Obrazy na stronie
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Amice Valgi, stat glacies iners
Menses per omnes aut Aquilonibus
Querceta Gargani laborant

Et foliis viduantur orni :
Tu semper urges flebilibus modis
Mysten ademptum, nec tibi Vespero
Surgente decedunt amores

Nec rapidum fugiente Solem.
At non ter aevo functus amabilem
Ploravit omnes Antilochum senex
Annos, nec impubem parentes

Troïlon aut Phrygiae sorores
Flevere semper. Desine mollium
Tandem querelarum, et potius nova
Cantemus Augusti tropaea

Caesaris et rigidum Niphaten,

7. Querceta] The oldest MSS. have 'querqueta.' The Apulian range Garganus (Monte Gargano) terminated in the bold promontory of the same name, now called Punta di Viesti. [The Garganum nemus' is mentioned again Epp. ii. 1. 202. The oak forests are no longer there.]

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13. ter aevo functus] Aulus Gell. (xix. 7) mentions Nestor being called 'trisaeclisenex' by an obscure poet Laevius. Cic. (de Senect. c. 10) says, "Nestor tertiam jam aetatem hominum vivebat." The story is in Homer (Il. i. 250) :

τῷ δ ̓ ἤδη δύο μὲν γενεαὶ μερόπων ἀνθρώπων
ἐφθίατο-μετὰ δὲ τριτάτοισιν ἄνασσεν.
The duration of an age cannot now be de-
termined. Plutarch (Cat. Maj. c. 15) says
that Cato prosecuted Servius Galba when
he was ninety years of age, κινδυνεύει γὰρ
ὡς Νέστωρ ἐς τριγονίαν τῷ βίῳ καὶ ταῖς
πράξεσι κατελθεῖν. The filial love and death
of Antilochus are beautifully told by Pindar
(Olym. 18. Pyth. vi. 28 sqq.). Lambinus
fancifully supposes amabilem' may be
equivalent to aуалητóν, an only child.

16.] The death of Troilus, killed by Achilles, is related by Virgil (Aen. i. 474), following not Homer, but some of the Cyclic poets, the event having taken place before the time at which the Iliad opens. (V. Heyne, Exc. in loco.) His sisters were Creusa, Polyxena, Laodice, and Cassandra.

17. Desine mollium] A Greek construction; as 'abstineto irarum' (C. iii. 27. 69); Abstinens pecuniae' (iv. 9. 37). Virgil too (Acn. x. 441) takes the same

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licence, tempus desistere pugnae;' 'damnatus laboris (C. ii. 14. 19); decipitur laborum' (C. ii. 13. 38); ciceris invidit' (S. ii. 6. 84), are other constructions with the genitive borrowed from the Greek.

19. Augusti tropaea] See Introduction. 20.] Whether Niphates' was a mountain or a river has been much discussed. The Scholiasts Acron and Comm. Cruq. both say it was a river of Scythia, "though (as they add) most say it is a mountain of Armenia." Porphyrion so calls it, and Strabo mentions no other Niphates' but an Armenian range of mountains. The later poets no doubt speak of a river 'Niphates.' For instance, Lucan (Phars. iii. 215) speaks of "volventem saxa Niphaten." Silius also (xiii. 765), "Pellaco ponte Niphaten adstrinxit." Juvenal likewise (vi. 408 sq.), Isse Niphaten

66

In populos magnoque illic cuncta arva
teneri
Diluvio."

Virgil (Georg. iii. 30) says,
"Addam urbes Asiae domitas pulsumque
Niphaten,

Fidentemque fuga Parthum versisque
sagittis,

Et duo rapta manu diverso ex hoste tropaea

Bisque triumphatas utroque ab littore gentes."

