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l, c.— Opid, Met., 4, 785. Hygin, fab., 57-Van Staveren, ad Hygin, l.c.)—“The horse,” observes Knight, “ was sacred to Neptune and the rivers; and employed as a general symbol of the waters, on account of a supposed affinity, which we do not find that modern naturalists have observed. Hence came the comsition, so frequent on the Carthaginian coins, of the i. with the asterisk of the sun, or the winged disk and hooded snakes, over his back ; and also the use made of him as an emblematical device on the medals of many Greek cities. In some instances the body of the animal terminates in plumes; and in others has only wings, so as to form the Pegasus, fabled by the later Greek poets to have been ridden by Bellerophon, but only known to the ancient theogonists as the bearer of Aurora, and of the thunder and lightning to Jupiter, an allegory of which the meaning is obvious.” (Inquiry into the Symb. Lang., &c., § 111. – Class. Journ., vol. 25, p. 34.)—As regards the constellation Pegasus, it may be remarked, that the Greek astronomers always give it the simple appellation of “the Horse” (“Irmoc). The name IIñyacos first comes in among the later mythological poets. It does not even occur in Aratus; the poet merely remarking that this is supposed to be the same horse whose hoof produced the fountain Hippocrene. (Arat., Phaen., 219.) Eratosthenes, however, says (c. 18) that this is the steed, as some think, which, after Bellerophon had been thrown from it, flew upward to the stars. The opinion, however, is, according to him, an erroneous one, since the steed in the heavens has no wings. It would appear, therefore, from this remark of Eratosthenes, that the custom of representing Pegasus with wings came in at a later period. They are added in Ptolemy. The Romans, in imitation of the Greeks, call the constellation simply Equus, for which the poets substitute Sonipes, Sonipes ales, Cornipes, and other similar expressions. The name Pegasus appears to occur only in Germanicus (v. 221, 282). Ovid has Equus Gorgoneus, in allusion to the fabled birth of the steed. (Fast, 3, 450-1deler, Sternnamen, p. 115.) PelagoNía, I. a district of Macedonia bordering on Illyria. The Pelagones, though not mentioned by Homer as a distinct people, were probably known to him, from his naming Pelagon, the father of Asteropaeus, a Paeonian warrior. (Compare Strabo, 331.) They must at one time have been widely spread over the north of Greece, since a district of Upper Thessaly bore the name of Pelagonia Tripolitis, and it is ingeniously conjectured by Gatterer, in his learned commentary on ancient Thrace (Com. Soc. Gott., vol. 6, p. 67), that these were a remnant of the remote expedition of the Teucri and Mysi, the progenitors of the Pazonians, who came from Asia Minor, and conquered the whole of the country between the Strymon and Peneus. (Herod., 7, 20. – Strab., 327.) Frequent allusion is made to Pelagonia by Livy, in his account of the wars between the Romans and the kings of Macedon. It was exposed to invasion from the Dardani, who bordered on its northern frontiers; for which reason, the communication between the two countries was carefully guarded by the Macedonian monarchs. (Liv., 31, 28.) This pass led over the chain of Mount Scardus. An account of it is given in Brown's Travels, p. 45. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 269.)—II. Civitas, a city of Pelagonia, the capital of the fourth division of Roman Macedonia. (Liv., 45, 29.) Little is known of it. Its existence at a late period appears from the Synecdemus of Hierocles, and the Byzantine historian Malchus, who speaks of the strength of its citadel. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol 1, p. 270.)—III. Tripolitis or Tripolis, a district of Thessaly, around the upper part of the course of the river Titaresius. It was called Tripolitis from the circumstance of its containing three principal towns; which, as Livy informs us (42,53), were Azorus, Doliche, and Pythium. This

district was connected with Macedonia by a narrow defile over the Cambunian mountains. Livy descrites this same canton in one part of his history under the name of Ager Tripolitanus (36, 10. – Cramer's Ariz. Greece, vol. 1, p. 365). Pelasgl (IIezaayot), were the most ancient inhabitants of Greece, as far as the knowledge of the Greeks themselves extended. A dynasty of Pelasgic chiefs existed in Greece before any other dynasty is mentioned in Greek traditions. Danaus is in the ninth. Deacalion in the eighth, and Cadmus in the seventh generation before the Trojan war; but Phoroneus, the Pelasgian, is in the eighteenth generation before that epoch. The Greek traditions represent the Pelasgic race as spread most widely over almost all parts of Greece and the islands of the AEgean. The whole of Hellas, according to Herodotus (2,56), was originally called Pelasgia; and Æschylus (Suppl., 250) introduces Pelasgus, king of Argos, as claiming for the people named after i. all the country through which the Algus flows, and to the west of the Strymon. We find mention of the Pelasgi in the Peloponnesus, Thrace, Thesprotia, Attica, Boeotia, and Phocis. (Strab., 321.