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after some of the Athenian envoys, who happened to be in the city, had defended the conduct of their state, the Spartans first, and afterward all the allies, decided that Athens had broken the truce, and they resolved upon immediate war; King Archidamus alone recommended some delay. In the interval necessary for preparation, an attempt was made to throw the blame of commencing hostilities upon the Athenians, by sending three several embassies to Athens with demands of such a nature as could not be accepted. In the assembly which was held at Athens to give a final answer to these demands, Pericles, who was now at the height of his power, urged the people to engage in the war, and laid down a plan for the conduct of it. He advised the people to bring all their moveable property from the country into the city, to abandon Attica to the ravages of the enemy, and not to suffer themselves to be provoked to give them battle with inferior numbers, but to expend all their strength upon their navy, which might be employed in carrying the war into the enemy's territory, and in collecting supplies from subject states; and farther, not to attempt any new conquest while the war lasted. His advice was adopted, and the Spartan envoys were sent home with a refusal of their demands, but with an offer to refer the matters in difference to an impartial tribunal, an offer which the Lacedamonians had no intention of accepting. After this, the usual peaceful intercourse between the rival states was discontinued. Thucydides (2, 1) dates the beginning of the war from the early spring of the year 431 B.C., the fifteenth of the thirty years' truce, when a party of Thebans made an attempt, which at first succeeded, but was ultimately defeated, to surprise Plataea. The truce being thus openly broken, both parties addressed themselves to the war. The Peloponnesian confederacy included all the states of Peloponnesus except Achaia (which joined them afterward) and Argos, and without the Peloponnesus, Megaris, Phocis, Locris, Boeotia, the island of Leucas, and the cities of Ambracia and Anactorium. The allies of the Athenians were Chios and Lesbos, besides Samos and the other islands of the AEgean which had been reduced to subjection (Thera and Melos, which were still independent, remained neutral), Plataea, the Messenian colony in Naupactus, the majority of the Acarmanians, Corcyra, Zacynthus, and the Greek colonies in Asia Minor, in Thrace and Macedonia, and on the Hellespont. The resources of Sparta lay chiefly in her land forces, which, however, consisted of contingents from the allies, whose period of service was limited; the Spartans were also deficient in money. The Athenian strength lay in their fleet, which was manned chiefly by foreign sailors, whom the wealth they collected from their allies enabled them to pay. Thucydides informs us, that the cause of the Lacedæmonians was the more popular, as they professed to be deliverers of Greece, while the Athenians were fighting in defence of an empire which had become odious through their tyranny, and to which the states which yet retained their independence feared to be o into subjection. In the summer of the year 431 B.C., the Peloponnesians invaded Attica under the command of Archidamus, king of Sparta. Their progress was slow, as Archidamus appears to have been still anxious to try what could be done by intimidating the Athenians before proceeding to extremities. Yet their presence was found to be a greater calamity than the
ople had anticipated; and, when Archidamus made }. appearance at Acharnae, they began loudly to demand to be led out to battle. Pericles firmly adhered to his plan of defence, and the Peloponnesians returned home. Before their departure the Athenians had sent out a fleet of 100 sail, which was joined by fifty Corcyrean ships, to waste the coasts of Peloponnesus; and towards the autumn Pericles led the whole disposable force of the city into Megaris, which he laid
waste. In the same summer the Athenians expelled the inhabitants of Ægina from their island, which they colonized with Athenian settlers. In the winter there was a public funeral at Athens for those who had fallen in the war, and Pericles pronounced over them an oration, the substance of which is preserved by Thucydides (2,35–46). In the following summer (B.C. 430) the Peloponnesians again invaded Attica under Archidamus, who now entirely laid aside the forbearance which he had shown the year before, and left scarcely a corner of the land unravaged. This invasion lasted forty days. . In the mean time, a grievous pestilence broke out in Athens, and raged with the more virulence on account of the crowded state of the city. Of this terrible visitation Thucydides, who was himself a sufferer, has left a minute and apparently faithful description (2, 46, seq.). The murmurs of the people