phus against Apion; but still greater portions in the of Debora. Whichever of these systems may be the "Chronicles" of George Syncellus, a monk of the ninth true one, it would seem that even though the chrocentury. The "Chronicles" of Syncellus were prin- nology of Manetho presents some difficulties, we ought cipally compiled from the "Chronicles" of Julius Af- not for that reason to refuse him all confidence as an ricanus and from Eusebius, both of whom made great historian. As Cambyses had destroyed, or transportuse of Manetho's "History." The work of Africanus ed into Persia, the ancient documents of Egyptian is lost; and we only possess a Latin version of that of history, it is more than probable that the priests of Eusebius, which was translated out of the Armenian Egypt replaced them by new chronicles, in which version of the Greek text preserved at Constantinople. they must necessarily have committed, without inManetho indicates as his principal sources of informa- tending it, some very great errors. It is from these tion certain ancient Egyptian chronicles, and also, if erroneous sources that Manetho would appear to have Syncellus has rightly comprehended his meaning, the in- drawn, in good faith, his means of information. It scriptions which Thoth, or the first Hermes, had traced, is no easy matter, however, after all, to ascertain the according to him, in the sacred language, on columns. real value of Manetho's "History," in the form in We say, if Syncellus has rightly comprehended him, which it has come down to us. The reader may because it appears that the passage, in which Manetho judge of the use that has been made of it for Egypspeaks of the columns of Egypt, has not been taken tian chronology, by referring to Rask's Alte Egyptis from his history of Egypt, but from another work of a che Zeitrechnung (Altona, 1830); to the works of mystic character, entitled Sothis. The inscriptions Champollion, Wilkinson's Topography of Thebes, and just referred to, as having been written in the sacred the other authorities which will be indicated by a refdialect, Agathodæmon, son of the second Hermes, and erence to these works. (Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 14, father of Taut, had translated into the vulgar dialect, p. 379.)-Besides this work, Manetho wrote some and placed among the writings deposited in the sanc- others, which are lost. These were, 1. 'Iɛpà Bibλ05 tuary of a temple. Manetho gives the list of thirty ("Sacred Book"), treating of Egyptian theology.-2. dynasties or successions of kings who reigned in the Bibλos Ts Zwbεwç (“ Book of Sothis"), an astronomsame city; for thus are we to understand the word ical, or, rather, astrological work, addressed to Ptolemy dynasty, which, in Manetho, is not synonymous with Philadelphus.-3. Þvoiкāv kπiтoμn ("Epitome of reigning family. Hence some of his dynasties are Physics").-4. A poem, in six cantos, which has composed of several families. The thirty-one lists of come down to us under the title of 'AnоTheoμatiká, Manetho contain the names of 113 kings, who, ac- and treats of the influence of the stars. It is evidentcording to them, reigned in Egypt during the space of ly the production of a much later age, as Holstensius 4465 years. As we cannot reconcile this long dura- thought, and as Tyrwhitt has demonstrated. (Comtion of the Egyptian monarchy with the chronology of pare Heyne, Opusc. Acad., vol. 1, p. 95.) Among the Scriptures, some writers have hence taken occasion the works published by the credulous Nanni, of Vito throw discredit on Manetho, and have placed him terbo, there is a Latin one ascribed to Manetho, and in the class of fabulous historians. (Compare, in par- entitled "De Regibus Egypti."-The fragments of ticular, Petav., Doctr. Temp., lib. 9, c. 15.) A circum- Manetho have been collected by Joseph Scaliger, and stance, however, which would seem to claim for this his- published in his treatise "De Emendatione Tempotorian some degree of confidence is, that the succession rum." (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 3, p. 215, seqq.) of kings, as given by him, does not by any means corre- The 'ATOTελεØμаTikά were first edited by Gronovius, spond to the pretensions of the more ancient priests of Lugd. Bat., 1608, 4to. There is a later edition, by Egypt, who enumerated to Herodotus a list of monarchs Axtius and Rigler, Colon., 1832, 8vo. In Ruperti's which would make the duration of the kingdom of Egypt and Schlichthorst's "Neues Magazin für Schullehrexceed 30,000 years! We know also, from Josephus, er," Götting., 1793 (vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 90, seqq.), there that Manetho corrected many things in Herodotus is a dissertation of Ziegler's on the 'Añorɛλɛoμarikά, which betrayed a want of exactness. Larcher accuses in which he undertakes to show that this poem was Manetho of having been a mere flatterer of the Ptol-written after the time of Augustus. (Hoffmann, Lex. emies. (Hist. d'Herod., vol. 7, p. 323.) But the lat- Bibliogr., vol. 3, p. 76.) ter has found a defender in M. Dubois-Aymé. (De scription de l'Egypte, vol. 1, p. 301.) Other and more equitable critics, such as Calvisius, Usher, and Capellus, have endeavoured to reconcile the chronology of Manetho with that of the Scriptures, by rejecting as fabulous merely the first fourteen, fifteen, or sixteen dynasties. Marsham, however, was the first to accomplish this end, and that, too, without retrenching any part of Manetho's catalogue. (Chronicus Canon Egyptiacus, Hebraicus, Græcus, Lond., 1672, fol.) He has made it appear, that the first sev- MANILIUS, I. Marcus or Caius, a Latin poet, known enteen dynasties of Manetho might have reigned si- only by his poem entitled Astronomica, in five books. multaneously in different parts of Egypt, and that thus The manuscripts do not agree about the name of this the interval of time between Menes (whom Marsham poet; some of them calling him Manlius, others Malbelieves to have been Ham, the son of Noah), and the lius. Bentley believed him to have been born in Asia. end of the reign of Amasis, is only 1819 years. Two Two reasons led him to entertain this opinion; the great men of the 17th century, Newton and Bossuet, strange construction which appears in some of the have approved of the system of Marsham and yet it verses of Manilius, and the improbability that, at the would certainly seem to be faulty, in placing, contra-period when this poet appeared, the Romans paid any ry to all probability, the commencement of the Egyp- great attention to the phenomena of the heavens and tian monarchy immediately after the deluge, and in the lessons of astrology. It is true, the fourth book limiting to 1400 years the period that elapsed between of the poem contains two verses (the 41st and 776th) Menes and Sesostris. To remove these inconvenien- in which Manilius speaks of Rome as his city; but ces, Pezron, giving the preference to the chronology these two lines are boldly declared by the great Engof the Septuagint, modified the system of Manetho, lish critic to be interpolated. He endeavours to make by reckoning 2619 years from Menes to Nectanebus, it appear that the author of the Astronomica is neither the last king of the 30th dynasty of Manetho. He the astrologer Manilius of whom Pliny speaks (35, 17), places Menes 648 years after the deluge, at the epoch nor the mathematician of the same name, of whom, on

