Obrazy na stronie

given of his voracity is almost incredible. He ate, it is said, every day, twenty pounds of animal food, twenty pounds of bread, and drank fifteen pints of wine. Athenaeus relates, that on one occasion he carried a steer four years old the whole length of the stadium at Olympia (606 feet), and then, having cut it up and cooked it, ate it all up himself in one day. (Athen., 10, p. 412, e.) Some authorities add, that he killed it with a single blow of his fist. He had an opportunity, however, at last, of exerting his prodigious strength in a more useful manner. One day, while attending the lectures of Pythagoras, of whom he was a disciple and constant hearer, the column which supported the ceiling of the hall where they were assembled was observed to totter, whereupon Milo, upholding the entire superstructure by his own strength, allowed all present an opportunity of escaping, and then saved himself. Milo was crowned seven times as victor at the Pythian games, and six times at the Olympic, and he only ceased to present himself at these contests when he found no one willing to be his opponent. In B.C. 509 he had the conmand of the army sent by the people of Crotona against Sybaris, and gained a signal victory.—His death was a melancholy one. He was already advanced in years, when, traversing a forest, he found a trunk of a tree partly cleft by wedges. Wishing to sever it entirely, he introduced his hands into the opening, and succeeded so far as to cause the wedges to fall out; but his strength here failing him, the separated parts on a sudden reunited, and his hands remained imprisoned in the cleft. In this situation he was devoured by wild beasts. (Aul. Gell, 15. 16.-Val. Maz., 9, 12, 17.)—II. Titus Annius, was a native of Lanuvium in Latium, and was born about 95 B.C. His family appears to have been a distinguished one, since we find him espousing the daughter of Sylla. Having been chosen tribune of the commons B.C. 57, he zealously exerted himself for the recall of Cicero, but the violent proceedings of Clodius paralyzed all his efforts. Determined to put an end to this, he summoned Clodius to trial as a disturber of the public peace; but the consul Metellus dismissed the prosecution, and thus enabled Clodius to resume with impunity his unprincipled and daring career. Milo thereupon found himself compelled, for the sake of his own personal safety, to keep around him a band of armed followers. His private resources having sus. fered greatly by the magnificent games which he had exhibited, Milo, in order to repair his shattered fortunes, married Fausta, the daughter of Sylla; but the union was an unhappy one ; Fausta was discovered to be unfaithful to his bed, and her paramour, the historian Sallust, was only allowed to escape after receiving severe personal chastisement, and paying a large sum of money to the injured husband. Clodius meanwhile, having obtained the office of aedile, had the assurance to accuse Milo in his turn of being a disturber 9f the public tranquillity, and of violating the laws by keeping a body of armed men in his service. Pom. pey defended the latter; Clodius spoke in reply; and the whole affair was carried on amid the most violent clamours from their respective partisans. No decision, however, was made ; the matter was protracted, and at last allowed to drop. Some years after this (B.C. 51) Milo offered himself as a candidate for the consulship against two other competitors. Clodius, of course, opposed him ; but the powerful exertions of his friends would have carried him through, had not an unfortunate occurrence frustrated all his hopes. Clodius, it seems, had openly declared, that if Milo did not abandon all pretensions to the consulship, in three days he would be no more. This threat fell upon the head of its own author. On the 20th of January, Milo set out from Rome to go to Lanuvium, of which he was the chief magistrate or dictator, and where, by

virtue of his office, he was on the following day to appoint a flamen for the performance of some of the religious ceremonies of the municipality. He travelled in a carriage, accompanied by his wife and one of his friends, and attended by a strong body of slaves, and also by some of the armed followers, whose services he had occasionally employed in his contests with Clodius. While prosecuting his route, he fell in with the latter, who was returning to Rome, followed by about thirty of his slaves. Clodius and Milo passed one another without disturbance ; but the armed men, who were among the last of Milo's party, provoked a quarrel with the slaves of Clodius; and Clodius turning back, and interposing in an authoritative manner, Birria, one of Milo's followers, ran him through the shoulder with a sword. Upon this the fray became general. Milo's slaves hastened back in great numbers to take part in it, while Clodius was carried into an inn at