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Grecian sculptors, and celebrated for its whiteness by Pindar (Nem., 4, 262) and by Theocritus (6,38). We collected several specimens: in breaking them we observed the same whiteness and brilliant fracture which characterizes the marble of Naxos, but with a particular distinction before mentioned, the Parian marble being harder, having a closer grain, and a less foliated texture. Three different stages of crystallization may be observed, by comparing the three different kinds of marble dug at Carrara in Italy, in Paros, and in Naxos : the Carrara marble being milkwhite, and less crystalline than the Parian; and the Parian whiter, and less crystallized than the Naxian.” (Clarke's Travels, vol. 6, p. 133, seqq., Lond, ed.)— Parian marble has been frequently confounded not only with Carrara marble, but also with alabaster, though differing altogether in nature from the latter substance, and in character srom the former. The true Parian marble has generally somewhat of a faint bluish tinge among the white, and often has blue veins in different parts of it. (Elme's Dict of the Fine Arts, s. v.) PARRhAsii, a people of Arcadia, apparently on the Laconian frontier; but the extent and position of their territory is not precisely determined. Thucydides says their district was under the subjection of Mantinea, and near Sciritis of Laconia (5, 33). But Pausanias seems rather to assign the Parrhasii a more western situation; for he names as their towns Lycosura, Thocnias, Trapezus, Acacesium, Macarea, and Dasea, all of which were to the west and northwest of Megalopolis. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 350.) PARRhAsius, a celebrated painter, son and pupil of Evenor, and a native of Ephesus, but who became eventually a citizen of Athens, having been presented with the freedom of that place. (Plut., Wit. Thes., 4—Junius, Catal., p. 142.) The period when he flourished admits of some discussion. From a passage in Pliny (35, 9, 36) it would appear to have been about the 96th Olympiad; and Quintilian (12, 10) laces Parrhasius and Zeuxis about the time of the #. war, producing, in support of this opinion, the well-known conversation of the former artist with Socrates. (Xen., Mem., 3, 10.) Now Socrates died in the first year of the 95th Olympiad, and this date fully accords with the year to which Parrhasius is assigned by Pliny. (Sillig, Dict. Art., s. v.)– Parrhasius raised the art of painting to persection in all that is exalted and essential. He compared his three great predecessors with one another, rejected what was exceptionable, and adopted what was admirable in each. The classic invention of Polygnotus, the magic tone of Apollodorus, and the exquisite design of Zeuxis, were all united in the works of Parrhasius; what they had produced in practice, he reduced to theory. He so circumscribed and defined, says Quintilian (12, 10), all the powers and objects of art, that he was termed the legislator; and all contemporary and subsequent artists adopted his standard of divine and heroic proportions. Parrhasius gave, in fact, to the divine and heroic character in painting what Polycletus had given to the human in sculpture, by his Doryphorus, namely, a canon of proportion. Phidias had discovered in the nod of the Homeric Jupiter the characteristic of majesty, inclination of the head: this hinted to him a higher elevation of the neck behind, a bolder o of the front, and the increased perpendicuar of the profile. To this conception Parrhasius fixed a maximum ; that point from which descends the ultimate line of celestial beauty, the angle within which moves whatever is inferior, beyond which what is portentous.-Parrhasius himself was aware of his own ability: he assumed the appellation of the “Elegant” ('A6podiatroc), and styled himself the “Prince of Painters.” He also wrote an epigram upon himself (Athen., 12, p. 543), in which he proclaimed his birth

place, celebrated his father, and pretended that in himself the art of painting had attained to perfection. He likewise declared himself to be descended from Apollo, and carried his arrogance so far as to dedicate his own portrait in a temple as Mercury, and thus receive the adoration of the multitude. (Themist., 14.) He wore a purple robe and a golden garland; he carried a staff wound round with tendrils of gold, and his sandals were bound with golden straps. (..Blian, W. H., 9, 11.) It appears, therefore, that Pliny was right in styling him the most insolent and most arrogant of artists. (Pliny, 35, 10, 36.) The branch of art in which Parrhasius eminently excelled was a beautiful outline, as well in form as execution, particularly in the extremities, for, says Pliny, when compared with himself, the intermediate parts were inferior. The fault here censured consisted, according to Fuseli, in an affectation of smoothness bordering on