MANILIA LEX, I. by Manilius the tribune, A.U.C. 687, for conferring on Pompey the charge of the war against Mithradates. Its passage was supported by Cicero, who was then prætor, and also by Julius Cæsar, but from different views. (Vid. Pompeius.)—II. Another, by the same, that freedmen might vote in all the tribes, whereas formerly they voted in some one of the four city tribes only. This law, however, did not pass. (Cic., pro Muræn., 23.—Ernesti, Ind. Lex., s. v.)

another occasion, he makes mention (36, 10). Bent- |lowing year Manlius distinguished himself by slaying, ley believes that the poet is to be placed in the age of Augustus; but he has no other ground for this belief than the observation which he has made, that Manilius never uses the genitive termination ii (auxilii, ingenii, imperii, &c.), but the contracted form in ê (auxili, ingeni), which marks a writer of the Augustan age. Propertius among the poets first used the form in i. -The poem of Manilius is unfinished. The five books which are extant treat principally of the fixed stars; but the poet promises, in many parts of his work, to give an account of the planets. The language is in many instances marked by great purity, many po-feated the Latins, who had formed a powerful conetic beauties appear, and the whole betrays no inconsiderable degree of talent in managing a subject of so dry and forbidding a nature. It appears from many parts of the work that Manilius was a stanch adherent of the Stoic philosophy. The best editions are, that of Bentley, Lond., 1739, 4to, and that of Stoeber, Argent., 1767, 8vo. (Schöll, Lit. Romaine, vol. 1, p. 276.)—II. An epigrammatic poet, one of whose epigrams is cited by Varro. (Anth. Lat., vol. 1, p. 673.)-III. Manius, a Roman consul, A.U.C. 605. He left a work on the Civil Law, and another entitled Manilii Monumenta. (Schöll, Lit. Rom., vol. 1, p. 182.)