against Pericles were renewed, and he was compelled to call an assembly to defend his policy. He succeeded so far as to prevent any overtures for peace being made to the fo. but he himself was fined, though immediately afterward he was reelected general. While the Peloponnesians were in Attica, Pericles led a fleet to ravage the coasts of Peloponnesus. In the winter of this year Potidaea surrendered to the Athenians on favourable terms. (Thucyd., 2, 70.) The next year (B.C. 429), instead of invading. Attica, the Peloponnesians laid siege to Plataea. The brave resistance of the inhabitants forced their enemies to convert the siege into a blockade. In the same summer, an invasion of Acarnania by the Ambracians and a body of Peloponnesian troops was repulsed; and a large Peloponnesian fleet, which was to have joined in the attack on Acarnania, was twice defeated by Phormion in the mouth of the Corinthian gulf. An expedition sent by the Athenians against the revolted Chalcidian towns was defeated with great loss. In the preceding year (B.C. 430) the Athenians had coo an alliance with Sitalces, king of the Odrysae in Thrace, and Perdiccas, king of Macedon, on which occasion Sitalces had promised to aid the Athenians to subdue their revolted subjects in Chalcidice. He now collected an army of 150,000 men, with which he first invaded Macedonia, to revenge the breach of certain promises which Perdiccas had made to him the year before, and afterward laid waste the territory of the Chalcidians and Bottiaeans, but he did not attempt to reduce any of the Greek cities. About the middle of this year Pericles died. The invasion of Attica was repeated in the next summer (428 B.C.); and, immediately afterward, all Lesbos except Methymne revolted from the Athenians, who laid siege to Mytilene. The Mytilenaeans begged aid from Sparta, which was promised, and they were admitted into the Spartan alliance. In the same winter a body of Plataans, amounting to 220, made their escape from the besieged city in the night, and took refuge in Athens. In the summer of 427 the Peloponnesians again invaded Attica, while they sent a fleet of 42 galleys, under Alcidas, to the relief of Mytilene. §. the fleet arrived Mytilene had surrendered, and Alcidas, after, a little delay, sailed home. In an assembly which was held at Athens to decide on the fate of the Mytilenaeans, it was resolved, at the instigation of Cleon, that all the adult citizens should be put to death, and the women and children made slaves; but this barbarous decree was repealed the next day. The land of the Lesbians (except Methymne) was seized and divided among Athenian citizens, to whom the inhabitants paid a rent for the occupation of their former property. In the same summer the Plataeans surrendered; they were massacred, and their city was iven up to the Thebans, who razed it to the ground. n the year 426 the Lacedæmonians were deterred from invading Attica by earthquakes. An expedition against Ætolia, under the Athenian so tuoso
thenes, completely failed; but afterward Demosthenes and the Acarnanians routed the Ambracians, who nearly all perished. In the winter (426–5) the Athenians purified the island of Delos, as an acknowledgment to Apollo for the cessation of the plague. At the beginning of the summer of 425, the Peloponnesians invaded Attica for the fifth time. At the same time, the Athenians, who had long directed their thoughts towards Sicily, sent a fleet to aid the Leontini in a war with Syracuse. Demosthenes accompanied this fleet, in order to act, as occasion might offer, on the coast of Peloponnesus. He fortified Pylus on the coast of Messenia, the northern headland of the modern Bay of Navarino. In the course of the operations which were undertaken to dislodge him, a body of Lacedæmonians, including several noble Spartans, got blockaded in the island of Sphacteria, at the mouth of the bay, and were ultimately taken prisoners by Cleon and Demosthenes. Pylus was garrisoned by a colony of Messenians, in order to annoy the Spartans. After this event the Athenians engaged in vigorous offensive operations, of which the most important was the capture of the island of Cythera by Nicias early in B.C. 424. This summer, however, the Athenians suffered some reverses in Boeotia, where they lost the battle of Delium, and on the coasts of Macedonia and Thrace, where Brasidas, among other exploits, took Amphipolis. The Athenian expedition to Sicily was abandoned, after some operations of no great importance, in consequence of a general pacification of the island, which was effected through the influence of Hermocrates, a citizen of Syracuse. In the year 423, a year's truce was concluded between Sparta and Athens, with a view to a lasting peace. Hostilities were renewed in 422, and Cleon was sent to cope with Brasidas, who had continued his operations even during the truce. A battle was fought between