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ap. Athen, 11, p.470.-Keightley's Mythology, p. 51, seq.)—II. Besides being the name of a deity, the term Oceanus ('Qxeavóc) occurs in Homer in another sense also. It is made to signify an immense stream, which, according to the rude ideas of that early age, circulated around the terraqueous plain, and from which the different seas ran out in the manner of bays. This opinion, which is also that of Eratosthenes, was prevalent even in the time of Herodotus (4, 36). Homer terms the ocean dipóð600s, because it thus flowed back into itself. (Mus. Crit., vol. 1, p. 254.) This same river Oceanus was supposed to ebb and flow thrice in the course of a single day, and the heavenly bodies were believed to descend into it at their setting, and emerge from it at their rising. Hence the term Ökeavóc is sometimes put for the horizon (Damm. Ler., s. v. 6 optsov kai ärorčuvov to trep yijo kai úrò yńv #utagaiptov.) In Homer, therefore, oxeavóc and 34Aaaaa always mean different things, the latter merely denoting the sea in the more modern acceptation of the term. On the shield of Achilles the poet represents the Oceanus as encircling the rim or extreme border of the shield, in full accordance with the popular belief of the day; whereas in Virgil's time, when this primitive meaning of the term was obsolete, and more correct geographical views had come in, we find the sea (the idea being borrowed, probably, from the position of the Mediterranean) occupying in the poet's description the centre of the shield of Æneas. If it be asked whether any traces of this peculiar meaning of the term ÖAeavár occurs in other writers besides Homer, the following authorities, in favour of the af. firmative, may be cited in reply. Hesiod, Theog, 242. Id., Herc. Clyp., 314.— Eurip., Orest., 1369. —Orph. Hymn, 10, 14–Id, H., 82.-Id, fragm., 44.—(Maltby, ad Morell, Thes, s. v. 'Qkeavóc. — Compare Volcker, Homerische Geographie, p. 86, seq.) As regards the etymology of the term (oxeavóc, we are left in complete uncertainty. The form Öyńvoc occurs in Pherecydes (Clem. Aler, Strom., 6, p. 621. —Sturz, ad Phcrecyd.), from which it appears to some that the root was connected with the Greek yén, (Ö-yéa-voo, Ö-yń-voc). On the other hand, Munter (Rel, der Karthager, p. 63) finds the root of Öyjvor in the Hebrew hug, “in orhem ire,” as referring to the circular course of the fabled Oceanus. Creuzer is inclined to consider öyövtor as equivalent to tražatóc, “antiquus.” (Creuzer und Hermann, Briefe, p. 160.) It is remarkable that one of the oldest names of the Nile among the Greeks was oxeavóc (Tzetz. ad Lycophron., 119), or, more correctly, perhaps, Čkeasiń. (Diod. Sic, 1, 19.-Compare Ritter's Erdkunde, vol. 1, p. 570, 2d ed.) Now in the Coptic, according to Champollion, oukamé means “black,” “dark;” and according to Marcel, ochemau, in the same language, denotes “a great collection of water.” Will either of these give (oxeavác as a derivative? The one or the other of them seems connected in some way with the Arabic Kamus, “ocean.” (Ritter, loc. cit.) Perhaps, however, the most satisfactory derivation for the term Oceanus is that alluded to in the article Ogyges. Ocellus, surnamed Lucanus, from his having been a native of Lucania, a Pythagorean philosopher, who flourished about 480 B.C. He wrote many works on philosophical subjects, the titles of which are given in a letter written by Archytas to Plato, which has been preserved by Diogenes Laertius (8,80). But the only production of his which has come down to us, is “On the Nature of the Unirerse” (Hepi ric roij travròc pigeoc). Its chief philosophical topic is to maintain the eternity of the universe. Ocellus also attempts to prove the eternity of the human race (c. 3, s. 3). These works were, without doubt, written in the Doric dialect, which prevailed in the native country of Ocellus; and hence much surprise

has been occasioned by the circumstance of the last of these productions, which we still possess, being in Ionic Greek. In consequence of this discrepance, Barth (Adrers., 1.42, c. 1, p. 1867), Parker (Disp. de Deo et Provid, 1678–Disp., 4, p. 355.) Thomas Burnet (Archaeol. Philos., p. 152), and Meiners (Philolog. Biblioth., vol. 1, pt. 3, p. 100 et 204– Hist. Doctr. de vero Deo, p. 312–Gesch der Wissensch., p. 584), have attacked the authenticity of the work in question: while, on the other hand, Bentley (Phalaris, p. 307, ed. 1816), Lipsius (Manudo_ad Stoic. Phil., l. 1, diss. 6), Adelung (Gesch. der Philosophie für Liebhaber), Tiedemann (Griechen1, erste Philosophen, p. 198 et 209), and Bardili (Epochen der