in single combat, a Gaul of gigantic size, on the banks of the Anio. In consequence of his taking a chain (torques) from the dead body of his opponent, he received the surname of Torquatus. (Liv., 7, 10.) Manlius filled the office of dictator twice, and in both instances before he had been elected consul: once in order to conduct the war against the Carites, B.C. 351; and the second time in order to preside at the comitia for the election of consuls, B.C. 346. (Liv., 7, 19, seqq.) Manlius was consul at least three times. (Cic., de Off., 3, 31.) In his third consulship he defederacy against the Romans. In this same campaign he put his own son to death for having engaged in single combat with one of the enemy contrary to his orders. (Liv., 8, 5, seqq.)-III. Titus Manlius Torquatus, was consul B.C. 235, and obtained a triumph on account of his conquests in Sardinia. (Vell. Paterc., 2, 38.-Eutrop., 3, 3.) In his second consulship, B.C. 224, he conquered the Gauls. (Polyb., 2, 31.) He opposed the ransom of the prisoners who had been taken at the battle of Cannæ. (Liv., 22, 60.) In B.C. 215 he defeated the Carthaginians in Sardinia (Liv., 23, 34, seqq.), and in 212 was an unsuc cessful candidate for the office of Pontifex Maximus. (Liv., 25, 5.) In 211 he was again elected consul, but declined the honour on account of the weakness of his eyes. (Liv., 26, 22.) In 208 he was appointed dictator in order to hold the comitia. (Liv., 27, 33.) The temple of Janus was closed during the first consulship of Manlius. (Liv., 1, 19.-Vell. Paterc., 2, 38.)-IV. Cneius Manlius Vulso, was consul B.C. 189, and appointed to the command of the war against the Gauls in Galatia, whom he entirely subdued. An account of this war is given by Livy (38, 12, seqq.) and Polybius (22, 16, seqq.). After remaining in Asia the following year as proconsul, he led his army home through Thrace, where he was attacked by the inhabitants in a narrow defile, and plundered of part of his booty. He obtained a triumph B.C. 186, though not without some difficulty. (Liv., 39, 6.—Encycl. Us, Knowl., vol. 14, p. 385, seq.)

MANNUS, the son of the German god Tuiston, of whom that nation believed themselves descendants. (Tacit., G., 2.) The god Tuiston evidently marks the stem-name of the Germans (Tuistones, Teutones, Deutschen), and from him comes forth the Man of the race, i. e., the Teutonic race itself. (Compare Mannert, Geschichte der alten Deutschen, p. 2.)

MANLIUS, the name of one of the most illustrious patrician gentes of Rome. Those most worthy of notice are: I. Marcus Manlius Capitolinus, who was consul B.C. 390 (Liv., 5, 31), and was the means of preserving the Capitol when it was nearly taken by the Gauls (Liv., 5, 47), from which exploit he received the surname of Capitolinus. He afterward became a warm supporter of the popular party against his own order, and particularly distinguished himself by the liberality with which he assisted those who were in debt. He publicly sold one of his most valuable estates, and declared that, as long as he had a single pound, he would not allow any Roman to be carried into bondage for debt. In consequence of his opposition to the patrician order, he was accused of aiming at kingly power. The circumstances attending his trial and death are involved in much obscurity. It would appear that he was accused before the centuries and acquitted; and that afterward, seeing that the patrician order were bent on his destruction, he seized upon the Capitol and prepared to defend it by arms. In consequence of this, Camillus, his personal enemy, was appointed dictator, and the curia (i. e., the patrician assembly) condemned him to death. According to Livy, who implies that Manlius did not take up arms, he was thrown down from the Tarpeian rock by the tribunes; but Niebuhr supposes, from a fragment of Dio Cassius (lib. 31), compared with the narrative of Zonaras (7, 24), that he was treacherously pushed down from the rock by a slave, who had been hired for that purpose by the patrician party. (Rom. Hist., vol. 2, p. 610, seq., Eng. transl.) The house which Manlius had occupied was razed to the ground; and the Manlian gens resolved that none of its patrician members should again bear the name of Marcus. Manlius was put to death B.C. 381.-II. Titus Manlius Capitolinus Torquatus, was son of L. Manlius surnamed Imperiosus, who was dictator B.C. 361. When his father Lucius was accused by the tribune Pomponius, on account of his cruelty towards the soldiers under his command, and also for keeping his son Titus among his slaves in the coun-government. (Herod., 4, 161.) The Mantineans try, Titus is said to have obtained admittance to the fought at Thermopylae, but arrived too late to share in house of Pomponius shortly before the trial, and to the victory of Platea, a circumstance which, according have compelled him, under fear of death, to swear that to Herodotus (9, 77), produced so much vexation, that he would drop the prosecution against his father. upon their return home they banished their commandThis instance of filial affection is said to have opera-ers. In the Peloponnesian war they espoused the ted so strongly in his favour, that he was appointed in the same year, B.C. 359, one of the military tribunes. (Liv., 7, 4, seq.-Cic., de Off., 3, 31.) In the fol