-Herod., 8, 44.) The oracles of Dodona and Delphi were originally Pelasgic (Strab., 402– Herod., 2, 52), and Clinton (Fast. Hell., vol. 1, p. :) and Niebuhr (Rom. Hist, vol. 1, p. 27) have adduced reasons for believing that the Macedonians were also a Pelasgic race. We likewise find traces of the Pelssgi in many of the islands of the Ægean Sea, as Lemnos, Imbros, Lesbos, Chios, &c. (Strab., 621), and Herodotus informs us (7,95), that the islands were inhabited by the Pelasgic race till they were subdued by the Ionians. The neighbouring coast of Asia Minor was also inhabited in many parts by the Pelasgi. (Strab., 621.) The country afterward called 4.ciis was occupied by Pelasgians (Herod, 7,95), and hence Antandros was called Pelasgic in the time of Herodotus (7, 42). Tralles in Caria was a Pelasgic town (Niebuhr, Rom. Hist., vol. 1, p. 33), and two of their towns on the Hellespont were still extant in the time of Herodotus (1, 57). The preceding authorities are sufficient to show the wide diffusion of the Pelasgic race; but it is a difficult matter to determine from what quarter they originally came. Many modern writers conclude, from our knowledge of the original seats of the human race, that the Pelasgians spread themselves from Asia into Europe, across the Hellespont, and around the northern shores of the firean Sea. (Malden, Hist. of Rome, p. 69.—Marsh, Harr Pelasgica, c. 1.) This, no doubt, is the true opinion, though it is opposed to many Greek traditions, which represent the Peloponnesus as the original seat of the Pelasgians, whence they spread to Thessaly, and thence to the islands of the AEgean and the Asiatic coast.— The Pelasgi were also widely spread over the south of Italy; and the places in which they appear to have been settled are indicated by Malden (Rom. Hist., p. 72, seqq.) and Niebuhr (Rom. Hist., vol. 1, p. 25, seqq.). There seems no reason for rejecting, as some modern writers have done, the account of Dionysius, that the Pelasgi emigrated from Greece to Italy.—In some parts of Greece, the Pelasgians remained in possession of the country to the latest times. The Arcadians were always considered by the Greeks themselves as pure Pelasgians, and a Pelasgian dynasty reigned in Arcadia until the second Messenian war. (Herod., 1, 146–Id, 2, 171-1d., 8, 73.) According to Herodotus (8, 44; 1, 57), the Athenians were a Pelasgic race, which had settled in Attica from the earliest times, and had undergone no change except by receiving a new name and adopting a new language. In Inost parts of Greece, however, the Pelasgic race became intermingled with the Hellenic; but the Pelasg: probably at all times formed the principal part of use

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lasgi in military prowess and a spirit of enterprise, and were thus enabled, in some cases, to expel the Pelasgi from the country, though the Hellenes generally settled among the Pelasgi as a conquering people.— The connexion between the Pelasgic and Hellenic races has been a subject of much controversy among modern writers. Many critics have maintained that they belonged to entirely different races, and some have been disposed to attribute to the Pelasgians an Etrurian or Phoenician origin. It is true that many of the Greek writers speak of the Pelasgians and their language as barbarous, that is, not Hellenic; and Herodotus (1, 57) informs us, that the Pelasgian language was spoken in his time at Placia and Scylace on the Hellespont. This language he describes as barbarous; and on this fact he mainly grounds his general argument as to the ancient Pelasgian tongue. It may, however, be remarked, that it appears exceedingly improbable, if the Pelasgic and Hellenic languages had none or a very slight relation to each other, that the two tongues should have so readily amalgamated in all parts of Greece, and still more strange that the Athenians and Arcadians, who are admitted to have been of pure Pelasgic origin, should have lost their original language and learned the pure Hellenic tongue. In addition to which, it may be remarked, that we scarcely ever read of any nation entirely losing its own language and adopting that of its conquerors. Though the Persians have received many new words into their language from their Arab masters, yet twelve centuries of Arab domination have not been sufficient to change, in any essential particular, the grammatical forms and general structure of the ancient Persian; and, notwithstanding all the efforts that were used by the Norman conquerors to bring the French language into general use in England, the Saxon remains to the present day the main element of the English language. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that the Pelasgic and Hellenic tongues were different dialects of a common language, which formed by their union the Greek language of later times.—The ancient writers differ as much respecting the degree of civilization to which the Pelasgi attained before they became an Hellenic people, as they do respecting their original language. According to some ancient writers, they were little better than a race of savages till conquered and civilized by the Hellenes; but others represent them, and perhaps more correctly, as having attained to a considerable degree of civilization previous to the Hellenic conquest. Many traditions represent the Pelasgians as cultivating agriculture and the useful arts. Pelasgus in Arcadia, said the tradition, taught men to bake bread. (Pausan, 1, 14, 1.) The ancient Pelasgic Buzyges yoked bulls to the plough (Etym. Mag., s. v. Bovoymc); Pelasgians invented the goad for the purpose of driving animals (Etym. Mag., s. v. čkatva...— Bekker, Anecd. Gr., 357); and a (Pelasgic) Thessalian in Egypt taught the art of measuring land (Etym. Mag., ubi sup.).-It is a curious fact, which has been noticed by Mr. Malden (Hist. of Rome, p. 70), that the Grecian race which made the most early and the most rapid progress in civilization and intellectual attainments, was one in which the Pelasgian blood was least adulterated by foreign mixture, namely, the Ionians of Attica and of the settlements in Asia; and that we probably owe to the Pelasgic element in the population of Greece all that distinguishes the Greeks in the history of the human mind. The Dorians, who were the most strictly Hellenic, long disdained to apply themselves to literature or the fine arts. – Some writers have maintained, that the Greeks derived the art of writing and most of their religious rites from the Pelasgians; but, without entering into these questions, it may be asserted, with some degree of certainty, that the most ancient architectural monuments in Europe clearly appear to have been the work of their hands. The struc


tures in Greece, Italy, and along the western coast of Asia Minor, usually called Cyclopean, because, according to the Greek legends, the Cyclopes built the walls of Tiryns and Mycenae, may properly be assigned to a Pelasgic origin. All these structures are characterized by the immense size of the stones with which they are built. The most extraordinary of them all is the treasury, or, as others call it, the tomb of Atreus at Mycenae. —It remains but to add a few remarks respecting the name of this race. The most ancient form of the name was IIe?apyoi, and Mr. Thirlwall rather fancifully supposes that the appellation was derived from pyot and Tré20, and that it signified “inhabitants” or “cultivators of the plain.” The analogy, however, of altó20c, ravporóżos, &c., seems, as §. Thirlwall himself confesses, unfavourable to this etymology. (Hist. of Greece, vol. 1, p. 59.) . There is also another objection. Such a derivation of the name makes the Pelasgians to have been solely addicted to agricultural pursuits, a statement which is not borne out by facts. We are told, it is true, that they loved to settle on the rich soil of alluvial plains. The powers, too, that preside over husbandry, and protect the fruits of the earth and the growth of the flocks, appear to have been the eldest Pelasgian divinities; but this is taking too narrow a view of the subject. Even if it were not highly probable that a part of the nation crossed the sea to reach the shores of Greece, and thus brought with them the rudiments of the arts connected with navigation, it would be incredible that the tribes settled on the coast should not soon have acquired them. Accordingly, the islands of the AEgean are peopled by Pelasgians, the piracies of the Leleges precede the rise of the first maritime power among tho Greeks, and the Tyrsenian Pelasgians are sound infesting the seas after the fall of Troy. (Thirlwall's Greece, vol. 1, p. 60.)—Mr. Kenrick, in a very ingenious paper “On the names of the Antehellenic inhabitants of Greece” (Philol. Museum, vol. 1, p. 609, seqq.), maintains, that the name Pelargi (IIe?apyot) was given to the race on account of their rudeness of speech, which sounded “to the exquisite fineness of the Hellenic ear” like the cry of the stork (režapyóc). Hence the peo ple who spoke thus were called IIe?apyot or storks. And he seeks to confirm this etymology by endeavouring to show that, “among birds, the stork laboured under the heaviest charge of defective elocution;” that he was held to have no tongue at all; that, as being syāooooo, he was especially adapted to represent a people of barbarous speech; and that we find, in the time of Homer, the inhabitants of the Thracian side of the Hellespont called Kikovsc, a name which appears to be closely analogous to the Latin Ciconia. This etymology, however, proves too much. It is based on