Bovilla. Meanwhile, Milo himself was informed of what had passed, and, resolving to avail himself of the opportunity which was offered, he ordered his slaves to attack the inn and destroy his enemy. Clodius was dragged out into the road and there murdered ; his slaves shared his fate, or saved their lives by flying to places of concealment; and his body, covered with wounds, was left in the middle of the highway. (Ascon., Arg. in Cic., Orat. pro Mil.) When the corpse of Clodius was brought to Rome, a violent popular commotion ensued. The body was carried into the Forum and exhibited on the rostra; and at last the mob, having conveyed it from the rostra into the senate-house, set fire to a funeral pile made for it at the moment out of the benches, tables, and other furniture which they sound at hand. The consequence was, as might be expected, that the senatehouse itself was involved in the conflagration and burned to the ground. These, and several other disorders committed by the multitude, somewhat turned the tide of public opinion in favour of Milo. He was now encouraged to return to Rome and renew his canvass for the consulship. He did so, but the whole city became eventually a scene of the greatest confusion ; and, in order to restore public tranquillity, Pompey was declared sole consul, and armed with full powers to put a stop to farther disturbances. Milo was thereupon brought to trial for the murder of Clodius, and was defended by Cicero; but the clamours and outcries of the populace devoted to the party of Clodius, and the array of armed men that encompassed the tribunal, to prevent any outbreak of popular violence, prevented the orator from displaying his usual force and eloquence, and Milo was condemned. When the event of the trial was known, he went into exile, and fixed his abode at Massilia in Gaul. Milo was also tried after his departure for three other distinct offences ; for bribery, for illegal caballing and combinations, and for acts of violence, and was successively found guilty on all.—It is said that, soon after Milo's condemnation, and when he was residing at Massilia, Cicero sent him a copy of his speech in the form in which we now have it, and that Milo, having read it over, wrote a letter to the orator, in which he stated that it was a fortunate thing for himself that Cicero had not pronounced the oration which he sent, since otherwise he (Milo) would not then have been eating such fine mullets at Massilia. It has been sometimes stated, that Milo was subsequently restored to his country. This, however, is altogether erroneous. Welleius Paterculus and Dio Cassius both contradict the fact of his recall, by what we find in their respective histories. According to Dio Cassius, Milo was the only one of the exiles whom Caesar refused to recall, because, as is supposed, he had been active in exciting the people of Massilia to resist Caesar. Welleius Paterculus states that Milo returned without permission to Italy, and there busily employed himself

in raising opposition to Caesar during that commander's absence in Thessaly against Pompey. He adds that Milo was killed by the blow of a stone while laying siege to Compsa, a town of the Hirpini. (Cic., Or, pro Mil.— Well. Paterc., 2, 47, 68. - Encyclop. Metropol., div. 3, vol. 2, p. 218, seq.-Biogr. Univ., vol. 29, p. 57.) MultiAdes, I. an Athenian, son of Cypselus, who obtained a victory in a chariot-race at the Olympic games, and led a colony of his countrymen to the Chersonesus. The cause of this step on his part was a singular one. It seems that the Thracian Dolonci, harassed by a long war with the Absinthians, were directed by the oracle of Delphi to take for their king the first man they met in their return home, who invited them to come under his roof and partake of his entertainments. The Dolonci, after receiving the oracle, returned by the sacred way, passed through Phocis and Boeotia, and, not being invited by either of these people, turmed aside to Athens. Miltiades, as he sat in this city before the door of his house, observed the Dolonci passing by, and as by their dress and armour he perceived they were strangers, he called to them, and offered them the rites of hospitality. They accepted his kindness, and, being hospitably treated, revealed to him all the will of the oracle, with which they entreated his compliance. Miltiades, disposed to listen to them because weary of the tyranny of Pisistratus, first consulted the oracle of Delphi, and the answer being favourable, he went with the Dolonci. He was invested by the inhabitants of the Chersonese with sovereign power. The first measure he took was to stop the farther incursions of the Absinthians, by building a wall across the isthmus. When he had established himself at home, and fortified his dominions against foreign invasion, he turned his arms against Lampsacus. His expedition was unsuccessful; he was taken in an ambuscade, and made prisoner. His friend Croesus, king of Lydia, however, was informed of his captivity, and procured his release by threatening the people of Lampsacus with his severest displeasure. He lived a few years after he had recovered his liberty. As he had no issue, he left his kingdom and possessions to Stesagoras, the son of Cimon, who was his brother by the same mother. The memory of Miltiades was greatly honoured by the Dolonci, and they regularly celebrated festivals and exhibited shows in commemoration of a man to whom they owed their preservation and greatness. (Herod., 6, 38.