MANTINEA, one of the most ancient and celebrated cities of Arcadia, said to have been founded by Mantineus, son of Lycaon. It was situate near the centre of the eastern frontier, at the foot of Mount Artemisius, on the banks of the little river Ophis (Pausan., 8, 8), and was at first composed of four or five hamlets; but these were afterward collected into one city (Xen., Hist. Gr., 5, 2, 6, seqq.-Strab., 337), which became the largest and most populous in Arcadia previous to the founding of Megalopolis. (Polyb., 2, 56.) The Mantineans had early acquired celebrity for the wisdom of their political institutions (Polyb., 6, 43, 1), and when the Cyreneans were distracted by factions, they were advised by an oracle to apply to that people for an arbiter to settle their differences. Their request was granted, and accordingly Demonax, one of the principal citizens of Mantinea, was sent to remodel their

Lacedæmonian cause; but having taken offence at the conclusion of the treaty between that people and the Athenians after the battle of Amphipolis, they were in

duced to form an alliance with Argos and Elis, with | spond to the ancient town, for it lies directly east ofwhich confederates they finally made war against Spar- the bay just mentioned. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 9, ta. (Thucyd., 5, 29, seqq.) In the battle which was pt. 2, p. 519.) fought on their territory, they obtained at first a deci- MANTO, a daughter of the prophet Tiresias, endowded advantage against the Lacedæmonian troops op-ed with the gift of prophecy. She was made prisoner posed to them; but the left wing of the allied army by the Argives when the city of Thebes fell into their having been routed, they were in their turn vigorously hands; and as she was the worthiest part of the booty, attacked, and forced to give way with heavy loss. the conquerors sent her to Apollo, the god of Delphi, (Thucyd., 5, 66.) This ill success led to the dissolu- as the most valuable present they could make. Mantion of the confederacy, and induced the Mantineans, to, often called Daphne, remained for some time at not long after, to renew their former alliance with Spar- Delphi, where she gave oracles. From Delphi, in ta (Thucyd., 5, 78), to which they adhered until the obedience to the oracle, she came to Claros in Ionia, peace of Antalcidas. At this period the Lacedæmo- where she established an oracle of Apollo. Here she nians, bent on strengthening their power in the penin- married Rhakius, the sovereign of the country, by sula to the utmost, peremptorily ordered the Mantineans whom she had a son called Mopsus. Manto afterward to pull down their walls, or to prepare for war, as the visited Italy, where she married Tiberinus, the king of thirty years' truce agreed upon between the two states Alba, or, as the poets mention, the god of the river had now expired. On their refusal to comply with this Tiber. From this marriage sprang Ocnus, who built unjust and arbitrary demand, a Spartan army enter- a town in the neighbourhood, which, in honour of his ed the Mantinean territory, and laid siege to the city. mother, he called Mantua. (Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod., The inhabitants defended themselves with vigour, and 1, 308.-Pausan., 7, 3.-Tzetz., ad Lycophr., 980. might have held out successfully, had not Agesipolis-Virg., En., 10, 199, seqq.-Heyne, Excurs., 1, ad caused the waters of the river Ophis to be diverted En., 10.- Müller, Etrusk., vol. 1, p. 138.) The from their channel, and directed against the walls of Italian legend about Mantua evidently owed its origin the town, which, being of brick, were easily demolish-to similarity of name. (Keightley, Mythol., p. 345, ed. By this Mantinea fell into the hands of the Spar- in not.) tans, who destroyed the fortifications, and compelled the inhabitants to change their constitution from a democracy to an oligarchy, and to separate, as formerly, into four townships. (Xen., Hist. Gr., 5, 2, 7.-Pausan., 8, 8.-Polyb., 4, 27.) After the battle of Leuctra, however, the Mantineans, under the protection of Thebes, again united their population and refortified their city, notwithstanding the opposition of the Lacedæmonians. (Xen., Hist. Gr., 5, 5.) Mantinea acquired additional celebrity from the great but undecisive battle fought in its plains between the Boeotians and Spartans, in which Epaminondas terminated his glorious career (B.C. 362); and it continued to be one of the leading cities of Arcadia till it joined the Achæan league, when it fell for a short time into the hands of the Etolians and Cleomenes, but was recovered by Aratus four years before the battle of Sellasia. (Polybius, 4, 8, 4.) The Mantineans having, however, again joined the enemies of the Achæans, they treacherously put the garrison of the latter to the sword. (Polyb., 2, 58, 4.) This perfidious conduct drew down upon them the vengeance of Antigonus Doson and the Achæans, who, making themselves masters of the city, gave it up to plunder, and sold all the free population as slaves; a chastisement which Polybius considered as scarcely equal to their offence, though its cruelty had been set forth in strong colours by the historian Phylarchus. The name of the city was now changed to Antigonea, in compliment to Antigonus Doson. We learn also from Pausanias, that the Mantineans had merited the protection of Augustus from having espoused his cause against Marc Antony. Their town still continued to flourish as late as the time of Hadrian, who abolished the name of Antigonea and restored its ancient appellation.-The site of the famous battle of Mantinea was about thirty stadia from the city, on the road to Pallantium, near a wood named Pelagus. The tomb of Epaminondas had been erected on the spot where he breathed his last: it consisted originally of one pillar only, surmounted by a shield and a Boeotian inscription; but another pillar was afterward added by the Emperor Hadrian. (Pausan., 8, 11.)-The ruins of Mantinea are pointed out to modern travellers on the site now called Palæopoli. (Gell's Itin. of the Morea, p. 141.-Dodwell, vol. 2, p. 422,-Cramer's Ancient Greece, vol. 3, p. 300, seqq.)