Here it is uncertain whether Virgil understood Niphates to be a river or a mountain. The passage is so like Horace's that he probably had it in mind; and it is possible

Medumque flumen gentibus additum
Victis minores volvere vertices,
Intraque praescriptum Gelonos
Exiguis equitare campis.

he did not know or care whether it was a
mountain or a river. However this may be,
there can be no doubt Niphates was a moun-
tain-range south of the range named Abus,
in which the Euphrates and the Araxes rise
(Strabo, p. 527). In another passage (p.
529) Strabo says that the Tigris rises in
the range of Niphates. This fact may
account for the confusion between moun-
tain and river. The victories of Augustus
in Armenia were in A.U.C. 734, and the
geographical question therefore is chiefly
of interest here in a chronological point of
view; but even that interest vanishes, if
we suppose Horace to be speaking of con-
quests to come, as he does in C. i. 12. 53
sqq. We may then admit that Horace
wrote of the conquests of Armenia even
five years before any success was gained
there.

21. Medumque flumen] The Euphrates, as Virgil (Aen. viii. 725)— "Hic Lelegas Carasque sagittiferosque

Gelonos

Finxerat. Euphrates ibat jam mollior

undis;"

or it may be Horace meant the Tigris. See

last note. There was a river Medus which flowed into the Araxes, near Persepolis, but it was a small stream, and probably unknown to Horace. He cannot allude to this, as some suppose. Medum flumen' is like 'Metanrum flumen (C. iv. 4. 38), and flumen Rhenum' (A. P. 18).

22. vertices] Heinsius, on Aen. i. 117, states that the Medicean MS. always has the reading 'vertex,' not 'vortex.' The MSS. and editions vary in this passage, and Forcellini says that vertex' and 'vortex' are written indiscriminately in the MSS. of all the Latin authors. Fea adopts 'vertices,' but with it Charisius' absurd etymology, "vertex a vertendo dicitur: vortex a vo

rando." The passage from Quintilian, quoted by Forcell., shows how " ' vertex passed into its derived meanings.

23. Gelonos] This was one of the tribes on the north bank of the Danube. See note C. i. 19. 10. About the same time, it is supposed, with Augustus's expedition against the Cantabri, Lentulus drove the Transdanubian tribes across the river (C. iii. 8, Introduction). But whether this is alluded to here must be matter of doubt.

CARMEN X.

Licinius Murena, or A. Terentius Varro Murena, as he was called after his adoption by A. Terentius Varro, was apparently a man of restless and ambitious character, and, as we have seen, paid the penalty of his rashness with his life (C. ii. 2, Introduction). It is very probable that Horace wrote this ode to his friend to warn him of the tendencies of his disposition. All else that we learn from Horace's poems respecting Murena is that he was of the college of augurs (C. iii. 19), and that he had a house at Formiae, where he received Maecenas and his party on their way to Brundusium (S. i. 5. 37 sq.). As Murena was put to death A.U.C. 732 or 731, this ode must have been written before that year.

Although it may be inferred from the tone of this ode that Murena was not incapable of the conduct imputed to him and on the charge of which he died, his guilt does not appear to have been proved. Dion (54. 1. 3) says that "in the year when M. Marcellus and L. Arruntius were consuls, Fannius Caepio headed a conspiracy, which was joined by others; and Murena was said to have entered into it with them, either truly or slanderously. The conspirators did not appear to take their trial, and were condemned in their absence, but were taken and put to death shortly afterwards. Proculeius, his brother, and Maecenas, who had married his sister, were unable to obtain Murena's pardon." The same historian charges him with ungovernable and indiscriminate rashness of speech: ἀκράτῳ καὶ κατακορεῖ παῤῥησίᾳ πρὸς πάντας ὁμοίως ἐχρῆτο (54. 3). [Comp. Velleius, ii. 91; Sueton. Tib. c. 8.]

ARGUMENT.

The way to live, Licinius, is neither rashly to tempt nor cowardly to fear the storm.
The golden mean secures a man at once from the pinching of poverty and the envy
of wealth. The loftiest objects fall soonest and most heavily. In adversity or pro-
sperity the wise man looks for change. Storms come and go.
Bad times will not
always be bad. Apollo handles the lyre as well as the bow. In adversity show thyself
brave, in prosperity take in sail.

RECTIUS Vives, Licini, neque altum
Semper urgendo neque, dum procellas
Cautus horrescis, nimium premendo

Litus iniquum.

Auream quisquis mediocritatem
Diligit tutus caret obsoleti

Sordibus tecti, caret invidenda

Sobrius aula.

