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where he formed one of the seven poets known by the name of the Tragic Pleiades. (Wid. Alexandrina Schola, towards the end of that article.) He is said by Ovid to have been killed by an arrow. (Ibis, 531.) Lycophron wrote a large number of tragedies, the titles of many of which are preserved by Suidas. Only one production of his, however, has come down to us, a poem classed by the ancients under the head of tragic, but more correctly by the moderns under that of Lyric verse. This poem of Lycophron's is called, the Alexandra or Cassandra. It is a monologue, in 1474 verses, in which the Trojan princess Cassandra predicts to Priam the overthrow of Ilium, and the missortunes that await the actors in the Trojan war. The work is written in Iambic verse, and has no pretensions to any poetical merit; but, at the same time, it forms an inexhaustible mine of grammatical, historical, and mythological erudition. Cassandra, in the course of her predictions, goes back to the earliest times, and descends afterward to the reign of Alexander of Macedon. There are many digressions, but all contain valuable facts, drawn from the history and mythology of other nations. The poet has purposely enveloped his poem with the deepest obscurity, so much so that it has been styled to akoretvöv Toímua, “the dark poem.” There is no artifice to which he does not resort to prevent his being clearly understood. He never calls any one by his true name, but designates him by some circumstances or event in his history. He abounds with unusual constructions, separates words which should be united, uses strange terms (as, for example, kéâop, lvic, duvauoc, and pitvua, in place of viðc); forms the most singular compounds (such as āteaus Zektpoc, alvobākrevtos), and indulges also in some of the boldest metaphors. The Alexandrean grammarians amassed a vast collection of materials for the elucidation of what must have appeared to them an admirable production. Tzetzes has made a compilation from their commentaries, and has thus preserved for us a part at least of those illustrations, without which the poem, after the lapse of more than 2000 years, would be unintelligible. He has refuted also the opinion that Lycophron was not the author of the poem. The loss of Lycophron's dramatic pieces is hardly to be regretted, if we can form any opinion of his poetic merits from the production to which we have just referred. A work, however, which he wrote on Comedy (trepi Kopupéiac), and which must have been of considerable extent, since Athenaeus quotes from the 9th book of it, would have proved, no doubt, a valuable accession to our list of ancient productions, since on this subject the learning of Lycophron must have had full scope allowed it. The best editions of Lycophron are, that printed at Basle, 1546, fol., enriched with the Greek commentary of Tzetzes ; that of Canter, 8vo, apud Commelin., 1596; that of Potter, fol., Oxon., 1702, and that of Bachmann, Lips., 1828, 2 vols. 8vo. The last will be found to be most complete and useful, since it contains, among other subsidia, the Greek paraphrase. Bachmann also published, in 1828, in the second volume of his Anecdota Graeca, a Lexicon Lycophroneum, previously unedited, containing a very ancient collection of scholia. (Schöll, Gesch. Gr. Lit., vol. 2, p. 47, seqq.) Lycopâlis (Aïkov tró2tc), or the “city of wolves,” a city of Upper Egypt, on the western side of the Nile, northwest of Antaeopolis. It derived its name from the circumstance of extraordinary worship being paid here to wolves, which, according to Diodorus Siculus, drove back the Ethiopians when they invaded Egypt, and pursued them to Elephantina. (Diod. Sic, 1, 88.) Pliny merely writes the name Lycon as that of the city (5,9), and Hierocles Aikov. D'Anville, and, after him, the French savans who accompanied Bonaparte to Egypt, place the site of ancient Lycopolis near the modern Syut. Mannert, however, ão in fa
vour of the vicinity of Mansaluth, coinciding in this with Pococke. (Geogr., vol. 10, pt. 1, p. 387.) Lycor EA, I. one of the earliest names of Parnassus. The modern name of the mountain is Liakoura. (Dodwell, Tour, vol. 1, p. 189.)—II. A small town on one of the highest summits of Parnassus. (Strabo, 423– Pausan., 10, 6.) It appears to have been a place of the highest antiquity since it is stated by the Arundelian marbles to have been once the residence of Deucalion. Strabo also affirms that it was more ancient than Delphi. (Strab., 418–Compare Pausan., l.c. —Steph. Byz, s. c.—Etym. Mag, s. v.–Schol, ad Apollon., Arg., 1, 1490–Schol. ad Pind, Ol, 9, 68.) Among other etymologies, Pausanias states, that the neighbouring people fled to it during the deluge of Deucalion, being led thither by the howling of wolves (Žákov). Dodwell was informed that there was a village called Liakoura about three hours from Castri (Delphi), which was deserted in winter on account of the snow, the inhabitants then descending to the neighbouring villages. Some of the peasants of Liakoura informed him that their village possessed considerable remains of antiquity. (Dodwell, l.c.