these generals at Amphipolis, in which the defeat of the Athenians was amply compensated by the double deliverance which they experienced in the deaths both of Cleon and Brasidas. In the following year (421) Nicias succeeded in negotiating a peace with Sparta for fifty years, the terms of which were, a mutual restitution of conquests made during the war, and the release of the prisoners taken at Sphacteria. This treaty was j by all the allies of Sparta except the Boeotians, Corinthians, Eleans, and Megarians. This peace never rested on any firm basis. It was no sooner concluded than it was discovered that Sparta had not the power to sulfil her promises, and Athens insisted on their performance. The jealousy of the other states was excited by a treaty of alliance which was concluded between Sparta and Athens immediately after the peace; and intrigues were commenced for the formation of a new confederacy, with Argos at the head. An attempt was made to draw Sparta into alliance with Argos, but it failed. A similar overture, subsequently made to Athens, met with better success, chiefly through an artifice of Alcibiades, who was at the head of a large party hostile to the peace, and the Athenians concluded a treaty offensive and defensive with Argos, Elis, and Mantinea for 100 years (B.C. 420). In the year 418, the Argive confederacy was broken up by their defeat at the battle of Mantinea, and a peace, and soon after an alliance, was made between Sparta and Argos. In the year 416 an expedition was undertaken by the Athenians against Melos, which had hitherto remained neutral. The Melians surrendered at discretion; all the males who had attained manhood were put to death; the women and children were made slaves; and subsequently 500 Athenian colonists were sent to occupy the island. (Thucyd., 5, 116.) . The fifty years' peace was not considered at an end, though its terms had been broken on both sides, till the year 415, when the Athenians undertook their disastrous expedition to Sicily.
(Vid. Syracuse.) Sicily proved a rock against which their resources and efforts were fruitlessly expended. And Sparta, which furnished but a commander and a handful of men for the defence of Syracuse, soon beheld her antagonist reduced, by a series of unparalleled misfortunes, to a state of the utmost distress and weakness. The accustomed procrastination of the Spartans, and the timid policy to which they ever adhered, alone preserved Athens in this critical moment, or at least retarded her downfall. Time was allowed for her citizens to recover from the panic and consternation occasioned by the news of the Sicilian disaster; and, instead of viewing the hostile fleets, as they bad anticipated, ravaging their coasts and blockading the Piraeus, they were enabled still to dispute the empire of the sea, and to preserve the most valuable of their dependancies. Alcibiades, whose exile had proved so injurious to his country, since it was to his counsels alone that the successes of her enemies are to be attributed, now interposed in her behalf, and by his intrigues prevented the Persian satrap, Tissaphernes, from placing at the disposal of the Spartan admiral that superiority of force which must at once have terminated the war by the complete overthrow of the Athenian republic. (Thucyd., lib., 8.) The temporary revolution which was effected at Athens by his contrivance also, and which placed the state at variance with the fleet and army stationed at Samos, afforded him another opportunity of rendering a real service to his country by moderating the violence and animosity of the latter. The victory of Cynossema and the subsequent successes of Alcibiades, now elected to the chief command of the forces of his country, once more restored Athens to the command of the sea, and, bad she reposed that confidence in the talents of her general which they deserved and her necessities required, the efforts of Sparta and the gold of Persia might have proved unavailing. But the second exile of Alcibiades, and, still more, the iniquitous sentence which condemned to death the generals who fought and conquered at Arginusae, sealed the ruin of Athens; and the battle of Argos Potamos at length terminated a contest which had been carried on, with scarcely any intermission, during a period of twenty-seven years, with a spirit and animosity unparalleled in the annals of warfare. Lysander now sailed to Athens, receivin as he went the submission of the allies, and j the city, which surrendered after a few months (B.C. 404) on terms dictated by Sparta, with a view of making Athens a useful ally by giving the ascendancy in the state to the oligarchical party. The history of the Peloponnesian war was written by Thucydides, upon whose accuracy and impartiality, as far as his narrative goes, we may place the fullest dependance. His history ends abruptly in the year 411 B.C. For the rest of the war