—Id., 6, 103.)—II. A nephew of the former, and brother of Stesagoras. His brother, who had been adopted by Miltiades the elder, having died without issue, Miltiades the younger, though he had not, like Stesagoras, an interest established during the life of his predecessor, and though the Chersonese was not by law an hereditary principality, was still sent by the Pisistratidae thither with a galley. By a mixture of fraud and force he succeeded in securing the tyranny. On his arrival at the Chersonese, he appeared mournful, as if lamenting the recent death of his brother. The principal inhabitants of the country visited the new governor to condole with him, but their confidence in his sincerity proved fatal to them. Miltiades seized their persons, and made himself absolute in Chersonesus; and, to strengthen himself, he married Hegesipyla, the daughter of Olorus, king of the Thracians. When Darius marched against the Scythians, Miltiades submitted to him and followed in his train, and was left with the other Grecian chiefs of the army to guard the bridge of boats by which the Persians crossed the Danube. He then proposed to break up the bridge, and, suffering the king and army to perish by the Scythians, to secure Greece and deliver Ionia from the Persian yoke. His suggestion was rejected, not for its treachery, but because Persia was to each of the tyrants his surest support against the spirit of

freedom in the people. Miltiades, soon after, was driven out by the Scythians, but recovered his possessions on their departure. Knowing himself, however, to be obnoxious to the Persians, he fled to Athens, when their fleet, after the re-conquest of Ionia, was approaching the coast of Thrace. The Athenian laws were severe against tyrants, and Miltiades, on arriving, was tried for his life. He was acquitted, however, more perhaps owing to the politic way in which he had used his power in the Chersonesus, than to the real merit of his conduct. Nay, he even so far won the favour of the people as to be appointed, not long after, one of the ten generals of Athens. It was at this same period that the Persian armament, under Datis and Artaphernes, bore down upon the shores of Attica; and, guided by Hippias, who knew the capabilities of every spot of ground in his country, the invading force landed at Marathon. According to custom, the Athenian army was under the command of its ten generals. The opinions of the ten were equally divided as to the propriety of engaging, when Miltiades, going privately to the polemarch Callimachus, who, by virtue of his office, commanded the right wing, and had an equal vote with the ten generals, prevailed upon him to come over to his way of thinking, and vote in favour of a battle. The vote of the polemarch decided the question ; and when the day of command came round to Miltiades, the battle took place. The details of this conflict are given elsewhere. (Wid. Marathon.)—Perhaps no battle ever reflected more lustre on the successful commander than that of Marathon on Miltiades; though it should be observed, that he whom all ages have regarded as the defender of liberty, began his career as an arbitrary ruler, and on only one occasion in his whole life was engaged on the side of freedom ; but for the same man to be the liberator of his own country and a despot in another, is no inconsistency, as the course of human events has often shown.—The reward bestowed upon Miltiades after this memorable conflict was strikingly characteristic. He and the polemarch Callimachns were alone distinguished from the other combatants in the painted porch, and stood apart with the tutelary gods and heroes.