MANTINORUM OPPIDUM, a town of Corsica, placed by Ptolemy directly east of the mouth of the river Volerius, where was a bay which now answers to that of B. Fiorenzo. Hence the modern Bastia will corre

MANTUA, a city of Gallia Cisalpina, situate on an island in the Mincius, southeast of Brixia, and south of the lake Benacus. It is supposed to date its foundation long before the arrival of the Gauls in Italy. Virgil tells us it was of Tuscan origin, and derived its name from the prophetess Manto, the daughter of Tiresias. (En., 10, 199, seqq.-Compare the remarks of Müller on this passage, Etrusker, vol. 1, p. 138, in not.) Whatever of poetical invention there may have been in the origin thus ascribed to Mantua, there can be no doubt of its having been a town of considerable note among the Etrurians, when they were in possession of that part of Italy where it was situated. The position of the ancient place was not different from that which the modern Mantua at present occupies. That it was not a place of any great size in Virgil's time may be collected from what the poet himself says of it. (Eclog., 1, 20.) Strabo (213) classes it with Brixia, Bergomum, and Comum, but Martial attaches to it the epithet of "parva" (14, 193). Its vicinity to Cremona was an unhappy circumstance to Mantua; for, as the territory of the former city was not found sufficient to contain the veteran soldiers of Augustus, among whom it had been divided, the deficiency was supplied from the neighbouring lands of the latter; a loss most feelingly deplored by Virgil, though he was fortunate enough to escape from the effects of this oppressive measure. (Georg., 2, 198.-Eclog., 9, 27; 1, 47,) We are informed by the grammarian Donatus, in his Life of Virgil, that this great poet was born at Andes, a village near Mantua. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 67, seqq.)

MARATHON, a town of Attica, northeast of Athens, and not far from the coast. It was said to have been named from the hero Marathos (Plut., Vit. Thes.Suid., s. v. Mapafov), and was already a place of note in the days of Homer. (Od., 7, 81.) From the scholias of Sophocles (Ed. Col., 1047), who quotes Philochorus on the Tetrapolis, we learn that it possessed a temple consecrated to the Pythian Apollo. Demosthenes reports that the sacred galley was kept on this coast, and that on one occasion it was captured by Philip. (Phil., 1, p. 49.) Eurystheus was said to have been defeated here by Iolaus and the Heraclide (Strab., 377), and Theseus to have here destroyed a bull by which the country was infested. (Plut., Vit. Thes.