insipidity, in something effeminately voluptuous, which absorbed the character of his bodies and the idea of elastic vigour; and this Euphranor seems to have hinted at, when, on comparing his own Theseus with that of Parrhasius, he pronounced the Ionian's to have fed on roses, his own on beef : emasculate softness was not, in his opinion, the proper companion of the contour, nor flowery freshness of colour an adequate substitute for the sterner tints of heroic form. One of the most celebrated works of Parrhasius was his allegorical figure of the Athenian people or Demos. Pliny says that it represented and expressed, in an equal degree, all the good and bad qualities of the Athenians at the same time; one might trace the changeable, the irritable, the kind, the unjust, the forgiving, the vain-glorious, the proud, the humble, the fierce, and the timid. How all these contrasting and counteracting qualities could have been represented at the same time, it is difficult to conceive. If we are to suppose it to have been a single figure, it is very certain that it could not have been such as Pliny has described it; for, except by symbols, it is totally incompatible with the means of art. “We know,” observes Fuseli, “that the personification of the Athenian Demos was an object of sculpture, and that its images by Lyson and Leochares were publicly set up ; but there is no clew to decide whether they preceded or followed the conceit of Parrhasius.” Pliny enumerates many other works of this eminent painter; and he mentions a contest between him and Timanthes of Cythnus, in which the former was beaten. The subject of the picture was the contest between Ulysses and Ajax; and the proud painter, indignant at the decision of the judges, is said to have remarked, that the unfortunate son of Telamon was for a second time, in the same cause, defeated by an unworthy rival. (Athenaeus, 12, p. 543.) Piny records also a trial of skill between Parrhasius and Zeuxis (rid. Zeuxis), in which the latter allowed his pes to have been surpassed by the curtain of the ormer : “this contest,” remarks Fuseli, “if not a frolic, was an effort of puerile dexterity."—The story told by Seneca of Parrhasius having crucified an old Olynthian captive when about to paint a “Prometheus chained,” that he might seize from nature the true expression of bodily agony, cannot relate to this Parrhasius, and is probably a fiction: it is nowhere to be found but in the “Controversies” (5, 10) of the preceptor of Nero. Olynthus was taken by Philip in the second year of the 108th Olympiad, or B.C. 347, which is nearly half a century later than the latest accounts we have of Parrhasius. (Encycl. Us. Knowl, vol. 17, p. 287. Sillig, Dict. Art., s. v.–Fusel, Lecture on Ancient Art, p. 40, seqq.) PARThe NIAE, a name given at one period to a cer. tain class of persons at Sparta, whose history is as follows: The absence from home to which the Lacedaimonians had bound themselves, during the first Messenian war (vid. Messenia), became, by the protraction of the contest, an evil threatening the existence of the state, no children being born to supply the waste of war and natural decay. The remedy said to have been adopted was a strange one, highly characteristic of Lacedæmon, and such as no other people would have used. The young men who had come to maturity since the beginning of the war were free from the oath which had been taken, and they were sent home to cohabit promiscuously with the marriageable virgins. But even at Sparta this expedient in some degree ran counter to the popular feelings. When the war was ended, and the children of this irregular intercourse, called Partheniae (filii virginum), had attained to manhood, they sound themselves, though bred in all the discipline of Lycurgus, becoming every day more and more slighted. Their spirit was high, and a conspiracy was accordingly formed by them against the state, in conjunction with the Helots; but the public authorities, aware of the existence of disaffection among them, obtained information of all their plans, by means of certain individuals whom they had caused to join the Parthenia, and to pretend to be friendly to their views. The festival of the Hyacinthia was selected by the conspirators as the day for action; and it was arranged, that when Phalanthus, their leader, should place his felt-cap upon his head, this was to be the signal for commencing. The appointed time arrived, and the festival had begun, when a public crier coming forth, made proclamation, in the name of the magistrates, that “Phalanthus should not put his felt-cap on his head” (už öv repuffeival kuvīv Aav6ov). The Parthenia immediately perceived that their plot was discovered, and were soon after sent off in a colony, under the guidance of Phalanthus, and sounded the city of Tarentum in Italy. (Strab., 279.) It is more than probable that so much of this story as relates to