—Miltiades now rose to the utmost height of popularity and influence, insomuch that when he requested a fleet of seventy ships, without declaring how he meant to employ them, but merely promising that he would bring great riches to Athens, the people readily agreed. He led them to the Isle of Paros, under the pretence of punishing its people for their compelled service in the Persian fleet, but really to avenge a personal injury of his own. He demanded one hundred talents as the price of his departure; but the Parians refused, and resisted him bravely; and in an attempt to enter the town, he received a wound, and was obliged to withdraw his army. On his return he was brought to trial for his life by Xanthippus, a man of high consideration, on account of the failure of his promises made to the people. His wound disabled him from defending himself, but he was brought into the assembly on a couch, while his brother Tisagoras defended him, principally by recalling his former services. The memory of these, with pity for his present condition, prevailed on the people to absolve him from the capital charge ; but they fined him fifty talents, nearly $53,000. As he could not immediately raise this sum, he was cast into prison, where he soon after died of his wound, which had gangrened—The character of Miltiades is one on which, with the few materials that history has left, we should not judge too exactly. The outline which remains is one that, if filled up, would seem fittest to contain the very model of a successful statesman in an age when the prime minister of Athens was likewise the leader of her armies. Heeren has briefly noticed the transition which took place in the character of Athenian statesmen, from the warrior-like Miltiades and Themistocles, to the warlike rhetorician Pericles, and thence to the orator, who to his rhetorical skill united no military prowess. Miltiades, with great generalship, showed great power as a statesman, and some, but not much, as an orator. This is agreeable to his age. Whether he was a true patriot, governed by high principle, it is now impossible to determine. He achieved one great action, which for his country produced a most decisive result. The unfortunate close of his career may be regarded by some as showing the ingratitude of democracies; but perhaps a judicious historian will draw no conclusion of the kind, especially with so imperfect materials before him as we possess of the life of this illustrious Athenian. If the Athenians conceived that nothing he had done for them ought to raise him above the laws; if they even thought that his services had been sufficiently rewarded by the station which enabled him to perform them, and by the glory he reaped from them, they were not ungrateful or unjust ; and if Miltiades thought otherwise, he had not learned to live in a free state. (Herod., lib. 5 et 6–Corn. Nep., Wit. Milt.—Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 15, p. 227.-Thirlwall's Greece, vol. 2, p. 246.) Milto. Vid. Aspasia II. Milvius Pons, a bridge about two miles from Rome, over the Tiber, in a northerly direction. It was also called Mulvius. Its construction is ascribed to M. Aemilius Scaurus, who was censor A.U.C. 644, and its ancient appellation is probably a corruption of his momen. The modern name is Ponte Molle. If it be true that the bridge owed its erection to AEmilius, Livy, when he speaks of it (27, 51), must be supposed to mention it by anticipation. We learn from Cicero that the Pons Mulvius existed at the time of Catiline's conspiracy, since the deputies of the Allobroges were here seized by his orders. In later times, it witnessed the defeat of Maxentius by Constantine. (Zosim., 2, 16–Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 239.) Mily As. Wid. Lycia. MIMAllóNes, a name given to the priestesses of Bacchus among the Thracians, according to Hesychius and Suidas, or, more correctly, to the female Bacchantes in general. Suidas deduces the term from the Greek uiumatc, “imitation,” because the Bacchamals, under the influence of the god, imitated in their wild fury the actions of men. Others, however, derive it from Mimas, a mountain of Thrace. Nonnus enumerates the Mimallones among the companions of Bacchus in his Indian expedition. (Compare Persius, Sat., 1, 99. – Ovid, A. A., 1,541. — Sidon., Praef. Paneg. Anthem.) Bochart gives as the etymology of the word the Hebrew Memallelan (“garrulae,” “loquacula”); or else Mamal, “a wine-press.” (Rolle, Recherches sur le culte de Bacchus, vol. 1, p. 136.) Mixias, I. one of the giants that warred against the gods. (Compare Eurip., Ion, 215. — Senec., Herc. Fur.,981–Apoll. Rhod, 3, 1227.)—II. A mountain range of Ionia, terminating in the promontory Argennum, opposite the lower extremity of Chios. (Thucyd., 8, 34.—Plin., 5, 29.—Amm. Marc., 31, 42.) Mimner Mus, an elegiac poet, a native of Colophon in Ionia, and contemporary with Solon. Müller, quoting a fragment of Mimnermus' elegy entitled “Nanno,” says that he was one of the colonists of Smyrna from Colophon, and whose ancestors, at a still earlier period, came from Nelean Pylos. (Hist. Lit. Gr., p. 115.) , Muller also ascribes the melancholy character of his poems to the reduction of Smyrna by Alyattes. From Horace and Propertius we gather, that his poems had reference, for the most part, to those appetites which, in poetical language, are exPressed by the name of love. (Horat., Epist., 1, 6, 65–Propert., 1, 9, 11.) His mind, however, was of a melancholy turn, which gave to his writings a pen