vorzögl. philos. Begriffe, vol. 1, p. 165), declare in favour of the work. These conflicting opinions have been carefully examined and weighed by Rudolphi, in a Dissertation appended to his edition of the work, and he comes to the conclusion that the treatise in question was written by Ocellus. It would appear that some grammarians of subsequent ages, in copying the text of Ocellus, caused the Doric forms to disappear, and translated the work, so to speak, into the more common dialect. This idea was first started by Bardili, and what tends to clothe it with almost absolute certainty is, that the fragments of the same work which we meet with in the selections of Stoba.us have preserved their original Doric form. And yet it must at the same time be acknowledged, that this production of Ocellus is only cited for the first time by the writers of the second century of our era, and at a period when the New-Pythagoreans began to forge works under the guise of celebrated namesThe best edition is that of Rudolphi, Lips., 1801, 8vo. The edition of Batteux, Paris, 1768, 3 vols. 12mo, is also a very good one. Batteux corrected the text after two Paris MSS., and Rudolphi availed himself of Siebenkee's collation of a Vatican MS. Gale has placed the work of Ocellus in his Opuscula Mythologica, &c., Cantabr., 1671. (Scholl, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 2, p. 311, seqq.) Ocelum, I. a city in Hispania Tarraconensis, in the territory of the Vettones, now Formoselle.—II. A city in Hispania Tarraconensis, in the territory of the Gallaïci.–III. A city of Gallia Cisalpina, among the Cot: tian Alps, on the eastern borders of the kingdom of Cottius. According to Mannert, it is now Arigliana, a small town with a castle, in Piedmont, not far from Turin. (Caes., B. G., 1, 10.) Ochus, a surname or epithet applied to Artaxerxes III., and also to Darius II., kings of Persia. It is generally thought to indicate illegitimate birth, and to be equivalent to the Greek Nôtoc (Nothus). This explanation is opposed, however, by some Oriental scholars, who deduce the term Ochus from the Persian Ochi or Achi, which they make equivalent to the Latin dignus or majestate dignus. (Consult Gesenius, Lor. Hebr., s. v. Achas.— Bähr, ad Ctes, p. 186.) The reign of Artaxerxes Ochus has been noticed elsewhere (pid. Artaxerxes III.), that of Darius Ochus, or Darius II., will now be given. This prince was the illegitimate son of Artaxerxes Longimanus. Soon after the murder of Xerxes II., Darius succeeded in deposing Sogdianus, and ascended the throne himself, B.C. 423. By his wife Parysatis he had Artaxerxes Mnemon and Cyrus the Younger. Nothing very remarkable occurred during his reign, but some successful wars were carried on under Cyrus and other generals. He died B.C. 404, after a reign of nineteen years, and was succeeded by his son Artaxerxes, who is said to have asked him, on his death-bed, by what rule he had acted in his administration, that he might adopt the same, and find the same success. The king's answer is said to have been, that he had always kept, to the best of his knowledge, the strict path of justice and religion. (Xeno, Anab, l, 1.—Diod. Sic, 12, 71. —Justin, 5, 11.)—II. A river of Bactriana, rising in the mountains that lie northward of the source of the Arius, and falling into the Oxus. (Plin., 6, 17.) Mannert makes it the modern Dehasch.(Cor sult Wahl, Mittel und Vorder Asien, vol. 1, p. 753 –Ritter, Erdkunde, vol. 2, p. 22.) OcNus, son of Manto, and said by some to have founded Mantua. (But vid. Mantua.) OcricúluM, a town of Umbria, below the junction of the Nar and Tiber, and a few miles from the bank of the latter river, now Otricoli. According to Livy (9,41), it was the first city of Umbria which voluntarily submitted to Rome. Here Fabius Maximus took the command of the army under Servilius, and bade that consul approach his presence without lictors, in order to impress his troops with a due sense of the dictatorial dignity. (Liv., 22, 11.) Ocriculum suffered severely during the social war. (Flor., 3, 18.) In Strabo's time it appears, however, to have been still a city of note (Strab., 227), a fact which is confirmed by the numerous remains of antiquity which have been extracted from its ruins. From Cicero we collect that Milo had a villa in its vicinity. (Orat. pro Mil.—Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 278.) Octavia, I. daughter of Caius Octavius and Accia, and sister to the Emperor Augustus. All the historians praise the beauty and virtues of this celebrated semale. She was first married to Marcus Marcellus, a man of consular rank, and every way worthy of her; and after his death she became the wife of Marc Antony, this latter union being deemed essential to the public welfare, as a means of healing existing differences between Antony and Octavius. It was with this view that the senate abridged the period of her widowhood and of her mourning for her first husband, who had been dead little more than five months. Antony, however, was incapable of appreciating the excellence of her character. After her marriage she fol. lowed him to Athens, where she passed the winter with him (B.C. 39), though keeping far aloof from the dissolute pleasures to which he abandoned himself. Without her interposition, civil war would even then have broken out between Octavius and Antony. By urgent prayers she appeased her husband, who was incensed against her brother for his suspicions, and then, disregarding the difficulties of the journey and her own regnancy, she went with his consent from Grecce to ome, and induced her brother to consent to an interview with Antony, and to come to a reconciliation with him. When Antony went to make war against the Parthians, she accompanied him to Corcyra, and at his order returned thence to remain with her brother. New quarrels arose, between Octavius and Antony. To have a pretext for a rupture, the former ordered his sister to go to her husband, in the expectation that he would send her back. This actually happened. Antony was leading a life of pleasure with Cleopatra at Leucopolis, when letters from Octavia at Athens informed him that she would soon join him with money and troops. The prospect of this visit was so unwelcome to Cleopatra, that she persisted in her entreaties until Antony sent his wife an order to return. Even now, however, she endeavoured to pacify the rivals. Octavius commanded her to leave the house of a husband who had treated her so insultingly; but, feeling her duties as a wife and a Roman, she begged him not, for the sake of a single woman, to destroy the o of the world, and of two persons so dear to her, y the horrors of war. Octavius granted her wish : she remained in the house of Antony, and occupied herself with educating, with equal care and tenderness, the children she had borne him, and those of his first wife Fulvia. This noble behaviour of hers increased the indignation of the Romans against Antony. At last he #. her, and ordered her to leave his mansion at Rome. She obeyed without complaint, and

took with her all her children except Antillus, her eldest son, who was then with his father. The civil war soon after broke out.—On the overthrow and death of Antony, Octavia gave herself up to complete retirement. Her son Marcellus, the issue of her first marriage, was united to Julia, the daughter of Augustus, . intended by the emperor as his successor; but his early death frustrated this design, and plunged his mother and friends in the deepest affliction. It was on Virgil's reading to Octavia and Augustus the beautiful passage towards the close of the sixth book of the AEneid, where the premature death of Marcellus is deplored, that the poet received from the sorrowing parent so splendid a recompense. (Wid. Virgilius.) Octavia, in fact, never recovered from the loss of her son. His death continually preyed upon her mind, and she at last ended her days in deep melancholy, about 12 B.C. Augustus pronounced her funeral oration, but declined the marks of honour which the senate were desirous of bestowing upon her. (Sueton., Wit. Jul., 27. —Id., Wit. Aug., 17. – Id. ib., 61. — Plut., Wit. Ant., 88. – Encycl. Am., vol. 9, p. 367.) —II. A daughter of the Emperor Claudius by Messalina, and sister to Britannicus. Her life, though short, offers only one series of misfortunes. While still quite young, she was affianced to Lucius Silanus, the grandson of Augustus; but Agrippina, availing herself of her influence over the imbecile Claudius, broke off the match, and gave Octavia to her own son Nero, when the latter had attained his sixteenth year. Nero, on ascending the throne, repudiated Octavia on the ground of sterility, but, in reality, that he might unite himself to Poppaea; and this latter female, dreading the presence of one who was still young and beautiful, and her possible influence at some future day over the capricious feelings of the emperor, accused Octavia of criminal intercourse with a slave. Some pretended testimony having been obtained by means of the torture, Octavia was banished to Campania. The murmurs of the people, however, compelled Nero to recall her from exile, and her return was hailed by the populace with every demonstration of joy. Alarmed at this, and fearing lest the recall of Octavia might prove the signal of her own disgrace, Poppaea threw herself at the feet of Nero, and begged him to revoke the order for Octavia's return. The emperor granted more than she asked ; for he caused the infamous Anicetus, the author of his mother's murder, to come forward and testify falsely to his criminality with Octavia. . The unhappy princess, upon this, was banished to the island of Pandataria, and soon after put to death there. Her head was brought to Poppaea, Octavia was only twenty years of age at the time of her death. (Tacit., Ann., 24, 63.