the oath taken by the Spartans, and the sending home of their young men, is a mere fiction. On the other hand, however, it would seem that the emergencies of the state had actually induced the Spartans to relax the rigour of their principles, by ermitting marriages between Spartan women and }. of inferior condition. Theopompus (ap. Athen., 6, p. 271) says, that certain of the Helots were selected for this purpose, who were afterward admitted to the franchise under a peculiar name (§treisvaxrot). Still, however, even supposing that the number of the Spartans was thus increased by a considerable body of new citizens, drawn from the servile or the subject class of Laconians, or from the issue of marriages formed between such persons and Spartan women, it would nevertheless remain to be explained, how this act of wise liberality could be connected with that discontent, which is uniformly mentioned, certainly not without some historical ground, as the occasion of the migration to Tarentum. And this seems inexplicable, unless we suppose that a distinction was made between the new and the old citizens, which provoked a part of the former to attempt a revolution, and compelled the government to adopt of the usual means of getting rid of disaffected and turbulent subjects. (Thirlwall's Greece, vol. 1, p. 353.) Panthenium MARE, a name sometimes given to that part of the Mediterranean which lies on the right of Egypt. It was also called Isiacum Mare. (Amm. Marcell., 14, 8.-Id., 22, 15.) Gregory Nazianzen styles the sea around Cyprus Ilaptoevuköv Tréâayog. (Or., 19.) Parthenium, I. the southwestern extremity of the Tauric Chersonese. It received its name (IIap6éviov ākpariptov, “Virgin's Promontory”) from Iphigenia's having been fabled to have offered up here her human sacrifices to the Tauric Diana. It is now called Felenk Bournon, and on it stands the monastery of St. George. (Plin., 4, 12–Bischoff und Möller, Wörterb. der Geogr., p. 828.)—II. A city of Mysia, in

the territory of Troas. (Xen., Anah., 7, 8.-Plin., 5, 30.) PARTHENíus, I. a river of Asia Minor, forming the boundary between Paphlagonia and Bithynia, and falling into the Euxine to the southwest of Amastris. Strictly speaking, it separates Bithynia from Paphlagonia only in the lower part of its course, being elsewhere considerably within the limits of the latter country. The modern Greek inhabitants in this quarter call it the Bartin; the Turkish name is the Dolap. (Apoll. Rhod., 2, 938.-Xen., Anab., 6, 2.) The Greek name of this river was very probably a corruption of the original appellation, or, rather, an adaptation of it to a Grecian ear; and the name Parthenes (IIapóévno, Anon. Peripl., p. 8) would seem to be an intermediate form. The Greeks, who were never at a loss for explanations derived from their national mythology, made the stream obtain its title of Parthenius (Virgin's River) from the circumstance of Diana's having delighted to bathe in its pure waters and hunt along its banks. (Apoll. Rhod, l.c.—Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod, l. c.—Steph. Byz., s. v.– Anon. Peripl., p. 70.)—II. A mountain in Arcadia, forming the limit between that country and Argolis, and lying to the east of Tegea. (Strabo, 376.—Pausan., 8, 6. —Liv., 34, 26.) It was on this mountain that Pan was said to have appeared to Phidippides, the Athenian courier, who was sent to Sparta to solicit succour against the Persians. (Herod., 6, 107.—Apollod., 2, 7, 4.) It still retains the name of Partheni. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 294.)—III. A river of Elis, to the east of the Harpinates, and, like it, a tributary of the Alpheus. On its banks lay the town of Epina. (Pausan., 6, 21.—Strab., 356.)—IV. A native of Nicaea, in Asia Minor, taken prisoner by Cinna in the war with Mithradates (B.C. 81), and brought to Rome, where he instructed Virgil in Greek. Suidas states that he lived till the time of the Emperor Tiberius. The same lexicographer informs us that he gained his freedom on account of his learning. Of the numerous works written by Parthenius, only one now remains. Its title is IIepi époruköv traffmuárov (“Of Amatory Affections”), and it is addressed to Cornelius Gallus, the elegiac poet. It is a collection of thirty-six erotic tales, all of a melancholy cast. At the period when he wrote, the corruption of taste had not, as yet, become strongly marked, and hence he may almost be regarded as one of the classic Greek writers. Virgil and Ovid have imitated him. He has preserved for us some interesting extracts from various ancient poets, especially those of the elegiac class; as, for example, Alexander the AEtolian, and Euphorion of Chalcis. (Le Beau, Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscr., &c., vol. 34, p. 63, seqq.). The ancients cite other works of Parthenius, such as his Metamorphoses, which, perhaps, first suggested to Ovid the idea of his jo poem. If any reliance is to be placed on a marginal note in a Milan manuscript, the Moretum of Virgil is a mere imitation of one of the poems of Parthenius. (Voss, de Poet. Gr., p. 70.) The best edition of this writer is that of Passow, Lips., 1830, 12mo. There is only one MS. of Parthenius (Bast, Epist. Crit., p. 168, 208), from which the early editions often depart without any necessity. Passow has made this MS. the basis of his edition. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 5, p. 42, seqq.) ParthéNoN, a celebrated temple at Athens, on the summit of the Acropolis, and sacred to Minerva, the virgin-goddess (traptévoc, “Virgin”). It occupied the site of an older temple, also dedicated to Minerva, and which was denominated Hecatompedon ('Ekarðureôov), from its having been one hundred feet square. This earlier temple was destroyed in the Persian invasion, and the splendid structure of the Parthenon, enlarged and modelled after a more perfect plan, arose in its place. In beauty and grandeur * all 1

other buildings of the kind, and was constructed entirely of Pentelic marble. It was built during the splendid era of Pericles, and the expense of its erection was estimated at six thousand talents. The architects were Ietinus and Callistratus, and the work was adorned with sculptures from the hand of Phidias and his scholars. The following animated description, by a modern scholar, may afford some idea of the appearance presented by this splendid edifice in :he days of its glory.—“Let us here suppose ourselves as joining that splendid procession of minstrels, priests, and victims, of horsemen and of chariots, which ascended the Acropolis at the quinquennial solemnity of the great Panathenaea. Aloft, above the heads of the train, the sacred Peplus, raised and stretched like a sail upon a mast, waves in the air: it is variegated with an embroidered tissue of battles, of giants, and of gods: it will be carried to the temple of the Minerva Polias in the citadel, whose statue it is intended to adorn. In the bright season of summer, on the twenty-eighth day of the Athenian month Hecatombaton, let us mount with this procession to the western slope of the Acropolis. Towards the termination of its course we are brought in face of a colossal fabric of white marble, which crowns the brow of the steep, and stretches itself from north to south across the whole western part of the citadel, which is about 170 feet in breadth. The centre of this fabric consists of a portico 60 feet broad, and formed of six fluted columns of the Doric order, raised upon four steps, and intersected by a road passing through the midst of the columns, which are 30 feet in height, and support a noble pediment. From this portico two wings project about 30 feet to the west, each having three columns on the side nearest the portico in the centre. The architectural mouldings of the fabric glitter in the sun with brilliant tints of red and blue: in the centre the coffers of its soffits are spangled with stars, and the antae of the wings are fringed with an azure embroidery of ivy-leaf. We pass o the avenue lying between the two central columns o

the portico, and through a corridor leading from it, and formed by three Ionic columns on each hand, and are brought in front of five doors of bronze; the central one, which is the loftiest and broadest, being immediately before us. This structure which we are describing is the Propylaea, or vestibule of the Athenian citadel. It is built of Pentelic marble. In the year B.C. 437 it was commenced, and was completed by the architect Mnesicles in five years from that time. Its termination, therefore, coincides very nearly with the commencement of the Peloponnesian war. We will now imagine that the great bronze doors of which we have spoken are thrown back upon their hinges, to admit the riders and charioteers, and all that long and magnificent array of the Panathenaic procession, which stretches back from this spot to the area of the Agora, at the western foot of the citadel. We behold through this vista the Interior of the Athenian Acropolis. We pass under the gateway before us, and enter its precincts, surrounded on all sides by massive walls: we tread the soil on which the greatest men of the ancient world have walked, and behold buildings ever admired and imitated, but never equalled in beauty. We behold before and around us almost a city of statues, raised upon marble pedestals, the works of noble sculptors, of Phidias and Polycletus, of Alcamenes, and Praxiteles, and Myron ; and commemorating the virtues of benefactors of Athens, or representing the objects of her worship: we see innumerable altars dedicated to heroes and gods; we perceive large slabs of white marble inscribed with the records of Athenian history, with civil contracts and articles of peace, with memorials of honours awarded to patriotic citizens or munificent strangers. Proceeding a little farther, we have, on our

