. And yet thou king of
kings, the little boys mob thee and pluck thy beard! To make a long story short:
while your kingship goes down to a cheap bath with no body-guard but Crispinus
the blockhead, my friends shall make allowance for my faults, and I will make allow-
ance for theirs, and I shall live as a subject more blest than you or any other king.

OMNIBUS hoc vitium est cantoribus, inter amicos
Ut nunquam inducant animum cantare rogati,
Injussi nunquam desistant. Sardus habebat
Ille Tigellius hoc: Caesar, qui cogere posset,
Si peteret per amicitiam patris atque suam, non
Quidquam proficeret; si collibuisset ab ovo.

[2. inducant animum] The Romans also said inducere in animum.']

4. Tigellius] See Sat. 2, Introduction. [-Caesar] Caesar Octavianus' patris,' is C. Caesar, the great uncle of Octavianus, and his father by testamentary adoption.]

6. ab ovo usque ad mala] The dinner began with egg. Thus Cicero, writing to

his friend Paetus (Ad Fam. ix. 20), tells him he has taken to a better style of living. "At quem virum? non eum quem tu es solitus promulside conficere. Integram famem ad ovum affero. Itaque usque ad assum vitulinum opera perducitur." The 'promulsis,' otherwise called 'gustus,' with which Cicero says his appetite used to be satisfied, preceded the regular meal, and

Usque ad mala citaret, Io Bacche! modo summa
Voce, modo hac resonat quae chordis quattuor ima.
Nil aequale homini fuit illi; saepe velut qui
Currebat fugiens hostem, persaepe velut qui
Junonis sacra ferret; habebat saepe ducentos,
Saepe decem servos; modo reges atque tetrarchas,

consisted of things calculated to provoke
the appetite, of which a list is given in the
eighth Satire of the second book, v. 8 sq.,
where however eggs are not mentioned.
These things were eaten with a draught of
mulsum' (S. ii. 2. 15 n.) sometimes be-
fore they sat down, or even before they
left the bath. So Martial (xii. 19) says,-
"In thermis sumit lactucas, ova, lacer-
tum." See Becker's Gallus, Exc. The
Meals.'

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7. citaret, Io Bacche] This use of citare,' to shout,' is not common. Forcellini only quotes Cic. de Oratore, i. 59, "Citare Paeanem." Bentley says that 'citare lo Bacche' is not Latin, and he asks where we shall meet with such a phrase as 'citare cantilenam.' He overlooked the above passage of Cicero. He conjectures and adopts iteraret,' quoting C. ii. 19. 12, lapsa cavis iterare mella." There were convivial songs among the Greeks to which they gave the name lóßakxo. Several fragments of such songs by Archilochus have been preserved in Athenaeus and elsewhere (see Bergk's Poet. Lyr. p. 490 sqq.). The final syllable in Bacche is lengthened, and should properly be pronounced as the singer might be supposed to pronounce it. The caesural place in the verse is not enough to account for the lengthening of the syllable, as Orelli says it is. Io Bacchae' is found in some MSS., being introduced evidently to save the metre. [Ritter has Bacchae.'] Such was the cry in Euripides' play of the Bacchae, v. 576,

ἰώ, κλύετ ̓ ἐμᾶς κλύετ ̓ αὐδᾶς,

ὦ βάκχαι, ἰὼ βάκχαι.

The strings in the tetrachord, from which the low notes proceeded, were uppermost as the player held it in his hand, and the notes of the voice which corresponded with these are expressed by 'summa voce.' For the same reason the high notes would be those which harmonized with the lowest of the strings. The 'summa chorda' was called in Greek ὑπάτη, and the “ima" νήτη. I understand chordis' to be the dative case, the literal translation being that voice which is the lowest (where for the

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above reason those notes are called the lowest which we should call the highest), and that echoes to the four strings.'

11. Junonis sacra ferret] This refers to the 'canephoroe,' damsels who carried the basket of sacred instruments on their head at sacrifices. Those of Juno are mentioned here; but the practice was observed at all sacrifices. A woodcut from an antefixum in the British Museum, representing two girls carrying the basket, will be found in Smith's Dict. Ant. art. 'Canephoroe.' See also Cic. in Verr. ii. 4. 3, Long's note; and Cicero (De Off. i. 36) : "ne tarditatibus . . . utamur ut pomparum ferculis similes esse videamur.'

habebat saepe ducentos] Bentley substitutes 'alebat' for habebat;' but though alere servos' and Bóσkew oikéTAS are expressions in use, there is no reason for deserting the MSS. Ten slaves were a very small household for a rich man, and Tigellius was rich. In respect to the number of slaves usual in wealthy houses, which in primitive times was small, but latterly grew to an extraordinary number, see Becker's Gallus Exc. 'on the Slave Family.'

'mea

12. modo reges atque tetrarchas] 'Modo,' as an adverb of time, signifies 'now,' or some time not far from the present. It is the ablative of 'modus,'' sure,' and 'modo' is within measure, and therefore its sense is confined to limited quantities. Compare the use of 'modo' and admodum' in Terence (Hec. iii. 5. 8): "Advenis modo? Pam. Admodum." Are you coming now ?-Just now.' 'Modo,' thus comes to have the meaning of 'nunc,' and to be used in the same combinations, as here nunc reges-loquens ; nunc, sit mihi mensa tripes' would have the same meaning; and likewise in S. 10. 11:—

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