-Sueton., Wit. Ner., 35.) OctaviãNus, the name of Octavius (afterward Augustus), which he assumed on his adoption into the Julian family, in accordance with the Roman custom in such cases. Usage, however, though erroneous, has given the preference to the name Octavius over that of Octavianus. (Cic., Ep. ad Fam., 12, 25. – Tacit., Ann., 13, 6–Aurel. Vict, de Cats., c. 1.) Octavius, I. Nepos, Cn., was praetor B.C. 168, and appointed to the command of the fleet against Perseus. He followed this monarch, after his defeat by Paulus AEmilius, to the island of Samothrace, and there obtained his surrender. For this he was rewarded with a naval triumph. (Liv., 44, 17. Id., 44, 45. —Id., 45, 6–Id., 45,42.) In B.C. 165 he was consul with M. Torquatus. Having been sent, three years after this, into Syria, at the head of a deputation to act as guardians to the young king, Antiochus Eupator, he was assassinated by order, as was supposed, of Lysias, a relation of the previous monarch, and who claimed the regency during the minority of Antiochus. The arrogant and haughty conduct of Octavius appears to have hastened his fate. The senate, hoo!, erected

a statue to his memory.—II. M., a tribune of the commons, deprived of his office by means of Tiberius Gracchus. (Wid. Gracchus II.)— III. Cn., was consul B.C. 87, along with Cinna. Being himself attached to the party of Sylla, and having the support of the senate, he drove his colleague out of the city. Marius, however, having returned this same year and re-entered Rome with Cinna, Octavius was put to death.-IV. C., the father of Augustus, was praetor B.C. 61, and distinguished himself by the correctness and justice of his decisions. After his praetorship he was appointed governor of Macedonia, and defeated the Bessi and other Thracian tribes, for which he received from his soldiers the title of Imperator. He died at Nola, on his return from his province. Octavius married Atia, the sister of Julius Caesar, and had by this union Octavius (afterward Augustus) and Octavia, the wife of Antony.—W. The earlier name of the Emperor Augustus. (Vid. Augustus and Octavianus.) OctobüRus, a town of the Veragri, in Gallia Narbonensis. It was situate in the Wallis Pennina, on the river Dransa or Drance, near its junction with the Rhone, at a considerable distance above the influx of the latter into the Lacus Lemanus or Lake of Genera. It is now Martigni, or, as the Germans call it, Martenach. (Caes., B. G., 3, 1.) Octogesa, a town of Spain, a little above the mouth of the Iberus, on the north bank of that river, where it is joined by the Sicoris. It is commonly supposed to answer to the modern Mcquinenza. Ukert, however, places it in the territory of la Granja, (Caes., Bell. Cir., 1, 61.) Ocypote, one of the Harpies. The name signifies swift flying, from 0xic, “swift,” and rétouai, “to fly.” (Vid. Harpyia.) Ode Nîtus, a celebrated prince of Palmyra, in the third century of the Christian era, who distinguished himsels by his military talents and his attachment to the Romans. The accounts of his origin differ. Agathias makes him of mean descent; but the statements of others are entitled to more credit, according to whom he exercised hereditary sway over the Arab tribes in the vicinity of Palmyra. These same writers inform us, that his family had sor a long time back been connected by treaties with the Romans, and had received from the latter not only honorary titles, but also subsidies for protecting the frontiers of Syria. That there existed, indeed, some sort of alliance between this family and the Roman power, is evident from the name Septimius, which was borne by some of his predecessors as well as by Odenatus himself, and which would carry us back probably to the time of Septimius Severus, who resided a long time in Syria, and from whom the honorary appellation may have been obtained. (Saint-Martin, in Biog. Univ., vol. 31, p. 494, seqq.)