left, raised on a high base, a huge statue of bronze, the labour of Phidias. It is seventy feet in height, and looks towards the west, upon the Areopagus, the Agora, and the Pnyx, and far away over the AEgean Sea. . It is armed with a long spear and oval shield, and bears a helmet on its head; the point of the lance and the crest of the casque, appearing above the loftiest building of the ..". are visible to the sailor who approaches Athens from Sunium. This is Minerva Promachus, the champion of Athens, who, looking down from her lofty eminence in the citadel, seems, by her attitude and her accoutrements, to promise protection to the city beneath her, and to bid defiance to its enemies. Passing onward to the right, we arrive in front of the great marble temple, which stands on the most elevated ground of the Acropolis. We see eight Doric columns of huge dimensions elevated on a platform, ascended by three steps at its western front. It has the same number of columns on the east, and seventeen on each side. At either end, above the eight columns, is a lofty pediment, extending to a length of eighty feet, and furnished with nearly twenty figures of superhuman size. The group which we see before us, at the western end, represents the contest of Minerva with Neptune for the soil of Athens ; the other, above the eastern front, exhibits the birth of the Athenian goddess. Beneath the cornice, which ranges on all sides of the temple, is the frieze, divided into compartments by an alternating series of triglyphs and metopes, the latter of which are ninety-two in number, namely, fourteen on either front, and thirty-two on each flank; they are a little more than four feet square, and are occupied by one or more figures in high relies; they represent the actions of the goddess, to whom the temple is dedicated, and of the heroes, especially those that were natives of Athens, who fought under her protection and conquered by her assistance. They are the works of Phidias and his scholars; and, together with the pediments at the two fronts, may be regarded as offering a history in sculpture of the most remarkable subjects contained in the mythology of Athens. Attached to the temple, beneath each of the metopes on the eastern front, hang round shields covered with gold; below them are inscribed the names of those who dedicated them as offerings to Minerva, in testimony of their gratitude for the victories they had won; the spoils of which they shared with her, as she partook in the labours which achieved them. The members of the building above specified are enriched with a profusion of vivid colours, which throw around the fabric a joyful and festive beauty, admirably harmonizing with the brightness and transparency of the atmosphere that encircles it. The cornice of the pediments is decorated with painted ovoli and arrows; coloured maeanders twine along its annulets and beads; and honeysuckle ornaments wind beneath them; the pediments themselves are studded with disks of various hues; the triglyphs of the frieze are streaked with tints which terminate in plate-bands and guttae of azure dye; gilded festoons hang on the architrave below them. It would, therefore, be a very erroneous idea to regard this temple which we are describing merely as the best school of architecture in the world. It was also the noblest museum of sculpture, and the richest gallery of painting. We ascend by three steps, which lead to the door of the temple at the posticum or west end, and stand beneath the roof of the peristyle. Here, before the end of the cella, and also at the pronaos or eastern front, is a range of six columns, standing upon a level raised above that of the peristyle by two steps. The cella itself is entered by one door at the west and another at the east: it is divided into two compartments of unequal size, by a wall running from north to south ; of which, the western or smaller chamber is called the Opisthodomus, and serves as

the treasury of Athens; the eastern is the temple roperly so called: it contains the colossal statue of Minerva, the work of Phidias, composed of ivory and gold, and is peculiarly termed, from that circumstance, the Parthenon, or Residence of the Virgin-Goddess, a name by which, however, the whole building is more frequently described.” (Wordsworth's Greece, p. 135, seqq.)—The statue of Minerva, to which allusion has just been made, was 39 feet high. It was ornamented with gold to the amount of 40 talents according to Thucydides, but according to Philochorus 44 talents, or about $465,000. Of this, however, it was stripped by Lachares, somewhat more than a century and a quarter after the death of Pericles.