Strab., 399.) Marathon, however, is most famous for the victory obtained by the Greeks over the Persians in the plain in its immediate vicinity. The Persian army was commanded by Datis and Artaphernes,

Persian commanders, doubling the promontory of Sunium, coasted along the southern shore of Attica, not without hope of carrying that city by a sudden assault. But Miltiades made a rapid march with a large part of his forces; and when the Persians arrived off the port of Phalerus, they saw an Athenian army encamped on the hill of Cynosarges which overlooks it. They cast anchor, but, without attempting anything, weighed again and steered for Asia.-Marathon, which still preserves its ancient name, is situated, according to a modern traveller, "at the northwestern extremity of a valley, which opens towards the southeast into the great plain in which the battle was fought. This ex

west. At the extremity and near the sea is seen the conspicuous tomb raised over the bodies of the Athenians who fell in the battle; and close to the coast upon the right is a marsh, wherein the remains of trophies and marble monuments are yet visible." (Clarke's Travels, vol. 7, p. 23, Lond. ed.) From a memoir of Col. Squire, inserted in Walpole's Memoirs (vol. 1, p. 328), we farther learn, that "the land bordering on the Bay of Marathon is an uninterrupted plain about two miles and a half in width, and bounded by rocky, difficult heights, which enclose it at either extremity. About the centre of the bay a small stream, which flows from the upper part of the valley of Marathon, discharges itself into the sea by three shallow channels. A narrow rocky point, projecting from the shore, forms the northeast part of the bay, close to which is a salt stream connected with a shallow lake, and a great extent of marsh land. The village of Marathon is rather more than three miles from the sea. Towards the middle of the plain may be seen a large tumulus of earth, twenty-five feet in height, resembling those on the plain of Troy." (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 385, seqq.)

while the Athenians, who had eleven generals including the polemarch, were for the day under the orders of Miltiades. According to Cornelius Nepos (Vit. Miltiad.), the Persians were a hundred thousand effective foot and ten thousand horse; yet Plato, meaning probably to include the seamen and the various multitude of attendants upon Asiatic troops, calls the whole armament five hundred thousand; and Trogus Pompeius, according to his epitomizer Justin (2, 9), did not scruple to add a hundred thousand more. These writers, however, did not perceive that, by encumbering the Persians with such useless and unmanageable crowds, they were not heightening, but diminishing, the glory of the conquerors. The Athe-tends along the coast from the northeast to the southnians numbered six-and-forty different nations in the barbarian host; and the Ethiopian arrows, remains of which are still found at Marathon, seem to attest the fact that Darius drew troops from the remotest provinces of the empire. Yet our calculations must be kept down by the remark, that the whole invading army was transported over the sea, according to Herodotus, in 600 ships. This, on the footing which he fixes elsewhere, of 200 men to each trireme, would give 120,000: and we ought probably to consider this as the utmost limit to which the numbers of the invaders can reasonably be carried. Those of the Athenians, including the Plateans, are uniformly rated at about 10,000. It is possible that the number of the tribes had some share in grounding this tradition: it probably falls short of the truth, and certainly does not take the slaves into account, who served most likely as light-armed troops. When all these allowances are made, the numerical inequality will be reduced to a proportion of five to one. -It is remarkable, that, though Herodotus represents the Persians as induced to land at Marathon with a view to the operations of their calvary, he does not say a word either of its movements in the battle, or of any cause that prevented them. It seems not to have MARCELLA, I. daughter of Claudius Marcellus by come into action; but perhaps he could not learn by his wife Octavia, and sister to Marcus Marcellus. what means it was kept motionless. Yet there was She was first married to Apuleius, and afterward to a tradition on the subject, probably of some antiquity, Valerius Messala. (Sueton., Vit. Aug., 53.)-II. which appears to have assumed various forms, one of The younger, daughter of Claudius Marcellus by his which was adopted by Nepos, who relates, that Miltia-wife Octavia, and sister of the preceding. She was des protected his flanks from the enemy's cavalry by an abattis: a fact which it may be thought Herodotus could scarcely have passed over in silence if it had MARCELLINUS, AMMIANUS, the last Latin writer that been known to him, but which might have been the merits the title of an historian. He was born at Anfoundation of a very obscure account of the matter, tioch, and lived under Justinian and his successors which is given by another author. In the explanation down to the reign of Valentinian II. A large portion of the proverb, xwpìç iññeïç (Suidas.-Cent., 14, 73, of his life was spent in military service in the Roman Schott), we read, that when Datis invaded Attica, the armies. He performed campaigns in Gaul, Germany, Ionians got upon the trees (?), and made signals to the and Mesopotamia, and accompanied Julian on his exAthenians that the cavalry had gone away (ús elev pedition against the Persians. The modesty of Amxwpis oi inreis), and that Miltiades, on learning its re-mianus, which gives us but little information relative treat, joined battle and gained the victory; which was the origin of the proverb, ènì rāv tỳv ráživ diaλvóvTwv. (Thirlwall's Greece, vol. 2, p. 241, seq.)-The Persians lost in all six thousand four hundred men. Of the Athenians only one hundred and ninety-two fell; but among them were the polemarch Callimachus; Stesibius, one of the ten generals; Cynægirus, brother of the poet Eschylus, and other men of rank, who had been earnest to set an example of valour on this trying occasion. Cornelius Nepos observes that Marathon was ten miles from Athens; but as, in fact, it is nearly double that distance, it is probable that we ought to read twenty instead of ten. Pausanias affirms it was half way from Athens to Carystus in Euboea. In the plain was erected the tumulus of those Athenians who fell in the battle, their names being inscribed on sepulchral pillars. Another tumulus was raised for the Plateans and the slaves. Still, however, after the defeat at Marathon, the Persian armament was very formidable; nor was Athens immediately, by its glorious victory, delivered from the danger of that subversion with which it had been threatened. The