—The manner in which Odenatus attained to the supremacy in Palmyra is not very clearly stated. He appears, independently of his sway over the adjacent tribes, to have held at first the office of decurio or senator in the city itself. When Philip the Arabian proclaimed himself emperor, after the murder of the younger Gordian, A.D. 244, and had set out for Rome, he left the government of Syria in the hands of his brother Priscus. The tyranny and oppression of the latter soon caused a general revolt. Palmyra from this time assumed the rank of an independent city; and we find Septimius Airanes, father of Odenatus, ruling over it as sovereign prince, A.D. 251. He was succeeded by his son, the subject of this article. (Saint-Martin, l.c.) Odenatus was twice married. The name and family of his first wife are not known. He had by her a son called Septimius Orodes. His second wife was the celebrated Zenobia, daughter of an Arabian prince, or sheik, who held under his sway all the southern part of Mesopotamia. By Zelabia he became the father of two sons, Herennius

and Timolaus. Zenobia herself had also a son by a previous husband.—After the defeat and capture of Walerian by the King of Persia, Odenatus, desirous at least to secure the sorbearance of the conqueror, sent Sapor a magnificent present, accompanied by a letter full of respect and submission; but the haughty monarch, instead of being softened by this expression of good-will, ordered the gift to be thrown into the Euphrates, and returned an answer breathing the utmost contempt and indignation. The Palmyrian prince, who read his fate in the angry message of Sapor, immediately took the field, and falling upon the enemy, who had already been driven across the Euphrates by the Roman general Balista, gained a decisive advantage over their main body. He then burst into their camp, seized the treasures and the concubines of Sapor, dispersed the intimidated soldiers, and in a short time restored Carrhae, Nisibis, and all Mesopotamia to the possession of the Romans. Trebellius Pollio informs us, that he even proceeded so far as to lay siege to Ctesiphon, with the view of liberating Valerian, who was still alive, but that neither his arms nor his entreaties could effect this benevolent object. (Treb. Poll., Trigint. Tyrann., 13.-Zonar, 12, 23–20sim., lib. 1, p. 661.) The Palmyrian prince then turned his arms against Quietus, son of Macrinus, and a candidate for the empire, and overthrew his party in the East. As a recompense for these important services, and his constant attachment to Gallienus, the son of Valerian, the senate, with the consent of the emperor, conferred on Odenatus the title of Augustus, and intrusted him with the general command of the East. Zenobia also received the title of Augusta, and Orodes, Herennius, and Timolaus that of Caesars. Odenatus signalized his attainment to these honours by new successes; and by one of the writers of the Augustan history, his name is connected with the repulse of the Goths, who had landed on the shores of the Euxine, near Heraclea. (Treb. Poll., Gallieni Duo, c. 12.) Of this fact, however, there remains no satisfactory evidence; but it admits not of any doubt that the sovereign of Palmyra sell soon afterward by the hand of domestic treason, in which his queen Zenobia was suspected to have had a share. The murderer was his own nephew. His son Orodes was slain along with him. (Trebell. Poll., l.c.) Odessus, a city on the coast of Moesia Inferior, to the east of Marcianopolis. It was founded by a colony of Milesians, and is now Varna in Bulgaria. It was also called Odesopolis. Some editions of Ptolemy give the form 'Oóvoaos (Odyssus), and in the Itin. Ant. (p. 218). Odissus occurs. (Mela, 2, 2. Pliny, ll.—Op., Trist., 1, 9, 37.) ODEUM, a musical theatre at Athens. (Suidas. s.t. Ö6eiov.–Aristoph., Vesp., 1104.) It was built by Pericles (Plut., Wit. Pericl.— Vitrur., 5, 9), and was so constructed as to imitate the form of Xerxes' tent. (Plut., Vit. Per.) This shape gave rise to some pleasantries on the part of the Athenians. Thus, for example, Cratinus, in one of his comedies, wishing to express that the head of Pericles terminated as it were in a point, said that he carried the Odeum on his head. (Compare Plut., l.c.). This building was destroyed by fire at the siege of Athens by Sylla. It was reerected soon after by Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia. (Pausan., 1, 20.) Opinus or Odin, the principal deity of the ancient Scandinavians and Northern Germans. Other forms for the name were Wodan, Guodan, Godan, Yothin, Othin, &c. Among the Anglo-Saxons, Wodan was the god of merchants, corresponding to the Hermes of the Greeks or the Mercurius of the Latins. The fourth day of the week derived its name from him (Wodano tag). In the account of the origin of the world.”