—This magnificent temple had resisted all the outrages of time, had been in turn converted into a Christian church and a Turkish mosque; but still subsisted entire when Spon and Wheeler visited Attica in 1676. It was in the year 1687 that the Venetians besieged the citadel of Athens, under the command of General Königsberg. A bomb fell most unluckily on the devoted Parthenon, set fire to the powder which the Turks had made therein, and thus the roof was entirely destroyed, and the whole building almost reduced to ruins. The Venetian general, being afterward desirous of carrying off the statue of Minerva, which had adorned the pediment, had it removed; thereby assisting in the defacement of the place, without any good result to himself, for the group fell to the ground and was shattered to ieces. Since this period, every man of taste must i. deplored the demolition of this noble structure, and the enlightened travellers who have visited the spot have successively published engravings of its remains. One of the first of these was Le Roy, in his Ruins of Greece; after him came Stuart, who, possessing great pecuniary means, surpassed his predecessor in producing a beautiful and interesting work on the Athenian antiquities. Chandler, and other traveliers in Greece, have also described what came under their eye of the remains of the Parthenon, of which many models have likewise been executed. But, not content with these artistical labours and publications, more recent travellers have borne away with them the actual spoils of the Parthenon. The foremost of these was Lord Elgin, who, about the year 1800, removed a variety of the matchless friezes, statues, &c., which were purchased of him by parliament on the part of the nation, and now form the most valuable and interesting portion of the British Museum. This act of Lord Elgin's called forth at the time severe animadversion, though it is now well known that there was imminent danger of those relics of art being totally destroyed by the wanton barbarism of the Turks and others. (Elme's Dictionary of the Fine Arts, s. v. Parthenon.) Parthenopæus, son of Milanion (according to some, of Mass) and Atalanta. He was one of the seven chieftains who engaged in the Theban war. (Vid. Eteocles and Polynices.) He was slain by Amhidicus, or, as others state, by Periclymenus. (Apold., 3, 6, 8.—Consult Heyne, ad loc.) PARTHENópe, one of the Sirens. (Wid. Neapolis.) PARTH1A, called by Strabo and Arrian Parthyaa (IIapóvaía), was originally a small extent-of country to the southeast of the Caspian Sea, of a mountainous and sandy character, with here and there, however, a fruitful plain, and regarded as forming, under the Persian sway, one satrapy with the province of Hyrcania, which lay to the west of it. The inhabitants, a nomadic race, were of Scythian descent. Under the succes. sors of Alexander, the Parthian Arsaces, a man of obscure origin but great military talents, succeeded in founding a separate kingdom, which gradually extended itself, under those who came after him, until it reached the Euphrates, comprehending the fairest provinces of the old Persian monarchy. This new empire

took the name of Parthian from the country where it first arose, and, in its fullest extent, reached to the Indus on the east, the Tigris on the west, the Mare Erythraeum on the south, and the range of Caucasus, together with a portion of Scythia, on the north. The primitive Parthia was now regarded, under the name of Parthyene, as the royal province, and contained Hecatompylos, the capital, until succeeded by Ctesiphon, of the whole empire. The Parthian empire lasted from B.C. 256 to A.D. 226. Its history may be divided into three periods. – First Period, from B.C. 256 to B.C. 130. During this period the Parthians were engaged in almost scontinual struggles with the Syrian kings. Under Mithradates I., the fifth or sixth in succession from Arsaces I., the dominions of the Parthian kings were extended as far as the Euphrates and the Indus; and Demetrius II., king of Syria, was defeated and taken prisoner about B.C. 140. Mithradates was succeeded by Phraates II., whose dominions were invaded by Antiochus Sidetes, the brother and successor of Demetrius. Antiochus met with considerable success at first, but he was afterward cut off with all his army, about B.C. 130, and Parthia was from this time entirely delivered from the attacks of the Syrian kings. (Joseph., Ant. Jud., 13, 8.—Appian, Bell. Syr., 68.)