sive cast, not traceable in the productions of others who belonged to the same school. In the few fragments which we have remaining of Mimnermus, he complains of the briefness of human enjoyment, the shortness of the season of youth, and of the many miseries to which man is exposed. Mimnermus was the first who adapted the elegiac verse to those subjects which, from this adaptation, are now usually considered as proper for it; Callinus, its inventor, having used it as a vehicle for warlike strains. The ancient writers speak with great admiration of his poem on Nanno, a young female musician of whom he was deeply enamoured, and who preferred him to younger and handsomer rivals. The sweetness of his verses obtained for him also from the ancients the appellation of Ligystades (Atyvaráðnc, from auyo, “melodious.”)—The fragments of Mimmermus have been several times edited, in the collections of Stephens, Brunck, Gaisford, and Boissonade; to which may be added Bâch's separate edition, published at Leipzig in 1826. (Wieland, Attisches Museum, vol. 1, p. 338. —Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 1, p. 191. – Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 15, p. 230.-Muller, Hist. Lat. Gr., p. 115, seqq.) Mina (Mvä), a name given by the Athenians, not to a particular coin, as is commonly but erroneously imagined, but merely to a certain sum, or, in other words, to so much money of account. The mina was equivalent, as a sum, to 100 drachmae, which would make, in our currency, a little more than $17 59 cts. The term was also employed as a weight, and was then equivalent to a little over 15 oz. avoirdupois weight.—This appears to be the proper place for a few remarks relative to Athenian coinage. No gold coins appear to have been minted at Athens, although the gold coinage of other places circulated there freely. (Consult Cardwell's Lectures on the Coinage of the Greeks and Romans, p. 112, seqq.) But the metal of the greatest importance to Athens was silver. It had been employed by them for their coinage from the earliest periods of their history; it was obtained in considerable quantity from their own neighbourhood (vid. Laurium); and it formed an important item in their national revenue. The high commendation given to this coinage by Aristophanes, refers, not to any delicacy of workmanship, but to the extreme purity of the metal; and the same cause seems to have deterred the Athenians from excelling in the execution of their coins, which induced them to preserve the greatest purity in the standard. The specimens, accordingly, of Athenian silver are very numerous, and, though evidently minted at periods very different from each other, retain so great a degree of correspondence, as implies either much political wisdom on the part of Athens, or, at least, a willing acquiescence in the authority of public opinion. The most important property, in fact, of the Athenian coinage was its purity, carried to so great an extent that no baser metal appears to have been united with it as an alloy. It may readily be supposed that the lead, which was found, together with the silver, in the mines of Laurium, was not always perfectly separated from it by the ancient process of refining: but the quantity of that metal which has hitherto been discovered in the silver coins of Athens is not likely to have been added designedly ; and copper, which would have been more suitable for the purpose, does not appear to have been used at any period as an alloy, much less in the way of adulteration. Connected with this superiority, and with the rude method of minting which prevailed in former times, was the farther advantage possessed by the Athenian coin of being less exposed to wear from constant use than is the case with the thinner lamina and the larger surface of a modern coin; whether it were owing to the smaller degree of hardness in the metal o employed, or to their want of mechanical contrivances, or to their knowledge that a compact and globular body is least liable to loss from friction, the Athenian coin was minted in a form more massive than our own, and much less convenient for tale or transfer, but better calculated to maintain its value unimpaired by the wear of constant circulation.—The only question that remains to be considered here is this: to what cause was it owing that the coins of Athens should have been executed throughout in a style of inelegance and coarseness; at a time, too, when the coins of other districts, far inferior in science and reputation to Athens, were finished in the most perfect workmanship ! The fact is certainly remarkable; and the only explanation that has hitherto been given of it, may tend to illustrate still farther the beneficial effects of commerce in its influence on the Athenian mint. The ancient coinage, says Eckhel, had recommended itself so strongly by its purity, and had become so universally known among Greeks and barbarians by its primitive emblems, that it would have been impossible to have made any considerable change in the form or workmanship of the coin, without creating a degree of suspicion against it, and eventually contracting its circulation. (Walpole's Collection, vol. 1, p. 433–Carducell's Lectures, p. 9, seqq.) MiNcius, now Mincio, a river of Gallia Cisalpina, flowing from the Lake Benacus, and falling into the Po. (Virg., Eclog., 7, 13.