we have to follow Xenophon and Dicdorus. The value of Xenophon's history is impaired by his prejudices, and that of Diodorus by his carelessness. (Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 17, p. 389, seoCramer's Ancient Greece, vol. 2, p. 299, seq.) Pelopon Nésus (Heworóvvmoor), that is, according to the commonly-received explanation, “the island of Pelops” (IIážom or viiooc), a celebrated peninsula, comprehending the most southern part of Greece, and which would be an island were it not for the Isthmus of Corinth. Its name is said to have been derived from Pelops, who is reported by the later Greek mythologists to have been of Phrygian origin. Thucydides, however (1, 9), simply observes that he came from Asia, and brought great wealth with him. He married Hippodamia, the daughter of GEnomaus, king of Pisa in Elis, and succeeded to his kingdom. Pelops is said also to have subsequently extended his dominions over many of the districts bordering upon Elis, whence the whole country, according to the common account, obtained the name of Peloponnesus. Aga
memnon and Menelaús were descended from him.— Such is the mythic legend relative to the origin of the name Peloponnesus. The word, however, does not occur in Homer. The original name of the peninsula appears to have been Apia (Hom., Il., 1,270.-Id. ib., 3, 49), and it was so called, according to Æschylus (Suppl., 255), from Apis, a son of Apollo, or, according to Pausanias (2, 5, 5), from Apis, a son of Telchin, and descendant of Ægialeus. When Argos had the supremacy, the peninsula, according to Strabo (371), was sometimes called Argos; and, indeed, Homer seems to use the term Argos, in some cases, as including the whole peninsula. (Thucyd., 1, 9.) The origin, therefore, of the name Peloponnesus still remains open to investigation. It is possible that Pelops, instead of having actually existed, may be merely a symbol representing an old race by the name of Pelopes, according to the analogy which we find in the national appellations of the Dryopes, Meropes, Dolopes, and others. The Peloponnesus, then, will have derived its name from this old race, and the very term Pelopes (Pel-opes) itself will receive something like confirmation from the ingenious remarks of Buttmann relative to the early population along the shores of the Medi. terranean. (Vid. Apia, and Opici.) After the line of the mythic Pelops had become celebrated in epic poetry as the lords of all Argos and of many islands, the name of Peloponnesus would appear to have come into general use, and, by a common error, to have been transferred from the race or nation of the Pelopes to their fabulous leader. (Vid. Pelops.)—Peloponnesus, though inferior in extent to the northern portion of Greece, may be looked upon, says Strabo, as the acropolis of Hellas, both from its position, and the power and celebrity of the different people by which it was inhabited. In shape it resembled the leaf of a planetree, being indented by numerous bays on all sides. (Strab., 335 –Plin., 4, 5–Dionys. Per., 403.) It is from this circumstance that the modern name of Morea is doubtlessly derived, that word signifying a mulberry leaf-Strabo estimates the breadth of the peninsula at 1400 stadia from Cape Chelonatas, now Cape Tornese, its westernmost point, to the isthmus, being nearly equal to its length from Cape Malea, now Cape St. Angelo, to AEgium, now Vostizza, in Achaia. Polybius reckons its periphery, setting aside the sinuosities of the coast, at 4000 stadia, and Artemidorus at 4400; but, if these are included, the number of stadia must be increased to 5600. Pliny says that “Isidorus computed its circumference at 563 miles, and as much again if all the gulfs were taken into the account. The narrow stem from which it expands is called the isthmus. At this point the AEgean and Ionian seas, breaking in from opposite quarters north and east, eat away all its width, till a narrow neck of five miles in breadth is all that connects Peloponnesus with Greece. On one side is the Corinthian, on the other the Saronic Gulf. Lechaeum and Cenchreo are situated on opposite extremities of the isthmus, a long and hazardous circumnavigation for ships, the size .#. prevents their being carried over land in wagons. For this reason various attempts have been made to cut a navigable canal across the isthmus by King Demetrius, Julius Caesar, Caligula, and Nero, but in every instance without success.” (Plin., 4, 5.)—On the north the Peloponnesus is bounded by the Ionian Sea, on the west by that of Sicily, to the south and southeast by that of Libya and Crete, and to the northeast by the Myrtoan and Ægean. These several seas form in succession five extensive gulfs along its shores: the Corinthiacus Sinus, now Gulf of Corinth or Lepanto, which separated the northern coast from AEtolia, Locris, and Phocis ; the Sinus Messeniacus, now Gulf of Coron, on the coast of Messenia; the Sinus Laconious, now Gulf of Colokythia, on that of Laconia; the Sinus Argolicus, now Gulf of Napoli; and, lastly,