—Second Period, from B.C. 130 to B.C. 53. During the early part of this period, the Parthians were constantly engaged in war with the nomadic tribes of Central Asia, who, after the destruction of the Greek kingdom of Bactria, attempted to obtain possession of the western parts of Asia. Phraates II. and his successor Artabanus fell in battle against these invaders; but their farther progress was effectually stopped by Mithradates II., who met, however, with a powerful rival in Tigranes, king of Armenia. Tigranes obtained possession of some of the western provinces of the Parthian empire; but, after his overthrow by the Romans, the Parthians acquired their former power, and were brought into immediate contact with Rome. Third Period, from B.C. 53 to A.D. 226. This period comprises the wars with the Romans. The invasion of Crassus, during the reign of Orodes, terminated in the death of the Roman general and the destruction of his army, B.C. 53. In consequence of this victory, the Parthians obtained a great increase of power. They invaded Syria in the following year, but were driven back by Cassius. In the war between Caesar and Pompey they took the side of the latter, and after the death of Caesar they sided with Brutus and Cassius. Orodes, at the instigation of Labienus, sent an army into Syria commanded by Pacorus and Labienus, but they were defeated the following year by Ventidius, B.C. 48, and again in B.C. 38. In B.C. 37, Orodes was murdered by his son Phraates IV., an ambitious and energetic prince, who, as soon as he obtained the throne, made great preparations for renewing the war with the Romans. Antony marched into Media against him, but was obliged to retire with great loss. Phraates, however, was unable to follow up his victory, in consequence of having to contend with Tiridates, a formidable competitor for the Parthian throne. After an obstinate struggle, Tiridates was defeated (B.C. 25), but he contrived to get into his power the youngest son of Phraates, with whom he fled to Rome, and besought the aid of Augustus. Menaced by a Roman invasion, and in danger from a large part of his own subjects, Phraates willingly made great concessions to Augustus. He sent four of his sons to Rome as hostages, and restored to Augustus the Roman standards which had been taken on the defeat of Crassus, an event which is frequently alluded to by the poets of the Augustan age. The history of Parthia after this becomes of less importance, and is little more than a record of civil wars and revolts, which tended greatly to diminish the power of this once * empire; and it was the great object of Roman policy to support, as much as possible, pretenders to the throne, and thereby prevent all offensive operations on the part of the Parthians. The great subject of contention between the Romans and Parthians was the kingdom of Armenia, which had monarchs of its own, and was nominally independent; but its rulers were always appointed either by the Parthians or the Romans, and the attempts of each nation to place its own dependants on the throne, led to incessant wars between them. In the reign of Trajan, Armenia and Mesopotamia were converted into Roman provinces, and a new king of the Parthians was appointed by the emperor. ūnder Hadrian, however, the conquered territory was given up, and the Euphrates again became the boundary of Parthia. The two nations now remained at peace with each other until the reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. Cassius, the general of Verus, met with great success in the war, and at length took and almost destroyed the powerful city of Seleucia on the Tigris, A.D. 165. Under the reign of Vologeses IV., the Parthian dominions were invaded by Septimius Severus, who took Ctesiphon and several other important places, A.D. 198, and annexed to the Roman empire the important province of Osrhoene. Caracalla sollowed up the successes of his father; and though Macrinus, who came after him, made a disgraceful peace with the Parthians, their power had become greatly weakened by the conquests of Verus, Severus, and Caracalla.-Artaxerxes, who had served with great reputation in the army of Artabanus, the last king of Parthia, took advantage of the weakened state of the monarchy to found a new dynasty. He represented himself as a descendant of the ancient kings of Persia, and called upon the Persians to recover their independence." The call was readily responded to : a large Persian army was collected; the Parthians were defeated in three great battles, and Artaxerxes succeeded to all the dominions of the Parthian kings, and became the founder of the new Persian empire, which is usually known as that of the Sassanidae. (Wid. Artaxerxes IV.--Encycl. Us. Knowl, vol. 17, p. 292.)— The Parthians, as we have already remarked, were of Scythian origin; and, according to Justin (41, 1), their name signified, in the Scythian language, “banished” or “erules.” Isidorus makes the same statement, and adds, that they were driven out of Scythia by domestic strife. (Orig., 10, 2, 44. — Compare Wahl, Vorder- und Mittel-Asien, p. 545, in notis.) The mode of fighting adopted by their cavalry was pé. culiar, and well calculated to annoy. When apparently in full retreat, they would turn round on their steeds and discharge their arrows with the most unerring accuracy; and hence, to borrow the language of an ancient writer, it was victory to them if a counterfeited flight threw their pursuers into disorder. (Plut., Wit. Crass., 24.