-Id., Georg., 3, 15.-Id., AEn, 10, 206.) MiNeides or MINyrides, the daughters of Minyas, king of Orchomenus, in Baeotia. They were three in number, Leucippe, Aristippe, and Alcathoë. These females derided the rites of Bacchus, and continued plying their looms, while the other women ran through the mountains. Bacchus came as a maiden and remonstrated, but in vain; he then assumed the form of various wild beasts; serpents filled their baskets; vines and ivy twined round their looms, while wine and milk distilled from the roof; but their obstinacy was unsubdued. He finally drove them mad; they tore to pieces the son of Leucippe, and then went roaming through the mountains, till Mercury touched them with his wand, and turned them into a bat, an owl, and a crow. (Corinna et Nicand., ap. Anton. Lib., 10. —AElian, W. H., 3, 42. —Ovid, Met., 4, 1, seqq.— Keightley's Mythology, p. 213.) MiNErva, an ancient Italian divinity, the same in general with the Pallas-Athene (IIažňác Affvn) of the Greeks, and to be considered, therefore, in common with her, in one and the same article.—Minerva or Athene was regarded in the popular mythology as the goddess of wisdom and skill, and, in a word, of all the liberal arts and sciences. In both the Homeric oems she is spoken of as the daughter of Jupiter, and in one place it seems to be intimated that she had no other parent. (Il., 5, 875, seqq.) In later writers, however, the legend assumes a more extended form. It is said that Jupiter, after his union with Metis, was informed by Heaven and Earth that the first child born from this marriage, a maiden, would equal him in strength and counsel; and that the second, a son, would be king of gods and men. Alarmed at this prediction, the monarch of Olympus swallowed his spouse, who was then pregnant; but being seized, after a time, with racking pains in the head, the god summoned Vulcan to his aid, who, in obedience to the commands of Jupiter, cleft the head of the latter with a blow of his brazen hatchet, and Minerva immediately leapel forth, in panoply, from the brain of her sire. (Thcog., 886, seqq. Ib., 924. — Schol, ad Theog., 890 — Pind., Ol., 7, 63. –Schol., ad loc.—Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod., 4, 1310.) Still later authorities assign the task of opening the head of Jove to Prometheus (Euripides, Ion, 462.-Apollod., 1, 3), or to Hermes (Schol. ad Pind, Ol., 7, 66).-Minerva is in Homer,

as in the general popular system, the goddess of wisdom and skill. She is in war opposed to Mars, the wild war-god, as the patroness and teacher of Just and scientific warfare. She is therefore on the side of the Greeks, as he on that of the Trojans. But on the shield of Achilles, where the people of the besieged town are represented as going forth to lie in ambush, they are led by Mars and Minerva together (Il , 18, 516), possibly to denote the union of skill and courage required for that service. (Il., 13, 277.) Every prudent chief was esteemed to be under the patronage of Minerva, and Ulysses was therefore her especial favourite, whom she relieved from all his perils, and whose son Telemachus she also took under her protection, assuming a human form to be his guide and director. In like manner, Cadmus, Hercules, Perseus, and other heroes were favoured and aided by this goddess. As the patroness of arts and industry in general, Minerva was regarded as the inspirer and teacher of able artists. Thus she taught Epeus to frame the wooden horse, by means of which Troy was taken; and she also superintended the building of the Argo. She was likewise expert in female accomplishments; she wove her own robe and that of Juno, which last she is said to have embroidered very richly. (Il., 5, 735.-Ib., 14, 178.) Whcn the hero Jason was setting out in quest of the golden fleece, Minerva gave him a cloak wrought by herself (Apoll. Rhod., 1, 721.) She taught this art also to mortal females who had won her affection. (Od., 20, 72.) When Pandora was formed by Vulcan for the ruin of man, she was attired by Minerva. (Theog., 573.) In the Homeric hymn to Vulcan (H. 20), this deity and Minerva are mentioned as the joint benefactors and civilizers of mankind by means of the arts which they taught them, and we shall find them in intimate union also in the mythic system of Attica.—The invention of the pipe (at 26c) is also ascribed to this goddess. When Perseus, says Pindar (Pyth., 12, 15, seqq.