Saepius ventis agitatur ingens

Pinus et celsae graviore casu
Decidunt turres feriuntque summos
Fulgura montes.

5.] Horace's language comes near to that of Aristotle (Polit. iv. 12), xal σÇovraι δ ̓ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν οὗτοι οἱ μέσοι) μάλιστα τῶν πολιτῶν· οὔτε γὰρ αὐτοὶ τῶν ἀλλο τρίων ὥσπερ οἱ πένητες ἐπιθυμοῦσιν οὔτε τῆς TOUTO TEPOL. Aristotle quotes a maxim of Phocylides to the same effect, roλλà μέσοισιν ἄριστα· μέσος θέλω ἐν πόλει εἶναι. That every virtue is a mean between two vices is a doctrine laid down in the Ethics of this author (Nic. Eth. ii. 7), and Cicero (De Off. i. 25) says "Nunquam enim iratus qui accedit ad poenam mediocritatem illam tenebit quae est inter nimium et parum." 6. obsoleti] That which has gone out of use; therefore old and decayed.

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thetical principles far enough. The same editors follow one another in reading 'excelsae for et celsae.

The illustrations used in this stanza are frequently met with. A passage of Lucretius' fifth book (1116-1133) may be compared with this ode. In the sixth book (v. 42 sq.) he asks,

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Altaque cur plerumque petit loca, plurimaque ejus

Montibus in summis vestigia cernimus ignis ?"

The oldest passage containing this illustration is in Herodotus (vii. 10), Spas Tà ὑπερέχοντα ζωα ὡς κεραυνοῖ ὁ θεὸς οὐδὲ 9. Saepius] Burmann's conjecture (on a parráСeσbai, тà de σμiкpà ovdév μιν Ovid, Heroid. xiv. 39), 'saevius,' is strongly Kvier Spas de ŵs és oikhμaтa тà μéyiσтa defended by Jani, who thinks saepius αἰεὶ καὶ δένδρεα τὰ τοιαῦτ ̓ ἀποσκήπτει τὰ much too weak, especially for so elaborate βέλεα· φιλέει γὰρ ὁ θεὸς τὰ ὑπερέχοντα a poem. πάντα κολούειν. Sanadon adopts 'saevius' as Ovid says (Rem. Am. agreeing better with 'graviore casu,' which, 369), he says, would have been frequentiore casu' had the true reading been 'saepius.' Dacier is opposed to him, and so are the MSS., the Scholiasts, and every edition earlier than the eighteenth century (Burmann edits saepius'), and all the editors And Claudian (in Rufinum, i. 21), of this except Fea. Cunningham approves of 'saevius' only, as it would seem, because Bentley does not, and yet Bentley carries the system of correcting on aes

"Summa petit livor, perflant altissima venti,

Summa petunt dextra fulmina missa

Jovis."

"— non ad culmina rerum Injustos crevisse queror: tolluntur in altum

Ut lapsu graviore ruant."

Sperat infestis, metuit secundis
Alteram sortem bene praeparatum
Pectus. Informes hiemes reducit
Juppiter, idem

Summovet. Non si male nunc et olim
Sic erit quondam cithara tacentem
Suscitat musam, neque semper arcum
Tendit Apollo.

Rebus angustis animosus atque
Fortis appare; sapienter idem
Contrahes vento nimium secundo
Turgida vela.

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In the passages above quoted fulmina' is used. But here, though fulgura' is properly only a flash of lightning, the best MSS. are in favour of fulgura,' and the word is used in the sense of 'fulmina,' as by Virgil (Georg. i. 488), "Non alias caelo ceciderunt plura sereno Fulgura." Lambinus and Torrentius have fulmina,' though the former prefers fulgura.' Landinus (1483), Ascensius (1513), Cruquius, have fulgura,' and so most modern editions (except Fea's) since Bentley, who successfully defended the common reading. [Ritter and Keller have fulgura.'] Very few MSS. have 'fulmina.' Stephens reads fulmina,' and quotes the proverb "procul a Jove procul a fulmine."

[11. summos montes] The tops of the mountains. Summas Alpes,' Caesar B. G. iii. 1.]

15. Informes hiemes] This epithet is like inaequales' in the last ode. Compare C. iii. 29. 43:-

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vel. [Summovet: see C. ii. 16. 10.]