iven in the older Edda, Odin, the eldest son of Bór, É. second man, is represented as having, with his two

brothers, Wilé and Wé, defeated and slain the frostgiant Ymer, out of whose body they formed the habi. table world. Some expounders of mythology make Odin and his brethren, together with their antagonist, as set forth in this fable, to be mere personifications of the elements of the world.—But there is another and a younger Odin, who, according to some writers, is partly a mythological and partly an historical personage. In all the Scandinavian traditions preserved by the chroniclers, mention is made of a chief called Odin, who came from Asia with a large host of followers called Aser (vid. Asi), and conquered Scandinavia, where they built a city by the name of Sigtuna, with temples, and established a worship and a hierarchy; he also invented or brought with him the characters of the Runic alphabet; he was, in short, the legislator and civilizer of the North. He is represented also as a great magician, and was worshipped as a god after death, when some of the attributes of the elder Odin are supposed to have been ascribed to him. The epoch of this emigration of Odin and his host is a subject of great uncertainty. Some place it in the time of the Scythian expedition of Darius Hystaspis: others (and this has been the most common opinion among Scandinavian archaeolo

ists) fix it about the time of the Roman conquests in #. 50 or 60 B.C. Sühm, in his “Geschichte der Nordischen Fabelzeit,” enumerates four Odins. One was Bör's son; he came from the mouths of the Tanais, and introduced into the North the worship of the Sun. A second came with the Aser, from the borders of Europe and Asia, at the time of the invasion of Darius. He brought with him the Runic alphabet, built temples, and established the mythology of the Edda: he is called Mid Othin, or Mittel Othin. A third Odin, according to Suhm, fled from the borders of the Caucasus at the time of Pompey's conquests, 50 or 60 years B.C. The fourth Odin he makes to have lived in the third or fourth century of our era. All this, however, is far from being authenticated; though the northwestern emigration of Odin from the borders of the Caucasus to Scandinavia has the support of a uniform tradition in its favour. Odin was worshipped by the German nations until their conversion to Christianity. (Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 16, p. 400.)—The legend of Odin evidently points to the introduction of religious rites and ceremonies among the northern nations by some powerful leader from the East, who was himself, in some degree, identified after death with the deity whose worship he had brought in with him. This deity appears to have been none other than the Budda of the East, just as the traditions of the North respecting the Aser connect the mythology of Scandinavia in a very remarkable manner with that of Upper Asia. (Vid. Asi.) The striking resemblance that exists between Budda and Odin, not only in many of their appellations, but also in numerous parts of their worship, has been fully established by several Northern writers. (Consult Magnusen, Eddalaren og dens Oprindelse, vol. 4, præs. v., seqq.—Id. ib., vol. 4, p. 474, 478, seqq.; 512, seqq.; 534, seqq.; 541, seqq.—Palmblad, de Budda et Wodan, Upsal, 1822, 4to.—Wallman, on Qdin och Budda, Holm., 1824, 8vo.—Compare Ritter, Worhalle, p. 472–Sir W. Jones, Asiatic Researches, yol. 1, p. 511–Id. ib., vol. 2, p. 343.) One feature, however, in which these two deities approximate very closely, is too remarkable to be here omitted. The same planet, namely, Mercury, is sacred to both; and the same day of the week (Wednesday) is called after each of them respectively. Thus we have the followog appellations for this day among the natives of India: in the Birman, Buddahu ; in the Malabaric, Buden-kirumei, &c. So again, some of the names given to Budda coincide very closely with those of Ödin. Thus we may compare the Godama, Gotama, and Samana-Codam of the former, with the Godan, Gutan, **, &c., of the latter. (The Westphalians

still call Wednesday Godenstag.) We may even advance a step farther, and compare the names of both Odin and Budda with one of the earliest appellations of Deity among many nations of Asia and Europe. Thus we have in Sanscrit, Coda ; in Persian, Choda, Chuda, and Ghuda; in the language of the Kurds, Chudi ; in that of the Afghans, Chudai; in the Gothic and German, God and Gott; in the Icelandic and Danish, Gud, &c. It is curious to observe, moreover, that traces of the worship of Odin or Budda appear even in America. Among the ancient traditions collected by the Spanish bishop Nunez de la Vega, there is one which was current among the Indians of Chiapa respecting a certain Wodan or Votan. This individual is said to have been the grandson of one who, together with his family, was alone saved from a universal deluge. He aided in the erection of a great edifice, by which men attempted to reach the skies; but the execution of this daring project was frustrated; each family of men received a different language ; and the Great Spirit (Teotl) ordered Wodan to go and people the country of Anahuac, or Mexico. This same Wodan, moreover, like Odin and Budda, gave name to a particular day. So strong, indeed, does the resemblance between Odin and the Mexican Wodan appear, that even Humboldt himself hesitates not to use the following language in relation to it: “Ce Wotan, ou Wodan, Americain paroit de la méme famille avec les Wods ou Odins des Goths et des peuples d'origine Celtique.” (Monumens de l'Amerique, vol. 1, p. 382.) It would appear, then, from all that has been said, that the worship of Odin or Budda is to be referred in its origin to the earliest periods of the history of our race, these names being nothing more than early appellations for Deity, and being afterward shared also by those individuals who had spread this particular worship over different parts of the earth. (Consult Magnusen, Mythol. Boreal. Lez., p. 261, seqq.—Niemeyer, Sagen, betressend Othin, &c., Erf., 1821, 8vo. — Leo, tiber Othun's Verehrung in Deutschland, Erl., 1822, 8vo. — Klemm, Germ. Alterthumsk, p. 280, seqq.)