the supposition that there was a radical difference between the Pelasgic and Hellenic forms of speech, which, from what has already been premised, could not possibly have been the case. This same derivation of the name from that of trežapyóg, “a stork,” appears also . the Greek writers, but there the explanation is founded on the erroneous idea that the Pelasgi were a roaming race. Myrsilus of Lesbos related, according to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, that the Tyrrhenians, flying from public calamities with which they were chastised by heaven, because among other tithes they had not offered that of their children, had quitted their home, and had long roamed about before they again acquired a fixed abode ; and that, as they were seen thus going forth and returning, the name of Pelargi, or storks, was given to them! (Dion. Hal., 1, 23.) This etymology is about as valuable as the one which deduces Pelasgus from Peleg, or Graius from Reu. Nor is that derivation much superior which traces Pelasgus to trožayog, “the sea,” and makes the name refer to the maritime habits of the race. It is sanctioned, indeed, by the authority : Hermann l

(Opusc., vol. 2, p. 174), but it offends grievously against analogy (Lobeck, ad Phryn., p. 109); and if it be applicable to the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians of later times, it certainly is not so to the original Pelasgians of Dodona or Thessaly. Perhaps the peculiar style of building ascribed to the Pelasgic race may surnish us with an etymology for their name, equal, at least in point of plausibility, to any of those which have thus far been enumerated. The term Pelargi may mean “stone-builders” or “stone-workers,” as indicating a race whose massive style of architecture may have excited the wonder of the early Greeks, and have given rise to a species of national appellation. Thus, in the Macedonian dialect, Téâa signified “a stone” (Taç Trężag, rove Žitovo, karā tīv Makedóvary owviv.– Ulpian, ad Demosth., de fals. leg., p. 376, B., ed. Francof., 1604.—Compare Ruhnken, ad Tim. Lex., p. 270), and āpyov (or Fápyov) is an earlier form for $pyov. (Böckh, Corp. Inscript., fasc., 1, p. 29, 83.) The two old forms, then, Teza (“a stone”) and āpyov (“work”), may perhaps have produced, by their coinbination, the name of IIe/apyoi. (Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 17, p. 377, seqq.—Clinton, Fast. Hell., vol. 1, p. 1, seqq.—Curtius, de Antuluis Italia incolis. § 6, seqq. Kruse, Hellas, vol. 1, p. 404, seqq.— Thirlwall's Greece, vol. 1, p. 33, seqq.—Philological Museum, vol. l, É. 613.) ElasgicUM (IIežaoyuków), a name given to the most ancient part of the fortifications of the Acropolis at Athens, from its having been constructed by the Pelasgi, who, in the course of their migrations, settled in Attica, and were employed by the Athenians in the erection of these walls. The rampart raised by this people is often mentioned in the history of Athens, and included also a portion of ground below the wall at the foot of the rock of the Acropolis. This had been allotted to the Pelasgi while they resided at Athens, and on their departure it was forbidden to be inhabited or cultivated. (Thucyd., 2, 7.<-Pollux, 8, 102.—Myrsil., ap. Dion. Hal., 1, 19.-Herod., 2, 51. —Id., 6, 137.) It was apparently on the northern side of the citadel, as we are informed by Plutarch, that the southern wall was built by Cimon, from whom it received the name of Cimonium. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 382.) Pelasgiötis, a district of Thessaly, occupying the lower valley of the Peneus as far as the sea. It was originally inhabited by the Perrhaebi, a tribe of Pelasgic origin. (Simon., ap. Strab., 441.-Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 363.) Pelasgus, an ancient monarch of the Pelasgi. (Vid. Pelasgi.) PelethroNii, an epithet given to the Lapithae, because they dwelt in the vicinity of Mount Pelethronium, in Thessaly. (Virg., Georg., 3, 115.) Pelethronium appears to have been a branch of Pelion. Pelkus, a king of Thessaly, son of AEacus monarch of Ægina, and the nymph Endeis the daughter of Chiron. Having been accessory, along with Telamon, to the death of their brother Phocus, he was banished from his native island, but found an asylum at the court of Eurytus, son of Actor, king of Phthia in Thessaly. He married Antigone, the daughter of Eurytus, and received with her, as a marriage portion, the third part of the kingdom. Peleus was present with Eurytus at the chase of the Calydonian boar; but, having unfortunately killed his father-in-law with the javelin which he had hurled against the animal, he was again doomed to be a wanderer. His second benefactor was Acastus, king of Iolcos; but here again he was involved in trouble, through a false charge brought against him by Astydamia, or, as Horace calls her, Hippolyte, the queen of Acastus. (Wid. Acastus.) To reward the virtue of Peleus, as fully shown by his resisting the blandishments of Astydamia, the gods resolved to give him a goddess in mar