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17. olim Sic erit: quondam cithara] 'Olim' being derived from the demonstrative pronoun illo,' of which the older form is 'ōlo' (Key's Latin G. 298), which only indicates the remoter object, signifies some time more or less distant, either in the past or future. Quondam,' which is akin to 'quum,' an adverb relating to all parts of time, signifies also any time not present. 'One of those days' is an expression our Irish neighbours use for some future day. The reading 'citharae,' which Bentley adopts on the authority of some MSS., but against the best, appears to me weak. 'Musam citharae' for 'cithara' is not used, and the nearest expression to it that Bentley can produce is Musa Tragoediae' (C. ii. 1. 9), which is not analogous. Musam' is equivalent to 'mele' in Lucret. (ii. 412) :

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«Ac Musaea mele per chordas organici

quae

Mobilibus digitis expergefacta figurant," where 'expergefacta' corresponds to 'suscitat' in the text. [Si male:' 'tibi' is understood. If it shall go hard with you now, it will not be so always.' Comp. S. i. 2. 37, 'procedere recte Qui moechis non vultis.' Comp. C. iii. 16. 42.]

Respecting Apollo as the destroyer of men and the god of music, see Homer, Il. i., and comp. C. S. 33, 'condito mitis placidusque telo.'

22. appare] This word has particular force (see Argument).

CARMEN XI.

The date of this ode has been much discussed. If any argument could be founded upon the first line, it would naturally be inferred that the Cantabri and the Scythian tribes were in arms at the time it was written [and the date might be Ritter's, A.U.C. 725]. Lentulus' expedition against the tribes of the Danube, who had invaded the Roman provinces, is supposed, as I have said before (C. 9. 23 n.), to have taken place while Augustus was in Spain. Supposing this to be alluded to, the date of the ode may be considered settled within a year, that is, it must have been written about A.U.c. 729; and Horace speaks of his grey hairs (v. 15), which is consistent with that date, for he was then forty. But the date of the expedition of Lentulus is uncertain. The only authority on the subject is Florus (iv. 12), who does not mention the date or give any clue to it (see C. iii. 8, Introd.). But after all it is not necessary to suppose that Horace meant any thing very definite by thus coupling two distant and troublesome enemies together. The name Scythian was applied to many peoples, some of whom were continually giving trouble to the Romans; and as Estré says (p. 414), if Horace had said

or

"Quid bellicosus Parthus et Aethiops,"

"Quid bellicosus Medus et Allobrox

Hirpine Quinti cogitet Alpibus
Divisus objectis,"

the sense would have been just the same, and the purpose of the writer as well answered, which is merely to introduce a convivial ode. He has prefixed to it a name we hear of nowhere else, which has caused a good deal of difficulty to scholars. There is no Hirpinus on record but this one, belonging to the Quintian family or any other. Whether this person was a neighbour of Horace's, and got his name from his Sabine connexion (the Hirpini were a Sabine people), or whether Horace gave some friend this name from some familiar whim unknown to us, is a matter of doubt. It has been assumed that this Quintius, and the one to whom is addressed Epp. i. 16, are the same. But the latter appears to have been younger than the former, whom Horace addresses as if he were a contemporary (v. 15). Cruquius would substitute Crispine' for 'Hirpine.' T. Quintius Crispinus was consul with Drusus A.U.C. 745, and it is more probable that the epistle above referred to was addressed to him than that this ode was. Finally, to suppose, with most of the commentators, that this Hirpinus, whoever he was, was a nervous person inclined to look with alarm on the aspect of affairs, and especially afraid of a descent of the Scythians upon Italy, is as usual to mistake the character of the ode. That the disturbances and designs of the distant tribes were troublesome to Rome and topics of conversation, is enough to account for their introduction here, without supposing that Horace or his friend attached more weight to them than other people.

ARGUMENT.

Never mind what distant nations are about, nor trouble thyself for the wants of life, which wants but little: youth is going and age approaching: the flowers and the moon are not always bright: why worry thyself for ever? Let us drink under the shade of yonder tree. Mix wine, boy, and bring Lyde to sing to us.

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