oices, a Gothic chief, who, according to some authorities, was of the tribe of the Heruli. He originally served as a mercenary in the barbarian auxiliary force which the later emperors of the West had taken into their pay for the defence of Italy. After the two rival emperors, Glycerius and Julius Nepos, were both driven from the throne, Orestes, a soldier from Pannonia, clothed his own son Romulus, yet a minor, with the imperial purple, but retained all the substantial authority in his own hands. The barbarian troops now asked for one third of the lands of Italy, to be distributed among them as a reward for their services. Orestes having rejected their demand, they chose Odoacer for their leader, who immediately marched against Orestes, who had shut himself up in Ticinum or Pavia. Odoacer took the city by storm, and gave it up to be plundered by his soldiers. Orestes himself was taken prisoner, and led to Placentia, where he was publicly executed, A.D. 475, exactly a twelvemonth after he had driven Nepos out of Italy. Romulus, who was called Augustulus by way of derision, was in Ravenna, where he was seized by Odoacer, who stripped him of his imperial ornaments, and banished him to a castle in Campania, but allowed him an honourable maintenance. Odoacer now proclaimed himself King of Italy, rejecting the imperial titles of Caesar and Augustus. For this reason the Western empire is considered as having ended with the deposition of Romulus Augustulus, the son of Orestes. Odoacer's authority did not extend beyond the boundaries of Italy. Little is known of the events of his reign until the invasion of Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, who, at the instigation, as some historians assert, of Zeno; emperor of the East, marched from the banks of *P* to dispossess Odoacer of his kingdom. Theodoric, at the head of a large army, defeated Odoacer near Aquileia, and entered Verona without opposition. Odoacer shut himself up in Ravenna, A.D. 489. The war, however, lasted for several years; Odoacer made a brave resistance, but was compelled by famine to surrender Ravenna, A.D. 493. Theodoric at first spared his life, but in a short time caused him to be put to death, and proclaimed himself King of Italy. (Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 16, p. 400.) Odrys Ae, one of the most numerous and warlike of the Thracian tribes. Under the dominion of Sitalces, a king of theirs, was established what is called in history the empire of the Odrysae. Thucydides, who has entered into considerable detail on this subject, observes, that of all the empires situated between the Ionian Gulf and the Euxine, this was the most considerable, both in revenue and opulence. Its military force was, however, very inferior to that of Scy. thia both in strength and numbers. The empire of Sitalces extended along the coast from Abdera to the mouths of the Danube, a distance of four days' and nights' sail; and in the interior, from the sources of the Strymon to Byzantium, a journey of thirteen days. The first founder of this empire appears to have been Teres. (Herod., 7, 137.—Thucyd., 2, 29.) For farther remarks on the Odrysae, see the article Thracia. OdysséA, I. a city of Hispania Baetica, north of Abdera, among the mountains. It was founded, according to a fabulous tradition, by Ulysses. (Posidon., Artemidor., Asclep., Myrl., ap. Strab., 149. Eustath. ad Od, p. 1379.-Id. ad Dionys. Perieg., 281. —Steph. Byz., s. v.– Tzschucke ad Mel, 3, 1, 6.) Some have supposed it to be the same with Olisippo or Ulysippo (now Lisbon), and very probably we owe Odyssea to the same fabulous legend which assigns Ulysses as the founder of Ulysippo. There must have been a town in Bætica, the name of which, resembling in some degree the form Odyssea ('Odvogeia), the Greeks, in their usual way, converted into the latter, and then appended to it the fable respecting a founding by Ulysses. (Consult Ukert, Geogr., vol. 2, p. 351.— Merula, Cosmogr., pt. 2, l. 2, c. 26.)—II. A promontory of Sicily, near Pachynum, supposed by Fazellus to be the same with the present Cabo Marzo. (Bischoff und Möller, Wörterb. der Geogr., p. 798.) —III. The second of the two great poems ascribed to Homer. It consists, like the Iliad, of twenty-four books; and the subject is the return of Ulysses ('Odvoaest), after the fall of Troy, from a land lying beyond the range of human intercourse or knowledge, to a home invaded by a band of insolent intruders, who seek to rob him of his wife and kill his son. Hence, the Odyssey begins exactly at that point where the hero is considered to be farthest from his home, in the island of Ogygia, at the navel, that is, the central part, of the sea; where the nymph Calypso (Kažvyd, “The Concealer”) has kept him hidden from all mankind for seven years; thence, having, by the help of the gods, who pity his misfortunes, passed through the dangers