the Sinus Saronicus, a name derived from Saron, which in ancient Greek signified an oak leaf (Plin., 4, 5), now called Gulf of Engia. (Strab., l.c.)—The principal mountains of Peloponnesus are, those of ği. (Zyria) and Erymanthus (Olonos) in Arcadia, and Taygetus (St. Elias) in Laconia. Its rivers are, the Alpheus, now Rouphia, passing through Arcadia and Elis, and discharging itself into the Sicilian Sea; the Eurotas, or Basilipotamo, watering Laconia, and falling into the Sinus Laconicus; the Pamisus, or Pirmatza, a river of Messenia, falling into the Sinus Messeniacus. The Peloponnesus contains but one small lake, which is that of Stymphalus, or Zaracca, in Arcadia.-According to the best modern maps, the area of the whole peninsula may be estimated at 7800 square miles; and in the more flourishing period of Grecian history, an approximate computation of the population of its different states furnishes upward of a million as the aggregate number of its inhabitants.--The divisions of the Peloponnesus were Achaia, Elis, Messenia, Laconia, Argolis, and Arcadia. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 1, seqq.) Pelops, son of Tantalus king of Phrygia, and celebrated in both the mythic and historical legends of Greece. At an entertainment given to the gods by Tantalus, the latter, in order to try their divinity, is said to have killed and dressed his son Pelops, and to have set him for food before them. The assembled deities, however, immediately perceived the horrid nature of the banquet, and all abstained from it with the exception of Ceres, who, engrossed with the loss of her daughter Proserpina, in a moment of abstraction ate one of the shoulders of the boy. At the desire of Jupiter, Mercury put all the parts back into the caldron, and then drew forth the young Pelops alive again, and perfect in all his parts except the shoulder, which was replaced by an ivory one, that was said to possess the power of removing every disorder and healing every complaint by its touch. Hence, says the scholiast to Pindar, the descendants of Pelops had all such a shoulder as this (rotoirov elkov row ouov.— Schol. ad Pind., Ol., 1,38). The ivory shoulder of Pelops became also a subject for the painter, as appears from Philostratus (Imag., 1, 30, p. 807), where Pelops is said darpáipal rô duo, “to flash forth rays of light from his shoulder.” The shoulder of the son of Tantalus also plays a conspicuous part in the legend of Troy. The soothsayers, it seems, had declared that the city of Priam would never be taken until the Greeks should have brought to their camp the arrows of Hercules and one of the bones of Pelops. Accordingly, the shoulder-blade (ouot?arm) of the son of Tantalus was brought from Pisa to Troy. (Pausan., 5, 13, 3. — Böckh, ad Pind., l.c.) Another legend states, that the Palladium in Troy was made of the bones of Pelops. (Vid. Palladium.)—But to return to the regular narrative: Neptune, attracted by the beauty of Pelops, carried him off in his golden car to Olympus, where he remained until his father Tantalus had drawn on himself the indignation of the gods, when they sent Pelops once more down to the “swiftfated race of men.” (Pind., Ol., 1,60, seqq.)—When Pelops had attained to manhood, he resolved to seek in marriage Hippodamia, the daughter of CEnomalis, king of Pisa. An oracle having told this prince that he would lose his life through his son-in-law, or, as others say, being o on account of her surpassing beauty, to part with her, he proclaimed that he would give his daughter only to the one who should conquer him in the chariot-race. The race was from the banks of the Cladius in Elis to the altar of Neptune at the Isthmus of Corinth, and it was run in the following manner: CEnomaüs, placing his daughter in the chariot with the suiter, gave him the start; he himself followed with a spear in his hand, and, if he overtook the unhappy lover, he ran ".*—
Thirteen had already lost their lives when Pelops came. In the dead of the night, says Pindar, Pelops went down to the margin of the sea, and invoked the god who rules it. On a sudden Neptune stood at his feet, and Pelops conjured him, by the memory of his former affection, to grant him the means of obtaining the lovely daughter of OEnomaus. Neptune heard his rayer, and bestowed upon him a golden chariot, and orses of winged speed. Pelops then went to Pisa to contend for the prize. He bribed Myrtilus, son of Mercury, the charioteer of CEnomaus, to leave out the linchpins of the wheels of his chariot, or, as others say, to put in waxen ones instead of iron. In the race, therefore, the chariot of OEnomatis broke down, and he fell out and was killed, and thus Hippodamia became the bride of Pelops. (Schol. ad Pind., Ol., 1, 114.—Hygin., fab., 84.