first married to M. Vipsanius Agrippa, and afterward to M. Julius Antonius. (Sueton., Vit. Aug., 63.)

to himself, prevents us from determining what rank he held in the army, or what employment he pursued after quitting the profession of arms. It appears that he was invested with the dignity of Comes rei privata: we find, in fact, in the Theodosian Code (1. xli., de appellat.), a rescript of the emperors Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius, addressed to a certain Ammianus, who is decorated with this title. He died at Rome subsequent to A.D. 390. It was probably in this city that, at the age of fifty years, he composed his history of the Roman emperors, which he entitled "Rerum gestarum libri xxxi." It commenced with the accession of Nerva, A.D. 96, and consequently at the period where the history of Tacitus terminated. It is not known whether Ammianus pretended to write a continuation of that history, or if any other motive induced him to select the time when this historian brought his work to a close. It is very probable that he had no intention whatever of continuing Tacitus, as he not only does not mention him, although he cites Sallust and other Roman writers, but also as his work shows no imitation whatever of the peculiar manner

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able. He is one of the principal sources that we have for the geography and history of ancient Germany, a country in which he passed a great number of years. We find in him also some excellent observations on the luxury and courts of the Roman emperors, on the vices which prevailed there, and on the manners in general of the great. Gibbon (c. 26) candidly avows his obligations to this writer; and from the period when he can no longer derive materials from Ammianus, the work of the English historian loses a great portion of its previous interest. (Schöll, Hist. Lat.