—Horat., Od., 1, 19, 11. —Id. ib., 2, 13, 17.-Lucan, 1, 230.—Herodian., 3, 4, 20.) PARTHY ENE, the original, and subsequently the royal, province of Parthia. (Vid. remarks near the commencement of the preceding article.) PARYides or PARYARDEs (Ptol.), a branch of Caueasus, running off to the southwest, and separating Cappadocia from Armenia. On the confines of Cappadocia the name was changed to Scordiscus: it here united with the chain of Antitaurus, and both stretched onward to the west and southwest through Cappadocia. The highest elevation in this range was Mons Arus. Ptolemy gives the name of Paryardes, in particular, to that part of the chain in which the Eo tes and Araxes took their rise; but Pliny calls this Capotes. (Plin., 5, 27–Strabo, 528.) PARysotis, a Persian princess, queen of Darius Ochus, by whom she had Artaxerxes Mnemon and Cyrus the younger, the latter of whom was her favourite. (Xen., Anab., 1, 1.) She is represented as

a very cruel woman, and wreaked her vengeance, as far as she was able, on all who had been instrumental in the sall and death of her son. One of the principal sufferers was the eunuch Mesabates, who had cut off the head and right hand of Cyrus by order of Artaxerxes. She also poisoned Statira, the wife of the king. (Plut., Wit. Artax., 17.) Von Hammer makes the Persian name to have been Perisade, i.e., “Periborn.” (Wien. Jahrb., vol. 8, p. 394.) Strabo, on the other hand (a very poor authority in such a matter), says that the original Persian name was Pharziris. (Strab., 785.—Bahr, ad Ctes., p. 186.) PAs a Ro KDAE, sometimes written Passargadar, and also, but only by Ptolemy and Solinus, Pasargada, a very ancient city of Persia, and the royal residence previous to the founding of Persepolis. Some difference of opinion has existed relative to its site, but, from the accounts of Ptolemy and other writers, it would appear to have stood to the southeast of Persepolis, and near the confines of Carmania. . (Manmert, Geogr., vol. 5, pt. 2, p. 529. – Bahr, ad Ctes., p. 118.) Hence Morier is wrong in fixing the position of this place at the modern Mourgaub (vol. 1, p. 206), which lies to the north of Persepolis, an error in which he is followed by Malte-Brun. Pasargada was situate in Caele-Persis, on the banks of the Cyrus or Kores (Strabo, 729), a circumstance which would seem to point to the modern Pasa or Fasa as occcupying its site. (Compare the remarks of Lassen, in Ersch und Grubers Encyclopädie, s. v. Pasargada.) It was said to have owed its origin to a camp which remained on the spot where Cyrus defeated Astyages, and the name of the city has been explained as signifying “the camp of the Persians.” (Steph. Byz., s. v.–Curt., 5, 6– Strabo, 730.) Lassen, however, says that it means “the treasury of the Persians.” Here Cyrus, in fact, built a treasury, and erected his own tomb in an adjacent park. Strabo (730) and Arrian (6, 30) have given a description of this sepulchre, taken from the work of Aristobulus, who had visited the spot. According to their accounts, the tomb was situated in a well-watered park, and surrounded by numerous trees. The lower part of it, which was solid, was of a quadrangular shape, and above it was a chamber built of stone, with an entrance so very narrow that a person of thin and pliant make could alone pass through. Aristobulus entered this ehamber by the command of Alexander, and sound” in it a golden couch, a table with cups upon it, a golden coffin, and many beautiful garments, swords, and chains. Aristobulus says, that the inscription on the tomb was, “Oh man, I am Cyrus, who acquired sovereignty for the Persians, and was King of Asia. Do not then grudge me this monument.” There were certain Magi appointed to guard this tomb, who received every day a sheep, and a certain quantity of wine and wheat, and also a horse every month as an offering to Cyrus. This tomb was plundered during the lifetime of Alexander by some robbers, who carried off everything except the couch and the coffin.—According to Plutarch, the kings of Persia were consecrated at Pasargadas by the Magi. (Wit. Artar, 3.)— Those modern travellers who make Mourgaub correspond to the site of the ancient Pasargada, have discovered a building in the plain which they have imagined to be the tomb of Cyrus. This building is called by the people of the country “Kubr Mader. Suleiman,” i. e., the tomb of the mother of Solomon; and the description given by Sir Robert K. Porter (Travels, vol. 1, p. 498) corresponds in many particulars to that of Arrian and Strabo. The tomb contains no inscription, but on a pillar in the neighbourhood there is a cuneiform inscription, which Grotefend, in an essay on the subject, appended to Heeren's work on Asia (vol. 2, p. 360, seqq., Eng. trans.), interprets to mean “Cyrus the King, ruler of the universe." Saint-Martin, however (Journal Asiatique for Febru"

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