—Pind., Ol., 1, 114, seqq. —Apoll. Rhod., 1, 752. — Schol., ad loc.—Tzetz. ad Lycophr., 156.) Pelops is said to have promised Myrtilus, for his aid, one half of his kingdom, or, as other accounts have it, to have made a most dishonourable agreement of another nature with him. Unwilling, however, to keep his promise, he took an oportunity, as they were driving along a cliff, to throw yrtilus into the sea, where he was drowned. To the vengeance of Mercury for the death of his son were ascribed all the future woes of the line of Pelops. (Soph., Electr., 504, seqq.) Hippodania bore to Pelops five sons, Atreus, Thyestes, Copreus, Alcatholis, and Pittheus, and two daughters, Nicippe and Lysid. ice, who married Sthenelus and Mestor, sons of Perseus.—The question as to the personality of Pelops has been considered in a previous article (vid. Peloponnesus), and the opinion has there been advanced which makes him to have been merely the symbol of an ancient race called Pelopes. To those, however, who are inclined to regard Pelops as an actual personage, the following remarks of Mr. Thirlwall may not prove uninteresting: “According to a tradition, which appears to be sanctioned by the authority of Thucydides, Pelops passed over from Asia to Greece with treasures, which, in a poor country, afforded him the means of founding a new dynasty. His descendants sat for three generations on the throne of Argos: their power was generally acknowledged throughout Greece; and, in the historian's opinion, united the Grecian states in the expedition against Troy. The renown of their ancestor was transmitted to posterity by the name of the southern peninsula, called after him Peloponnesus, or the isle of Pelops. Most authors, however, fix his native seat in the Lydian town of Sipylus, where his father Tantalus was fabled to have reigned in more than mortal prosperity, till he abused the favour of the gods, and provoked them to destroy him. The poetical legends varied as to the marvellous eauses through which the abode of Pelops was transferred from Sipylus to Pisa, where he won the daughter and the crown of the bloodthirsty tyrant OEnomalis as the prize of his victory in the chariotrace. The authors who, like Thucydides, saw nothing in the story but a political transaction, related that Pelops had been driven from his native land by an invasion of Ilus, king of Troy (Pausan., 2, 22, 3); and hence it has very naturally been inferred, that, in leading the Greeks against Troy, Agamemnon was merely avenging the wrongs of his ancestor. (Kruse, Hellas, vol. 1, p. 485.) On the other hand, it has been observed that, far from giving any countenance to this hypothesis, Homer, though he records the genealogy by which the sceptre of Pelops was transmitted to Agamemnon, nowhere alludes to the Asiatic origin of the house. As little does he seem to have heard of the adventures of the Lydian stranger at Pisa. The zeal with which the Eleans maintained this part of the story, manifestly with a view to exalt the antiquity and the lustre of the Olympic games, over
which they presided, raises a natural suspicion that the hero's connexion with the East may have been a mere fiction, occasioned by a like interest, and propagated by like arts. This distrust is confirmed by the religious form which the legend was finally made to assume when it was combined with an Asiatic superstation, which found its way into Greece after the time of Homer. The seeming sanction of Thucydides loses almost all its weight, when we observe that he does not deliver his own judgment on the question, but mercly adopts the opinion of the Peloponnesian antiquaries, which he found best adapted to his purpose of illustrating the progress of society in Greece.” (Thirlwall's Greece, vol. 1, p. 70.) Mr. Kenrick sees in Pelops the dark-faced one (TeAóç and dow), and thinks that the reference is to a system of religion, characterized by dark and mysterious rites, which spread from Phrygia into Greece. (Philol. Museum, No. 5, p. 353.) For another explanation of the legend of Pelops, consult remarks under the article Tantalus. PelôRus (v. is-idis, v. ias-iados), now Cape Faro, one of the three great promontories of Sicily. It lies near the coast of Italy, and is said to have received its name from Pelorus, the pilot of the ship which carried Hannibal away from Italy. This celebrated general, as it is reported, was carried by the tide into the straits between Italy and Sicily ; and, as he was ignorant of the coast, and perceived no passage through (sor, in consequence of the route which the vessel was pursuing, the promontories on either side seemed to join), he suspected the pilot of an intention to deliver him into the hands of the Romans, and killed him on the spot. He was soon, however, convinced of his error, and, to atone for his rashness and pay honour to his pilot's memory, he gave him a magnificent funeral, and called the promontory on the Sicilian shore after his name, having erected on it a tomb with a statee of Pelorus. (Val. Mar., 9, 8.