riage. The spouse selected for him was the seanymph Thetis, who had been wooed by Jupiter hinself and his brother Neptune; but Themis having declared that her child would be greater than his sire, the gods withdrew. (Pund., Isth., 8, 58, seqq.) Others say that she was courted by Jupiter alone, till he was informed by Prometheus that, if he had a son by her, that son would dethrone him. (Apollod., 3, 13, 1. – Schol. ad Il., 1, 519.) Others, again, maintain that Thetis, who was reared by Juno, would not assent to the wishes of Jupiter, and that the god, in his anger, condemned her to espouse a mortal; or that Juno herself selected Peleus for her spouse. (Ill., 24, 59. — Apoll. Rhod., 4, 793, seqq.) Chiron, being made aware of the will of the gods, advised Peleus to aspire to the bed of the nymph of the sea, and instructed him how to win her. He therefore lay in wait, and seized and held her fast, though she changed herself into every variety of form, becoming fire, water, a serpent, and a lioness. (Pind, Nem, 4, 101,–Soph, frag. ap. Schol, ad Nem., 3,60.) The wedding was solemnized on Mount Pelion : the gods all honoured it with their presence, and bestowed armour on the bridegroom. (ll, 17, 195. —Ib., 18, 84.) Chiron gave him the famous ashen spear afterward wielded by his son; and Neptune bestowed on him the inmortal Harpy-born steeds Balius and Xanthus. The offspring of this union was the celebrated Achilles. According to one account, Peleus was deserted by his goddess-wife for not allowing her to cast the infant Achilles into a caldron of boiling water, to try if he were mortal. (Vid. Achilles.) This, however, is a posthomeric fiction, since Homer represents Peleus and Thetis as dwelling together all the lifetime of their son. Of Peleus it is farther related, that he survived his son, and even grandson (Od., 11, 493. – Eurip., Androm.), and died in misery in the island of Cos. (Callim., ap. Schol, ad Pind, Pyth., 3, 167. —Keightley's Mythology, p. 313, seqq.) It was at the nuptials of Peleus and Thetis that the goddess of Discord threw the apple of gold into the middle of the assembled deities, with which was connected so much misfortune for both the Trojans and the Greeks. (Wid. Helena, and Paris.) Pellides, daughters of Pelias. (Vid. Jason, and also Pelias, towards the end of the latter article.) PELIAs, the twin brother of Neleus, was son of Neptune by Tyro, the daughter of Salmoneus. The mother, to conceal her disgrace, exposed her twinsons as soon as they were born. A troop of mares, followed by their keeper, passing by where they lay, one of the mares touched the face of one of the infants with her hoof, and made it livid (tré2tov). The keeper took and reared the babes, naming the cre with the mark Pelias, the other Neleus. When they grew up they discovered their mother, and resolved to kill her stepmother Sidero, by whom she was cruelly treated. They pursued her, accordingly, to the altar of Juno ; and Pelias, who never showed any regard for that goddess, slew her before it. The brothers asterward sell into discord, and Pelias abode at Iolcos, but Neleus settled in Elis, where he built a town named Pylos. Tyro afterward married her uncle Cretheus, to whom she bore three sons, AEson, Pheres, and Amythaon. Cretheus was succeeded in the kingdom of Iolcos by Æson, who became by Alcimede the father of Jason. Pelias, by sorce or fraud, deprived AEson of his kingdom, and then sought the life of the infant Jason; but the parents of the latter gave out that he was dead, and meantime conveyed him by night to the cave of the centaur Chiron, to whose care they committed him.—The rest of the legend of Pelias will be found under the article Jason. (Apollod., 1, 9, 7, seqq.—Od., 11, 235, segg.) Peliss married Anaxibia the daughter of Bias, or, as others

say, Philomache the daughter of Amphion, and became

by her the father of one son, Acastus, and of four daughters, Pisidice, Pelopea, Hippothoë, and Alcestis. (Apollod., 1, 9, 10.) These daughters were called Peliades, and became, unwittingly, through the arts of Medea, the slayers of their sire. (Wid. Jason.) Pelides, a patronymic of Achilles, as the son of Peleus. (Wid. Peleus.) Pelig Ni, an Italian tribe, belonging to the Sabine race, according to Ovid (Fast., 3,95), but, according to Festus, deriving their origin from Illyria. The statement of Ovid appears the more probable one, if we consider the uniformity of language, customs, and character apparent in all the minor tribes of central Italy, as well as in the Samnites, between whom and the Sabines these tribes may be said to form an intermediate link in the Oscan chain.