prepared for him by his implacable enemy, Poseidon or Neptune, he gains the land of the Phaeacians, a careless, peaceable, and effeminate nation, to whom war is only known by means of poetry. Borne along by a marvellous Phaeacian vessel, he reaches Ithaca sleeping; here he is entertained by the honest swineherd Eumaeus, and, having been introduced into his own house as a beg; he is there made to suffer the harshest treatment rom the suiters, in order that he may afterward appear with the stronger right as a terrible avenger. With this simple story a poet might have been satisfied; and we should, even in this form, notwithstanding its smaller extent, have placed the poem almost on an equality with the Iliad. But the poet to whom we are indebted for the Odyssey in a complete form, has interwoven a second story, by which the poem is rendered much

richer and more complete; although, indeed, from the union of two actions, some roughnesses have been produced, which, perhaps, with a plan of this kind, could scarcely be avoided. While the poet represents the son of Ulysses, stimulated by Minerva, coming forward in Ithaca with newly-excited courage, and calling the suiters to account before the people, and then afterward describes him as travelling to Pylos and Sparta in order to obtain intelligence of his lost father, he gives us a picture of Ithaca and its anarchical condition, and of the rest of Greece in its state of peace after the return of the princes, which produces the finest contrast; and, at the same time, he prepares Telemachus for playing an energetic part in the work of vengeance, which by this means becomes more probable.—The Odyssey is indisputably, as well as the Iliad, jo possessing a unity of subject; nor can any one of its chief parts be removed without leaving a chasm in the development of the leading idea; but it differs from the Iliad in being composed on a more artificial and more complicated plan. This is the case partly, because, in the first and greater division of the poem, up to the sixteenth book, two main actions are carried on side by side; and partly, because the action, which passes within the compass of the poem, and, as it were, beneath our eyes, is greatly extended by means of an episodical narration, by which the chief action itself is made distinct and complete, and the most marvellous part of the story is transferred from the mouth of the poet to that of the hero himself—It is plain that the plan of the Odyssey, as well as that of the Iliad, offered many opportunities for enlargement by the insertion of new passages; and many irregularities in the course of the narration, and its occasional diffuseness, may be explained in this manner. The latter, for example, is observable in the amusements offered to Ulysses when entertained by the Phaeacians; and some of the ancients even questioned the genuineness of the passage about the dance of the Phaeacians, and the song of Demodocus respecting the loves of Mars and Venus, although this part of the Odyssey appears to have been at least extant in the 50th Olympiad (B.C. 580–577), when the chorus of the Phaeacians was represented on the throne of the Amyclasan Apollo. (Pausan, 3, 18, 7.) So likewise Ulysses' account of his adventures contains many interpolations, particularly in the nekyia, or invocation of the dead, where the ancients had already attributed an important passage (which, in fact, destroys the unity and connexion of the narrative) to the diaskewasta, or interpolators; among others, to the Orphic Onomacritus, who, in the time of the Pisistratidae, was employed in collecting the poems of Homer. (Schol. ad Od., 11, 104.) ... the Alexandrine critics, Aristophanes and Aristarchus, considered the whole of the last part (from Od. 23, 296, to the end), from the recognition of Penelope, as added at a later period. Nor can it be denied that it has great defects; in particular, the description of the arrival of the suiters in the infernal regions is only a second and feebler nekyia, which does not precisely accord with the first, and is introduced in this place without sufficient reason. At the same time, the Odyssey could never have been considered as concluded until Ulysses had embraced his father Laertes, who is often mentioned in the course of the poem, and until a peaceful state of things had been restored, or begun to be restored. in IthacoIt is not, therefore, likely that the original Odyssey •k together wanted some passage of this kind; but it was probably much altered by the Homerida, until assumed the form in which we now possess it.--To the Odyssey was written after the Jilad. and that many differences are apparent in the character and manners both of men and gods, as well as in the management of the language, is quite clear; but it is difficult and hazardous to raise upon this foundation any

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