-Mela, 2, 7–Straš, 5.— Virg., AEm., 3, 411, 687. —Ovid, Met., 5, 350; 13, 727; 15, 706.)—This whole story is fabulous; nor is that other one in any respect more worthy of belief, which makes the promontory in question to have derived its name from a colossal (rexoptor) statue of Orion placed upon it, and who was fabled to have broken through and formed the straits and pronontory. (Diod. Suc., 4, 85. – Mannert, Geogr., vol. 9, pt. 2, p. 264.) The name is, in fact, much clier than the fo of Hannibal. Polybius, a contemporary of the Carthaginian commander, gives the appellation of Pelorius to this cape without the least allusion to the story of the pilot: Thucydides, long before the time of Hannibal, speaks of Peloris as being included in the territory of Messana (4, 25); and, indeed, it may be safely asserted that Hannibal never was in these straits.-The promontory of Pelorus is sandy, but Silius Italicus errs when he speaks of its being a lofty one (14, 79). It is a low point of land, and the sand-flats around contain some salt-meadows. Sohnus describes them with an intermixture of fable (c. 11). The passage directly across to Italy is the shortest; but as there is no harbour here, and the current runs to the south, the route from the Italian shore is a southwestern one to Messana. The Italian promontory facing Pelorus is that of Caenys. (Marinert, Geogr., vol. 9, pt. 2, p. 265.) Peltze, a city of Phrygia, southeast of Cotyaeum, mentioned by Xenophon in his narrative of the retreat of the Ten Thousand (1, 2). He describes it as well inhabited. Pliny (5,27) speaks of Pelta as belonging to the Conventus Juridicus of Apamea. In the notices of the ecclesiastical writers it appears as the seat of a bishopric. Xenophon makes the distance between it and Celaenae ten parasangs. We must look for the site of this place to the north of the Maeander,
six orobably in the valley and plair formed by the
the founder of the city.
western branch of that river, now called Askli-tchai, but formerly Glaucus. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 24.—Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 3, p. 104.—Compare Rennell's Geography of Western Asia, vol. 2, p. 141, seqq., in notis.) Pelusium, an important city of Egypt, at the entrance of the Pelusiac mouth of the Nile, and about 20 stadia from the sea. It was surrounded by marshes, and was with truth regarded as the key of Egypt in this quarter. An Arabian horde might indeed traverse the desert on this side without approaching Pelusium; but an invading army would be utterly unable to pass through this sandy waste, where water completely failed. The route of the latter would have to be more to the north, and here they would encounter Pelusium, surrounded with lakes and marshes, and which extended from the walls of the city down to the very coast. Hence it was that the Persian force sent against King Nectanebts did not venture to attack the city, but sailed into the Mendesian mouth with their vessels. (Diod. Sic., 15, 42.) Subsequently, however, the Persians diverted the course of that arm of the Nile on which the city stood, and succeeded in throwing down the walls and taking the place. Pelusium, after this, was again more than once taken, and gradually sank in importance. Ptolemy does not even name it as the capital of a Nome. In the reign of Augustus, however, it became the chief city of the newly-erected province of Augustamnica. The name of this city is evidently of Grecian origin, and is derived from the term rmoc, mud, in allusion to its peculiar situation. It would seem to have received this name at a very early period, since Herodotus gives it as the usual one, without alluding to any older term. Most probably the appellation was first given under the latter Pharaohs, and a short time previous to the Persian sway, since about this time the Greeks were first allowed to have any regular commercial intercourse with the ports of Egypt. To give a more reputable explanation of the Grecian name than that immediately suggested by its root, the mythologists sabled that Peleus, the father of Achilles, came to this quarter, for the purpose of purifying himself, from the murder of his brothér Phocus, in the lake that afterward washed the walls of Pelusium, being ordered so to do by the gods; and that he became (Amm. Marcell., 22, 16.)