—Schol, ad loc.), had slain Medusa, her two remaining sisters bitterly lamented her death. The snakes which formed their ringlets mourned in concert with them, and Minerva, hearing the sound, was pleased with it, and resolved to imitate it: she in consequence invented the pipe, whose music was named many-headed (rożextpańoc), on account of the number of serpents whose mournful hissings had given origin to the instrument. Others (Hygin, fab., 165) say that the goddess formed the pipe from the bone of a stag, and, bringing it with her to the banquet of the gods, began to play upon it. Being laughed at by Juno and Venus, on account of her green eyes and swollen cheeks, she went to a fountain on Mount Ida, and played before the liquid mirror. Satisfied that the goddesses had had reason for their mirth, she threw the pipe away. Marsyas unfortunately found it, and, learning to play on it, ventured to become the rival of Apollo. His fate is related elsewhere (vid. Marsyas). —The favourite plant of Minerva was the olive, to which she had given origin in her well-known contest with Neptune (vid. Cecrops), and the animals consecrated to her were the owl and the serpent. Minerva was most honoured at Athens, the city to which she gave name (Atoval, from 'Ation), where the splendid festival of the Panathenaea was celebrated in her honour. This goddess is represented with a serious and thoughtful countenance, her eyes are large and steady, her hair hangs in ringlets over her shoulders, a helmet covers her head; she wears a long tunic and mantle, she bears the aegis on her breast or on her arm, and the head of the Gorgon is in its centre.—According to the explanation of Müller, the name Pallas-Athene appears to mean “the Athenian maid” (IIaz24c being the same as trä22a5, which originally meant “maid"); and she thus forms a parallel to “the Eleusinian maid” (Kópa) or Proserpina. As this is her constant title in Homer, it is manifest that she had iong been regarded as the tutelary deity of Athens. We may therefore safely reject the legends of her being the same with the Neith (Hesych., Nn:tom) of Sais in #. or a war-goddess imported from the banks of the Lake Tritonis in Libya, and view in her one of the deities worshipped by the agricultural Pelasgians, and therefore probably one of the powers engaged in causing the productiveness of the earth. Her being represented, in the poetic creed, as the goddess of arts and war alone, is merely a transition from physical to moral agents, that will presently be explained. (Müller, Proleg., p. 244.—Schwenck, Andeut., p. 230.—Welcker, Tril., p. 282.)—The etymology of the Latin name Minerva is doubtful.” The first part probably contains the same root (min, men, or man) that we have in the Latin ine-min-1, men-s, &c., and also in the Greek uév-oc, ut-uvī-axw, &c., and the Sanscrit man-as. Cicero (N. D., 3, 24) gives a very curious etymology, “Minerra, quia minuit, aut quia minatur;' but some of the ancient grammarians appear to have been more rational in considering it a shortened form of Meminerra, since she was also the goddess of memory. Festus connects it with the verb monere. Müller supposes that the word, like the worship of the goddess herself, came to the Romans from Etruria, and he makes the Etrurian original to have been Menerfa or Menrfa. (Etrusk., vol. 2, p. 48.)— There were some peculiarities in the worship of Minerva by the Romans that deserve to be mentioned. Her statue was usually placed in schools; and the pupils were accustomed every year to present their masters with a gift called Minerval. (Varro, R. R., 3, 2.—Compare Tertull., de Idol., c. 10.) Minerva also presided over olive-grounds (Varro, R. R., 1, 1); and goats were not sacrificed to her, according to Varro, because that animal was thought to do peculiar injury to the olive. (R. R., 1, 2.) There was an annual festival of Minerva, celebrated at Rome in the month of March, which was called Quinquatrus, because it lasted five days. (Varro, L. L., 5, 3–Opid, Fast, 3,809–Aul. Gell., 2, 21.) On the first day sacrifices were offered to the goddess, and on the other four there were gladiatorial combats, &c. There was also another festival of Minerva, celebrated in June, which was called Quinquatrus Minores. (Orid, Fast., 6,651.)—There were several temples in Rome sacred to Minerva. Ovid mentions one on the Caslian Hill, in which she was worshipped under the name of Minerva Capta, but the origin of the appellation is unknown. (Fast, 3, 835, seqq.) It also appears from several inscriptions, in which she is called Minerva Medica, that this goddess was thought to preside over the healing art. (Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 15, p. 232.)—The most probable theory relative to PallasAthene, or Minerva, is that of Muller, which sees in her the temperate celestial heat, and its principal agent on vegetation, the moon. (Müller, Minerra Polias, p. 5.) This idea was not unknown to the ancients themselves. Athene is by Aristotle expressly called “the moon” (ap. Arnob., adv. Gent., 3, p. 69.