—The Peligni were situate to the east and northeast of the Marsi, and had Corfinium for their chief town. They derive some consideration in history from the circumstance of their chief city having been selected by the allies in the Social war as the seat of the new empire. Had their plans succeeded, and had Rome fallen beneath the efforts of the coalition, Corfinium would have become the capital of Italy, and perhaps of the world. (Strab., 241.)—The country of the Peligni was small in extent, and mountainous, and noted for the coldness of its climate, as well as for the abundance of its springs and streams. (Horace, Od., 3, 19. – Ovid, Fast., 4, 685.) That some portion of it, however, was fertile, we learn also from the latter poet. (Am., 2, 16.Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 332.) Pelion, I. a range of mountains in Thessaly, along a portion of the eastern coast. Its principal summit rises behind Iolcos and Ormenium. The chain extends from the southeastern extremity of the Lake Boebeis, where it unites with one of the ramifications of Ossa, to the extreme promontory of Magnesia. (Strabo, 443. — Herod., 7, 129. – Cramer's Ancient Greece, vol. 1, p. 429.) In a fragment of Dicaearchus which has been preserved to us, we have a detailed description of Pelion and its botanical productions, which appear to have been very numerous, both as to forest-trees and plants of various kinds. (Cramer, l. c.) On the most elevated part of the mountain was a temple dedicated to Jupiter Actaeus, to which a troop of the noblest youths of the city of Demetrias ascended every year by appointment of the priest; and such was the cold experienced on the summit, that they wore the thickest woollen fleeces to protect themselves from the inclemency of the weather. (Dicoarch., p. 29.) It is with propriety, therefore, that Pindar applies to Pelion the epithet of stormy. (Pyth., 9, 6.)—Homer alludes to this mountain as the ancient abode of the Centaurs, who were ejected by the Lapithae. (Il., 2,743. —Compare Pind., Pyth., 2, 83.) It was, however, more especially the haunt of Chiron, whose cave, as Dicaearchus relates, occupied the highest point of the mountain. (Cramer, l.c.) In their wars against the gods, the giants, as the poets sable, laced Ossa upon Pelion, and “rolled upon Ossa the easy Olympus,” in their daring attempt to scale the heavens. (Virg., Georg., 1, 281, seq.) The famous spear of Peleus, which descended to his son Achilles, and which none but the latter and his parent could wield, was cut from an ash-tree on this mountain, and thence received its name of Pelias. (Hom., Il., 16, 144.)—II. A city of Illyria, on the Macedonian border, and commanding a pass leading into that country. It was a place of considerable importance from its situation ; and Arrian speaks of it at some length in his relation of an attack made upon it by Alexander. (Erp, Al., 1, 5, seqq.) We must look for it, most probably, in the mountains which separate the district of Castoria (the ancient Orestis) from that of Okrida. It *...* been far from the modern town of

Bichlistas, situated on a river of the same name.— (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 76.) Pella, a city of Macedonia, near the top of the Sinus Thermaicus, on the confines of Emathia. It became the capital of the kingdom when Edessa was annihilated, according to Ptolemy, and owed its grandeur to Philip and to his son Alexander, who was born there, and who was hence styled Pellatus Juvenis by the Roman poets. According to Stephanus Byzantinus, its more ancient appellation was Bunomus and Bunomeia, which it exchanged for the name of its founder Pellas. Livy describes it as situate on a hill which faced the southwest, and surrounded with morasses formed by stagnant waters from the adjacent lakes, so deep as to be impassable either in winter or in summer. In the morass nearest the city, the citadel rose up like an island, being built on a mound of earth formed with immense labour, so as to be capable of supporting the wall, and secure against any injury from the surrounding moisture. At a distance it seemed to join the city rampart, but it was divided from it by a river which ran between, and over which was a bridge of communication. This river was called Ludias, Loedias, and Lydius. (Liv., 44, 46.) The baths of Pella were said to be injurious to health, producing biliary complaints, as we are informed by i. comic poet Macho. (Athen., 8, 41.) Pella, under the Romans, was made the chief town of the third region of Macedon. (Liv.,45,29.) It was situated on the Via Egnatia, according to Strabo (323) and the Itineraries. From the coins of this city we may inser that it was colonized by Julius Caesar. Under the late emperors it assumed the title of Col. Jul. Pella; and it is probable, as Mannert has observed, that in the reign of Dioclesian this name was exchanged for Dioclesianopolis, which we find in the Antonine Itinerary (p. 330. —Mannert, Geogr., vol. 7, p. 479). Its ancient appellation, however, still remained in use, as may be seen from Jornandes (R. G., 56) and Hierocles (Synecdem., p. 638). The ruins of Pella are yet visible on the spot called Palatisa or Alaklisi by the Turks. “Il ne reste plus de Pella,” says Beaujour, “que quelques ruines insignificantes; mais on voit encore le pourtour de son magnifique port, et les vestiges du canal qui joignoit ce port à la mer par le niveau le mieux entendu. Les mosquées de Jenidjé ont été bâties avec les débris des palais des rois Macédoniens.” (Tableau du Commerce de la Grèce, vol. 1, p. 87.-Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 225.) PelléNE, a city of Achaia, southwest of Sicyon, situate on a lofty and precipitous hill about sixty stadia from the sea. From o nature of its position, the town was divided into two distinct parts. (Pausan, 7, 26. —Strabo, 386.) Its name was derived either from the Titan Pallas, or Pellen, an Argive, who was son of Phorbas. (Apollon., Arg., 1,176.-Hom., Il., 2,574.) The Pellenians alone among the Achaeans first aided the Lacedæmonians in the Peloponnesian war, though afterward all the other states followed their example. (Thucyd., 2, 9.) They were often engaged in hostilities with their neighbours the Phliasians and Sicyonians. (Xen., Hist. Gr., 7, 2.) Pellene was celebrated for its manufacture of woollen cloaks, which were given as prizes to the riders at the gymnastic games held there in honour of Mercury. (Pindar, Olymp., 9, 146.) The ruins of Pellene are to be seen not far from Tricala, as we are assured by Sir. W. Gell, who obtained his information from Col. Leake. (Itin. of the Morea, p. 20. – Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 55.) PelopæA or Pelopia, a daughter of Thyestes, the brother of Atreus. She became, by her own parent, the mother of Ægisthus. (Wid. Atreus.) Pelopidas, son of Hippoclus, belonged to one of the principal families of Thebes. He distinguished himsclf at the battle of Mantinea (B.C. *...which the Thebans took part as allies of the Lacedæmonians, under the Spartan king Agesipolis. In this battle, Pelopidas being wounded and thrown down, was saved from death by Epaminondas, who protected him with his shield, maintaining his ground against the Arcadians until the Lacedaemonians came to their relief, and saved both their lives. From that time a close friendship was formed between Epaminondas and Pelopidas, which lasted till the death of the latter. When the Lacedæmonians surprised the citadel of Thebes, and established the power of the aristocracy in that city, Pelopidas, who belonged to the popular party, retired to Athens, together with a number of other citizens. After a time, he and his brother exiles formed a plan, with their friends in Thebes, for surprising and overthrowing the oligarchy, and restoring the popular government. Pelopidas and some of his friends set off from Athens disguised as hunters, found means to enter Thebes unobserved, and concealed themselves in the house of a friend, whence they issued in the night, and, having surprised the leaders of the aristocratic party, put them to death. The people then rose in arms, and, having proclaimed Pelopidas their commander, they obliged the Spartan garrison to surrender the citadel by capitulation (B.C. 379). Pelopidas soon after contrived to excite a war between Sparta and Athens, and thus divide the attention of the former power. The war between the Thebans and the Lacedaemonians was carried on for some years in Boeotia by straggling parties, and Pelopidas, having obtained the advantage in several skirmishes, ventured to encounter the enemy in the open field at Tegyrae, near Orchomenus. The Lacedaemonians were defeated, and thus Pelopidas demonstrated, for the first time, that the armies of Sparta were not invincible; a fact which was afterward confirmed by the battle of Leuctra (B.C. 371), in which Pelopidas sought under the command of his friend Epaminondas. In the year 369 B.C., the two friends, being appointed two of the Boeotarchs (Plut., Wit. Pelop., c. 24), marched into the Peloponnesus, obliged Argos, and Arcadia, and other states to renounce the alliance of Sparta, and carried their incursions into Laconia in the depth of winter. Having conquered Messenia, they invited the descendants of its former inhabitants, who had gone into exile about two centuries before, to come and repeople their country. They thus confined the power of Sparta to the limits of Laconia. Pelopidas and Epaminondas, on their return to Thebes, were tried for having retained the command after the expiration of the year of their office, but were acquitted; and Pelopidas was afterward employed against Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, who was endeavouring to make himself master of all Thessaly. He defeated him. From Thessaly he was called into Macedonia, to settle a quarrel between Alexander, king of that country, and son of Amyntas II., and his natural brother Ptolemy. Having succeeded in this, he returned to Thebes, bringing with him Philip, brother of Alexander, and thirty youths of the chief families of Macedonia as hostages. A year after, however, Ptolemy murdered his brother Alexander, and took possession of the throne. Pelopidas, being applied to by the friends of the late king, enlisted a band of mercenaries, with which he marched against Ptolemy, who entered into an agreement to hold the government only in trust for Perdiccas, a younger brother of Alexander, till he was of age, and to keep the alliance of Thebes; and he gave to Pelopidas his own son Philoxenus and fifty of his companions as hostages. Some time after, Pelopidas, being in Thessaly, was treacherously surprised and made

