state of the finances, in his opinion, the first object was our navy, on the power and superiority of which the existence of this country depended. Sailors were more wanted than soldiers; good counsellors more than even sailors; we needed not able-bodied recruits, but ableminded ministers, who, by properly employing and directing the forces of England, would render the burthensome increase of them unnecessary.

On that ground he objected strongly to the principle of the bill, which held out unheard-of rewards and immunities, to entice the labourer from the plough, and the manufacturer from the loom, to increase an army, the enor mous expence of which we at present groaned under.

LORD NORTH.

The following Speech is a most masterly defence of himself. It is a model in its kind.

On the State of the Nation.

I AM much indebted to my learned friend, the attorneygeneral, near me, for the very favourable sentiments he has this day expressed of my public services; much more, I fear, than I have any pretensions to. On that subject he has, perhaps, spoke with the partiality of a friend; on others, he has, I presume, given his opinion without any such bias. But how much soever I may be obliged to the learned gentleman, I cannot help rising on the present occasion, earnestly wishing to vindicate my character against the general and specific accusation made by the honourable gentleman over the way, (Mr. Fox) and likewise to assure that honourable gentleman, that my present situation, sentiments, and intentions, will not permit me to accept those friendly dispositions which he has been so kind as to mix with the general charges. I allude to the admonitions he has given to

me for the regulation of my future political conduct. His charges being general and unqualified, deserve some answer. He has stated them with his usual ability. He has pressed them with his wonted eloquence. However unequal I may be to the honourable gentleman in these two respects, I must not therefore, decline the vindication of my character, if I am conscious the justice of my cause will bear me out. Without that support, I am convinced of my own inability; with that support, I have nothing to fear from the honourable gentleman's eloquence and ingenuity. The hon. gentleman has travelled through the whole of my ministerial conduct, and candidly imputes all the neglects and blunders of administration, as he calls them, to me. By his account, I have enough of my own to answer for, without being compelled to bear the blame due to others; but I will tell that gentleman, that I do not mean to fly from that state of responsibly attached to my office, nor from the general responsibility which I am bound to with others, as one of his majesty's confidential servants. If the honourable gentleman, which his speech would indicate, supposes me to be first, or sole minister, I do assure him he is mistaken. I know of no such minister in this country, and do therefore hope the honourable gentleman will consider me in two lights; namely, as acting at the head of a very important department, where I acknowledge I am solely answerable for whatever is transacted, and as acting in concert with others in his majesty's confidential councils.

The honourable gentleman has gone a great way back, no less than to the whole of my conduct since I got connected with the board at which I have, at present, the honour to preside. I found the affairs of this country in great confusion, and the nation in a ferment (alluding to the affair of the Middlesex election.) I took a share in government when embarrassed by a strong factious opposition, who I thought, as I still do, acted upon mistaken or wrong motives. I assisted in maintaining government, and if the clamours current at that

time were not silenced, they were rendered ineffectual to answer the purposes for which they were raised. The great and glorious victories of the late war, and our confessed and decided superiority on the ocean, created us many enemies, and an alarm in other parts of Europe; and if not enmity, at least coolness.

France and Spain, suffering under the disgrace of successive defeats, were mortified and filled with resentment, and looking forward to retaliation. The eyes of the rest of Europe were drawn from the usual object of their jealousy, the house of Bourbon, thus fallen and humbled, towards our growing greatness. The system of Europe, at the time, admitted of no continental alliances, for to what end could they have been directed? The powers of the north were friendlily inclined, and nothing at that period, gave any reason to counteract any probable or possible measures which might be entered into by the house of Bourbon. Such was the state and disposition of Europe, when America unjustly, and without provocation, resisted the constitutional claims of this country, and refused to pay that obedience which it was bound to render up on every principle of justice; nay, I might go farther, and add, upon every motive of interest and advantage. Under the circumstances I have de scribed, we were obliged to enter into a contest with rebellious subjects. I shall neither take blame to my. self, nor impute any to others; but before we had it in our power to enforce legal government, France, contrary to every assurance, and every principle of justice and good faith, traitorously interfered in the interval in the government of the British Empire, and had the insolence, not only to prescribe the conduct we should observe towards our own subjects, but by declaring the colonies in. dependent, endeavoured to sever a third part of the empire, and wrest it out of our hands.

The honourable gentleman says, Why not resign at this-why not resign at that-why not resign at another period? I will tell the honourable gentleman, why I

[A. D. 1779. neither did, nor could resign. I was always determined never to resign as long as his majesty thought fit to accept of my poor services, and till I could do it with honour. Could I have resigned with honour when America first resisted? I answer, no. Could I have resigned with honour in the prosecution of the American war, while the event of that war was yet depending? No. Could I have resigned with honour when France interfered and acknowledged American independency? Most certainly not. And ought I to resign at this period, or could I do it with honour to myself, or discharge my duty to my country, now we have the united force of the house of Bourbon to contend with? I am persuaded I could not. My language has always been uniformly the same; never to resign till a fit person was found to succeed me. I have not heard that person yet pointed out, nor do I know him. I am well convinced, that many persons of abilities, infinitely superior to mine, could be found. I know no man more fit, in some respects, than the honourable gentleman himself; but his abilities, as far as they respect me, are out of the present question. He and his friends think differently from me on matters of very essential importance. I hope I have as great a reverence for the constitution as that gentleman; but his ideas are not perhaps exactly consonant to mine on that subject. I am for supporting the just and constitutional prerogatives of the crown, and the rights of parliament, according to the best of my own judgment; and upon those opinions I must continue to act, and can never, consequently, consent to call in any set of men, be they whom they may, as far as my feeble voice can reach, of whose political doctrines I do not approve. The good of my country and my own honour, therefore, will not permit me to follow the honourable gentleman's advice, and subscribe to his opinion, that this is the proper time for me to resign. The honourable gentleman, after reprobating the whole of my public conduct, is pleased to hold out several strong inducements

to me to retire from public business. He offers me a full indemnity for all my past crimes and transgressions, as a public man: for which I am greatly indebted to him, though, unfortunately, I cannot, or will not follow the advice thus given. He desires me to retire with the plunder I have amassed. (Mr. Fox.-Not plunder but fortune.) He says in order to save his country, in which resignation is included, that he would consent to let me, though a state criminal, escape with impunity; but he has coupled this very generous offer with a threat. He added, if I should not retire after this wholesome and friendly warning, that I must expect, in case of future disasters, to be brought to public judg ment, and to exemplary and condign punishment.

The honourable gentleman's advice is generous and friendly; his threat is accompanied with openness, and is candid and manly. He has given me my option, and he will permit me to take it. But, in the first place, as I am conscious of no crime, I cannot, from any motive of common sense or common prudence, accept of the proffered indemnity: neither can I, from the same reason fear a public trial, or the consequences of guilt, the threatened punishment denounced, in order to terrify me into a resignation.

On the contrary, there is nothing at a proper time, I more ardently desire than a public trial; nor any thing I less fear than public punishment. I have been publicly accused in this house, in the face of the nation; justice requires that I should be indulged with an opportunity of exculpating myself. I shall insist upon the exercise of that justice: I hope I shall not be refused. I shall and must be tried, be the event of the present measures what they may. So that, however well intended the honourable gentleman's offer may have been, his favour of indemnity and impunity would amount to actual punishment, and his threats of future trial would be to me the greatest favour it is in his power to confer.

The honourable gentleman has, indeed, held me forth