—Compare Istr., ap. Harpocri, Tottoum'íc.—Creuzer, Symbolik, vol. 4, p. 237.) On the coins of Attica, anterior to the time of Pericles, there was a moon along with the owl and olive-branch. (Eckhel, D. N., vol. 2, p. 163, 209.) There was a torch-race (żautadopopia) at the Panathenaea, a contest with which none but light-bearing deities were honoured, such as Vulcan, Prometheus, Pan (whom the ancients thence denominated Phanetes), &c. At the festival of the Skirophoria, the priest of the sun and the priestess of Athene went together in procession. (Aristoph., Eccles., 18.) A title of Athene was “All-Dew” (Pandrosos). In the ancient legends of Athens, mention was made of a sacred marriage (i.epoc yūuor) between Athene and Vulcan (“cui postea Attici, ne virginitas deat interi1ncretur, ontown spurcitiem obduzerunt.”—Mul5

ler). This goddess is also said to have given fire to the Athenians (Plut., Vit. Cim., 10), and perpetual flame was maintained in her temples at Athens and Alalcomenae. (Pausan., 1, 26, 7.-Id., 9, 34, 1.) It could hardly have been from any other cause than that of her being regarded as the moon, that the nocturnal owl, whose broad, full eyes shine so brightly in the dark, was consecrated to her; although some indeed maintain that this bird was sacred to her as the goddess of wisdom, since the peculiar formation of its head gives it a particular air of intelligence. (Lawrence's Lectures, p. 147, Am. ed.) The shield or corslet, moreover, with the Gorgon's head on it, seems to represent the full-orbed moon; and finally, the epithet Glaucopis, which is, as it were, appropriated to Athene, is also given to Selene, or the Moon. (Empedocles, ap. Plut., de Fac., in Orb. Lun., 16, 21.— Eurip., Fr. incert., 209.) In accordance with this theory, the epithet Tritogencia (Tptroyáveta), so often applied to Minerva, has been ingeniously explained by considering it indicative of the three phases of the moon, just as the term Tptyżathivn is applied to Hecate. (Welcker, Trilogie, p. 283.) There are two other interpretations of this epithet, which have had general currency, both of which, however, are inferior to the one just mentioned. The first of these supposes it to signify Head-sprung, as the word spitá is said to have signified head in some of the obscurer dialects of Greece (that of the Athamanes, according to Nicander of Colophon, Hesych., s. v. : Etym. Mag., and Photius, s. v.: that of the Cretans, Eustath., ad Îl., 4, p. 524; 8, p. 696: Od., 3, p. 1473: that of the Boeotians, Tzetz. ad Lyc., 519). But accounts like this are very suspicious, and the later Greeks would have made little scruple about coining a term, if they wanted it to suit any purpose. The other interpretation, which makes the banks of the river or lake Triton the birthplace of Minerva, has sound a great number of supporters; but, as so many countries sought to appropriate this Triton to themselves, the choice among them might seem difficult. The contest, however, has lain between the river or lake Triton in Libya, and a small stream of the same name in Boeotia. The ancients in general were in favour of the former; but, as there is no reason to suppose that the Greeks knew anything of the Libyan Triton in the days of Homer, or probably till after the colony had been settled at Cyrene, this theory seems to have little in its favour. Müller, therefore, at once rejects it, and fixes on the banks of the Boeotian brook as the natal spot of the goddess. (Orchom, p. 355.) Here, however, Homer again presents a difficulty, for the practice of assigning birthplaces on earth to the gods does not seem to have prevailed in his age.—The moon-goddess of the Athenians probably came by her moral and political character in the following manner. It was the practice of the different classes and orders in a state to appropriate the general tutelary deity to themselves by some suitable appellation. The Attic peasantry, therefore, named Athene the Or-yoker (Bovćeia), the citizens called her the Worker ('Epyāvm), while the military men styled her Front-fighter (IIpóuaxoc). As these last were the ruling order, their view of the character of the goddess became the prevalent one; yet even in the epic poetry we find the idea of the goddess' presiding over the arts still retained... (Muller, Minerva Polias, p. 1. – Keightley's Mythology, p. 153, seqq.)

***** PromoNToRIUM, a promontory of Campania, closing the Bay of Naples to the southwest. It was sometimes called Surrentinum Promontorium, from the town of Surrentum in its vicinity; and also not unfrequently the Sirens' Cape. (Strab., 247.) It is now Punto della Campanella. The name of Minerva Promontorium was given it from a temple of that goddess which stood here, and who" said to

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