risoner *w Alexander of Pherae, but the Thebans sent

paminonuns with an army, who obliged the tyrant to release him. The Thebans, soon after, having discovered that the Spartans and Athenians had sent ambassadors to conclude an alliance with Artaxerxes, king


of Persia, sent on their part Pelopidas to support their own interest at the same court. His fame had preceded him, and he was received by the Persians with great honour, and Artaxerxes showed him peculiar favour. Pelopidas obtained a treaty, in which the Thebans were styled the king's hereditary friends, and in which the independence of each of the Greek states, including Messenia, was sully recognised. He thus disappointed the ambition of Sparta and of Athens, which aimed at the supremacy over the rest. The Athenians were so enraged at this, that they put their ambassador Timagoras to death on his return to Athens. Pelopidas, after his return, was appointed to march against Alexander of Pherae, who had committed fresh encroachments in Thessaly. But, when the army was on the point of marching, an eclipse of the sun took place, which so dismayed the Thebans that Pelopidas was obliged to set off with only 300 volunteers, trusting to the Thessalians, who joined him on the route. Alexander met him with a large army at a place called Cynoscephalae. Pelopidas, by great exertions, although his army was much inferior in numbers, obtained an advantage, and the troops of Alexander were retreating, when Pelopidas, venturing too far amid the enemy, was slain. The grief of both Thebans and Thessalians at his loss was unbounded: they paid splendid funeral honours to his remains. The Thebans avenged his death by sending a fresh army against Alexander, who was defeated, and was soon after murdered by his own wife.—Pelopidas was not only one of the most distinguished and successful commanders of his age, but he and his friend Epaminondas rank among the most estimable public men of ancient Greece. (Piut, Wit. Pelop.–Xen., Hist. Gr.—Pausan., 9, 13, &c.—Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 17, p. 388, seq.) Peloponneslicum Bellum is the name given to the great contest between Athens and her allies on the one side, and the Peloponnesian confederacy, headed by Sparta, on the other, which lasted from 431 to 494 B.C. The war was a consequence of the jealousy with which Sparta and Athens regarded each other, as states each of which was aiming at supremacy in Greece, as the heads respectively of the Dorian and Ionian races, and as patrons of the two opposite forms of civil government, oligarchy and democracy. The war was esgerly desired by a strong party in each of those states; but it was necessary to find an occasion for commencing hostilitics, especially as a truce for thirty years had been concluded between Athens and Sparta in the year B.C. 445. Such an occasion was presented by the affairs of Corcyra and Potidaea. In a quarrel, which soon became a war, between Corinth and Coreyra, respecting Epidamnus, a colony of the latter state (B.C. 436), the Corcyreans applied to Athens for assistance. Their request was granted, as far as the conclusion of a defensive alliance between Athens and Corcyra, and an Athenian fleet was sent to their aid, which, bowever, soon engaged in active hostilities against the Corinthians. Potidaea, on the isthmus of Pallene, was a Corinthian colony, and, even after its subjection to Athens, continued to receive every year from Corinth certain functionaries or officers (Hričmutovpyos). The Athenians, suspecting that the Potidaeans were inclined to join in a revolt, to which Perdiccas, king of Macedon, was instigating the towns of Chalcidice, required them to dismiss the Corinthian functionaries, and to give other pledges of their fidelity. The Potidaeans refused ; and, with most of the other Chalcidian towns, revolted from Athens, and received aid from Corinth. The Athenians sent an expedition against them, and, after defeating them in battle, laid siege to Potidea (B.C. 432). The Corinthians now obtained a meeting of the Peloponnesian confederacy at Sparta, in which they complained of the conduct of Athens with regard to Corcyra and Potidaea. After others of the allies had brought their charges against Athens, and

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