— As soon as the easternmost or Pelusiac mouth of the Nile was diverted from its usual course, Pelusium, as has already been remarked, began to sink in importance, and soon lost all its consequence as a frontier town, and even as a place of trade. It sell back eventually to its primitive mire and earth, the materials of which it was built having been merely burned bricks; and hence, among the ruins of Pelusium at the present day, there are no remains of stone edifices, no large temples; the ground is merely covered with heaps of earth and rubbish. Near the ruins stands a dilapidated castle or fortress named Tinch, the Arabic term for “inire.” PENites, a name given to a certain class of household deities among the Romans, who were worshipped in the innermost part of their dwellings. For the points of distinction between them and the Lares, consult the latter article. PENELöpr, a princess of Greece, daughter of Ica. rius, brother of Tyndarus king of Sparta, and of Polycaste or Periboea. She became the wife of Ulysses, monarch of Ithaca, and her marriage was celebrated about the same time with that of Menelaus and Helen. Penelope became by Ulysses the mother of Telemachus, and was obliged soon after to part with her husband, whom the Greeks compelled to go to the Trojan war. (Wid. Ulysses.) Twenty years passed away, and Ulysses returned not to his home. Meanwhile, his Palace at Ithaca was crowded with numerous and
importunate suiters, aspiring to the hand of the queen. Her relations also urged her to abandon all thoughts of the probability of her husband's return, and not to disregard, as she had, the solicitations of the rival aspirants to her favour. Penelope, however, exerted every resource which her ingenuity could suggest to protract the period of her decision: among others, she declared that she would make choice of one of them as soon as she should have completed a web that she was weaving (intended as a suneral ornament for the aged Laertes); but she baffled their expectations by undoing at night what she had accomplished during the day. This artifice has given rise to the proverb of “Penelope's web,” or “to unweave the web of Penelope” (Penelopes telam reterere), applied to whatever labour appears to be endless. (Erasm., Adag. Chil., 1, cent. 4, col. 145.) For three years this artifice succeeded; but, on the beginning of a fourth, a disclosure was made by one of her female attendants; and the faithful and unhappy Penelope, constrained at length by the renewed importunities of her persecutors, agreed, at their instigation, to bestow her hand on him who should shoot an arrow from the bow of Ulysses through a given number of axe-eyes placed in succession. An individual disguised as a beggar was the successful archer. This was no other than Ulysses, who had just returned to Ithaca. The hero then directed his shafts at the suiters, and slew them all. (Wid. Ulysses.)—The character of Penelope has been variously represented ; but it is the more popular opinion that she is to be considered as a model of conjugal and domestic virtue. (Apollod, 3, 10, 11. – Heyne, ad loc.— Hom., Od. – Hygin., fab., 127–Ovid, Her. Ep., 1.)
PENEus, I. a river of Thessaly, rising in the chain of Pindus, and falling into the Sinus Thermaicus after traversing the whole breadth of the country. Towards its mouth it flows through the celebrated Vale of Tempe. (Wid. Tempe.) It seems to have been the general opinion of antiquity, founded on very early traditions, that the great basin of Thessaly was at some remote period covered by the waters of the Peneus and its tributary rivers, until some convulsion of nature had rent asunder the gorge of Tempe, and thus afforded a passage to the pent-up streams. This opinion, which was first reported by Herodotus in his account of the march of Xerxes (7,129), is repeated by Strabo, who observes in confirmation of it, that the Peneus in his day was still liable to frequent inundations, and also that the land in Thessaly is higher towards the sea than towards the more central parts. (Strab., 430.) The Peneus is called Salambria by Tzetzes (Chil., 9, 707), and Salabria and Salampria by some of the Byzantine historians, which name appears to be derived from caääuffm, “an outlet,” and was applicable to it more particularly at the Vale of Tempe, where it has forced a passage through the rocks of Ossa and Olympus. (Dodwell, Tour, vol. 2, p. 102.) The Peneus is said to be never dry, ... in summer it is shallow: after heavy rains, and the sudden melting of the snow on Pindus, it sometimes overflows its banks, when the impetuous torrent of its waters sweeps away houses and inundates the neighbouring plain. Aflian, in his description of Tempe (W. H., 3, 1), makes the Peneus flow through the vale as smoothly as oil; and Dodwell remarks, that, in its course through the town of Larissa, it has at the presest day a surface as smooth as oil. The intelligent traveller just mentioned observes in relation to this river, “Many authors have extolled the diaphanous purity of the Peneus, although it must in all periods have exhibited a muddy appearance, at least during its progress through the Thes: salian plain; for who can expect a current of lucid crystal in an argillaceous soil 1 Strabo, Pliny, and . have misunderstood the meaning of Homer (Il, 2,756) when he speaks of the * silvery