-Cramer’s Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 161.) Lycóris, a female to whom Gallus, the friend of Virgil, was attached. (Consult remarks on page 545, col. 1, near the end.) Lycorm As, the more ancient name of the Evenus. (Strab., 451.) Lycost, RA, a town of Arcadia, on the slope of Mount Lycaeus, regarded by Pausanias (8, 38) as the most ancient city in the world: it still contained some few inhabitants when he made the tour of Arcadia. Dodwell is inclined to identify its position with that of Agios Giorgios, near the village of Stala, where there are walls and other remains which manifest signs of the remotest antiquity. (Tour, vol. 2, p. 395.), Gell, in his Itinerary of the Morea (p. 101), after having spoken of Delli Hassan in the road from Sincmo to Karitena, adds as follows: “We descend again towards the Alpheus. This is the road which Pausanias seems to have taken to Lycorma, which must have been either on the remarkable peak called Sourias to Castro, or almost on the summit of Diaphorte (Lycaus), near the hippodrome, where are the ruins of a fortification.” The same writer remarks (Narrative of a Journey in the Morea, p. 124), “the peaked summit, called Sourias to Castro, is probably the ancient Lycorma.” (Siebelis, ad Pausan., 8,38–Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 336.) Lyctus, one of the most considerable cities of Crete, situate apparently to the northeast of Praesus, and at no great distance from the sea, since Strabo assigns to it the haven of Chersonesus. It was already an important city in the days of Homer and Hesiod ; and Idomeneus, who was a native of the place, obtains from it, in Virgil (Æn., 3, 401), the epithet of Lyctius. (Compare Homer, Il., 2,647; 17, 610.) According to Hesiod (Theog., 477), Jupiter was brought up in Mount AEgmus, near Lyctus. We are informed by Aristotle (Polit., 2, 8) that Lyctus subsequently received a Lacedæmonian colony (compare Polyb., 4, 54), and we learn from Diodorus Siculus that it was indebted to the same people for assistance against the mercenary troops which Phalaecus, the Phocian general, had led into Crete after the termination of the Sacred war (16,62). The Lyctians, at a still later period, were engaged in frequent hostilities with the republic of Gnossus, and succeeded in creating a formidable party in the island against that city. But the Gnossians, having taken advantage of their absence on a distant expedition, surprised Lyctus and utterly destroyed it. The Lyctians, on their return, were so disheartened by this unexpected calamity, that they abandoned at once their ancient abodes, and withdrew to the city of Lampe, where they were kindly and hospitably received. According to Polybius, they asterward recovered their city, with the aid of the Gortynians, who gave them a place named Diatonium, which they had taken from the Cnosians (23, 15; 24, 53). Strabo also speaks of Lyctus as existing in his time (Strab., 479), and elsewhere he states that it was eighty stadia from the Libyan Sea. (Strab., 476.) The ruins of Lyctus were placed by D'Anville at Lassiti; but the exact site, according to the latest maps, lies to the northwest of that place, and is called Panagia Cardiotissa. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, É. 388, seqq.) ycurgus, I. a king of Thrace, who, when Bacchus was passing through his country, assailed him so furiously that the god was obliged to take refuge with Thetis. Bacchus avenged himself by driving Lycurus mad, and the latter thereupon killed his own son #. with a blow of an axe, taking him for a vinebranch. The land became, in consequence, steril; and his subjects, having been informed by an oracle that it would not regain its fertility until the monarch was put to death, bound Lycurgus, and left him on Mount Pangaeus, where he was destroyed by wild horses. (Apollod., 3, 5, 1.)—II. An Athenian orator, was one of the warmest supporters of the democratical party in the contest with Philip of Macedon. The time of his birth is uncertain, but he was older than Demosthenes (Liban., Arg. Aristogit.); and if his father was put to death by order of the thirty tyrants (Wit. X. Orat., p. 841, B), he must have been born previous to B.C. 404. But the words of the biographer are, as Clinton has justly remarked, ambiguous (Fast. Hell, vol. 2, p. 151), and may imply that it was his grandfather who was put to death by the thirty. Lycurgus is said to have derived instruction from Plato and Isocrates. He took an active part in the management of public affairs, and was one of the Athenian ambassadors who succeeded (B.C. 343) in counteracting the designs of Philip against Ambracia and the Peloponnesus. (Demosth., Phil., 3, p. 129, ed. Reiske.) He filled the office of treasurer of the public revenue for three periods of five years, that is, according to the ancient idiom, twelve years (Diod. Sic., 16, 88); and was noted for the integrity and ability with which he discharged the duties of his office. Böckh (Public Econ. of Athens, vol. 2, p. 183, Eng. trans.) considers that Lycurgus was the only statesman of antiquity who had a real knowledge of the management of finance. He raised the revenue to twelve hundred talents, and also erected, during his administration, many public buildings, and completed the docks, the armory, the theatre of Bacchus, and the Panathenaic course. So great confidence was placed in the honesty of Lycurgus, that many citizens confided to his custody large sums; and, shortly be. fore