of Tacitus. The history of Ammianus proceeds as progressa fusius aluit concertatione verborum : ut cafar as 378 A.D. It embraced, consequently, a period tervis antistitum jumentis publicis ultro citroque disof 282 years; but the first thirteen books, which con- currentibus, per synodos, quas appellant, dum ritum tained a sketch of the history of 256 years (from 96 omnem ad suum trahere conantur arbitrium, rei vehicuto 352), are lost, and we have only the last eighteen. laria succideret nervos." On another occasion (22, These eighteen, however, form the most important 11), blaming the conduct of a bishop, he remarks: part of the labours of Ammianus. In the first thir- 'Professionis suæ oblitus, quæ nihil nisi justum suateen books he merely arranged materials from writers det et lene, ad delatorum ausa feralia desciscebat.” who had gone before him; although it must be ac--The narrative of Ammianus is often interrupted by knowledged, that even this part would have been in-geographical and physical digressions. The latter teresting for us, as many of the works from which he show, as might be expected, a very slight acquaintselected are now lost. In the eighteen books, how-ance with principles; but the descriptions of counever, that remain to us, and which it is more than tries which he had himself seen are extremely valuprobable the copyists transcribed separately from the rest, Ammianus relates the events which occurred during his own time. As he often took an active part in these, or, at least, was an eyewitness of most of them, he relates them in the first person: when he details what did not pass under his immediate inspection, he is careful to obtain the requisite information from those who are acquainted with the subject, and who took part in the matter that is related: he does not pretend, however, to give a complete history of his time, and he passes in silence over events respecting which he has neither accurate information nor positive docu-Rom., vol. 3, p. 164, seqq.—Fuhrman, Handbuch der ments. This part of his work, therefore, is less a his- Class. Lit., vol. 2, p. 880, seqq.)-The best edition tory than what we would call at the present day me- of Ammianus Marcellinus is that of Gronovius, Lugd. moirs of his time. Ammianus Marcellinus was a well- Bat., 1693, 4to. The edition of Wagner, completed informed man, and possessed of great good sense and by Erfurdt, Lips., 1808, 3 vols. 8vo, is also valuable. excellent judgment. No writer was ever more entitled MARCELLUS, I. MARCUS CLAUDIUS, born of a Roto praise for candour and impartiality. He understood man consular family, after passing through the offices well the art of clearly showing the connexion of events, of ædile and quæstor, was made consul B.C. 224. and of painting in striking colours the characters of The Transpadane Gauls having declared war against those individuals whom he introduces into his narra-Rome, Marcellus marched against them, defeated tive. In a word, he would in all probability have them near Acerra, on the Addua, killed their king been an accomplished historian had his lot been Viridomarus, and bore off his arms, the "spolia opicast in a more favourable age. Had he lived in the ma," which were exhibited in his triumph. At the golden period of Roman literature, the study of good beginning of the second Punic war, Marcellus was models and the society of enlightened men would sent into Sicily as prætor, to administer the Roman have perfected his historic talent, and have formed part of the island, and had also the task of keeping the his style in a purer mould. The latter would not, Syracusans firm in their alliance with Rome. After as is too often the case in Ammianus, have been the battle of Canna, he was recalled to Italy to oppose destitute of that simplicity which constitutes one of Hannibal. Having taken the command of the relics the great beauties of historical narrative, nor over- of the Roman forces in Apulia, he kept Hannibal in loaded with ornaments and disfigured by turgid and check and defended Nola. In the year 214 B.C., barbarous forms of expression. These faults, how being again consul, he took Casilinum by surprise. ever, in the style of Ammianus, find an excuse in He was next sent to Sicily, where Syracuse had dethe circumstances of his case. He was a stranger, clared against Rome. After a siege of nearly three and wrote in a language not his own; neither did the years, the city was taken 212 B.C., and Marcellus rebusy life which he had led in camps permit him to cul-turned to Rome with the rich spoils. It was on occativate the talent for writing which nature had bestowed sion of the taking of Syracuse that the celebrated Arupon him. His good qualities are his own; his de-chimedes lost his life. Marcellus did not, however, fects are those of the times; and, in spite of these de- obtain a triumph, but only an ovation, as the war in fects, his style is conspicuous among all the writers Sicily was not entirely terminated. In the year 210 who were contemporary with him for a purity to which he was again chosen consul, and had the direction of they could not attain.-Ammianus Marcellinus is the the war against Hannibal in Apulia, when he took the last pagan historian; for, notwithstanding all that some town of Salapia, and fought several partial engagemaintain to the contrary, we have no certain proof of ments with the Carthaginians, without any definite rehis having been a Christian. A public man, enriched sult. In the following year he continued in command with the experience acquired amid the scenes of an of the army, and fought a battle against Hannibal at active life, he relates the events connected with the Canusium, in which the Romans were defeated and new religion introduced by Constantine with sang-froid fled. On the following day Marcellus renewed the and impartiality, and perhaps with the indifference of fight and defeated the Carthaginians, upon which a man who knew how to raise himself to a point of Hannibal withdrew to the mountains of the Bruttii. view where he could perceive naught but masses and In the next year, B.C. 208, Marcellus was elected results. He blames with equal frankness the anti-consul for the fifth time with T. Quintus Crispinus. christian mysticism of Julian, and the religious intol- He continued to carry on the war against Hannibal, erance of Constantius and his bishops. He speaks when, being encamped near Venusia, he rashly ven with respect both of the doctrines of Christianity and tured out, fell into an ambuscade of advanced posts, the ceremonies of paganism. A remarkable passage and was slain, in the 60th year of his age. Hannibal, occurs in the sixteenth chapter of the twenty-first book. according to some authorities, caused his body to be After having painted the bitterness of character and the burned with military honours, and sent the ashes in a cruelties of Constantius, the historian adds: "Chris-silver urn to his son. According to others, however, tianam religionem absolutam et simplicem anili super-he did not even bestow upon the corpse the ordinary stitione confundens ; in qua scrutanda perplexius, quam rites of burial. (Plut., Vit. Marcell.) Marcellus was componenda gravius, excitavit discilia plurima; quæ one of the most distinguished Roman commanders