his death, he had the accounts of his public administration engraved on stone, and set up in a part of the wrestling-school. An inscription, preserved to the present day, containing some accounts of a manager of the public revenue, is supposed by Böckh to be a part of the accounts of Lycurgus. (Publ. Econ. of Ath., vol. 1, p.264—Corp. Inscript. Graec., vol. 1, p. 250, No. 157.) After the battle of Chaeronea (B.C. 388), Lycurgus conducted the accusation against the Athenian general Lysicles. He was one of the orators demanded by Alexander after the destruction of Thebes (B.C. 335). He died about B.C. 323, and was buried in the Academia. (Pausan., 1, 29, 15.) Fifteen years after his death, upon the ascendancy of the democratical party, a decree was passed by the Athenian people that public honours should be paid to Lycurgus ; a brazen statue of him was erected in the Ceramicus, which was seen by Pausanias (1, 8, 3), and the representative of his family was allowed the privilege of dining in the Prytaneum. This decree, which was proposed by Stratocles, has come down to us at the end of the “Lives
of the Ten Orators.” Lycurgus is said to have published fifteen orations (Wit. X. Orat., p. 843, C.— Phot., Cod., 268), of which only one has come down to us. This oration, which was delivered B.C. 330, is an accusation of Leocrates (Kara Aetokpárovo), an Athenian citizen, for abandoning Athens after the battle of Chaeronea, and settling in another Grecian state. The eloquence of Lycurgus is greatly praised by Diodorus Siculus (16, 88), but is justly characterized by Dionysius of Halicarnassus as deficient in ease and elegance (vol. 5, p. 433, ed. Reiske). The best editions of Lycurgus are, by Taylor, who published it with the oration of Demosthenes against Midias, Cantab., 1743, 8vo; Osann, Jen., 1821, 8vo; Pinzger, Lips., 1824, 8vo; and Blume, Sund, 1828, 8vo.— The best text, however, is that of Bekker, in his “Oratores Attici.” The oration of Lycurgus is also found in the collections of Reiske and Dobson. (Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 14, p. 212.-Hoffmann, Ler. Bibliograph., vol. 3, p. 68, seq.)—III. A celebrated Spartan lawgiver, generally supposed to have been the son of King Eunomus. The poet Simonides, however, following a different genealogy, called him the son of Prytanis, who is commonly believed to have been the father of Eunomus. The chronological discrepances in the accounts of Lycurgus, which struck Plutarch as singularly great, do not, on closer inspection, appear very considerable. Xenophon, indeed, in a passage where it is his object to magnify the antiquity of the laws of Sparta, mentions a tradition or opinion, that Lycurgus was a contemporary of the Heraclidae. (Rep. Lac., 10, 8.) This, however, ought not, perhaps, to be interpreted more literally than the language of Aristotle in one of his extant works, where he might seem to suppose that the lawgiver lived after the close of the Messenian wars. (Polit., 2, 9.) The great mass of evidence, including that of Aristotle and Thucydides, fixes his legislation in the ninth century before our era; and the variations within this period, if not merely apparent, are unimportant.—But to return to the immediate history of Lycurgus. Eunomus, his father, is said to have been killed in a fray which he was endeavouring to quell, and was succeeded by his eldest son Polydectes, who, shortly after, dying childless, left his brother Lycurgus apparently entitled to the crown. But, as his brother's widow was soon discovered to be pregnant, he declared his purpose of resigning his dignity if she should give birth to an heir. The ambitious queen, however, if we may believe a piece of court-scandal reported by Plutarch, put his virtue to a severe test. She secretly sent proposals to him, of securing him on the throne, on condition of sharing it with him, by destroying the embryo hopes of Sparta. Stifling his indignation, he affected to embrace her offer; but, as if tender of her health, bade her do no violence to the course of nature: “The insant, when born, might be easily despatched.” As the time drew near, he placed trusty attendants around her person, with orders, if she should be delivered of a son, to bring the child immediately to him. He happened to be sitting at table with the magistrates when his servants came in with the newborn prince. Taking the infant from their arms, he placed it on the royal seat, and, in the presence of the company, proclaimed it King of Sparta, and named it Charilaus, to express the joy o the event diffused among the people. Though proof against so strong a temptation as that which has just been described, Lycurgus nevertheless had the weakness, it seems, to shrink from a vile suspicion. Alarmed lest the calumnies propagated by the incensed queen-mother and her kinsmen, who charged him with a design against the life of his nephew, might chance to be seemingly confirmed by the untimely death of Charilaus, he determined, instead of staying to exercise his authority for the benefit of the young king and of the state, to withdraw beyond the reach of slander till the maturity of his ward and the birth of an heir should have removed every pretext for such imputations. Thus the prime of his life, notwithstanding the regret, and the repeated invitations of his countrymen, was spent in voluntary exile, which, however, he emj in maturing a plan, already conceived, for remedying the evils under which Sparta had long laboured, by a great change in its constitution and laws. With this view he visited many foreign lands, observed their institutions and manners, and conversed with their sages. Crete and the laws of Minos are said to have been the main object of his study, and a Cretan poet one of his instructers in the art of legislation. But the Egyptian priests likewise claimed him as their disciple; and reports were not wanting among the later Spartans, that he had penetrated as far as India, and had sat at the feet of the Bramins. On his return he found the disorders of the state aggravated, and the need of a reform more generally felt. Having strengthened his authority with the sanction of the i. oracle, which declared his wisdom to transcend the common level of humanity, and having secured the aid of a numerous party among the leading men, who took up arms to support him, he successively procured the enactment of a series of solemn ordinances or compacts (Rhetras), by which the civil and military constitution of the commonwealth, the distribution of property, the education of the citizens, the rules of their daily intercourse and of their domestic life, were to be fixed on a hallowed and immutable basis. Many of these regulations roused a violent opposition, which even threatened the life of Lycurgus; but his fortitude and patience finally triumphed over all obstacles, and he lived to see his great idea, unfolded in all its beauty, begin its steady course, bearing on its front the marks of immortal vigour. His last action was to sacrifice himself to the erpetuity of his work. He set out on a journey to elphi, after having bound his countrymen by an oath to make no change in the laws before his return. When the last seal had been set to his institutions by the oracle, which foretold that Sparta should flourish as long as she adhered to them, having transmitted this prediction to his fellow-citizens, he resolved, in order that they might never be discharged from their oath, to die in a foreign land. The place and manner of his death are veiled in an obscurity befitting the character of the hero: the sacred soils of Delphi, of Crete, and of Elis, all claimed his tomb : the Spartans honoured him, to the latest times, with a temple and yearly sacrifices, as a god.—Such are the outlines of a story, which is too familiar to be cast away as an empty fiction, even if it should be admitted that no part of it can bear the scrutiny of a rigorous oriticism. But the main question is, whether the view which it presents of the character of Lycurgus as a tatesman is substantially correct: and in this respect we should certainly be led to regard him in a very disferent light, if it shouki appear that the institutions which he is supposed to have collected with so much labour, and to have founded with so much difficulty, were in existence long before his birth; and not only in Crete, but in Sparta; nor in Sparta only, but in other Grecian states. And this we believe to have been the case with every important part of these institutions. As to most of those, indeed, which were common to Crete and Sparta, it seems scarcely to admit a doubt, and is equally evident, whether we acknowledge or deny that some settlements of the Dorians in Crete *:::::: the conquest of Peloponnesus. It was at yctus, a Laconian colony, as Aristotle informs us, that the institutions which Lycurgus was supposed to have taken for his model flourished longest in their original purity: and hence some of the ancients contended that they were transferred from Laconia to Crete; an argument which Ephorus thought to confute, by remarking, that Lycurgus lived five gen
erations later than Athaemenes, who founded one of the Dorian colonies in the island. But, unless we imagine that each of these colonies produced its Minos or its Lycurgus, we must conclude that they merely retained what they brought with them from the mother country. Whether they found the same system established already in Crete, depends on the question whether a part of its population was already Dorian. On any other view, the general adoption of the laws of Minos in the Dorian cities of Crete, and the tenacity with which Lyctus adhered to them, are facts unexplained and difficult to understand. The contemplation of the Spartan institutions themselves seems to justify the conclusion, that they were not so much a work of human art and forethought as a form of society, originally congenial to the character of the Dorian people, and to the situation in which they were placed by their new conquests; and in its leading features not even peculiar to this, or to any single branch of the Hellenic nation. This view of the subject may seem scarcely to leave room for the intervention of Lycurgus, and to throw some doubt on his individual existence : so that Hellanicus, who made no mention of him, and referred his institutions to Eurysthenes and Procles, would appear to have been much more correctly informed, or to have had a much clearer insight into the truth than the later historians, who ascribed everything Spartan to the more celebrated lawgiver. But, remarkable as this variation is, it cannot be allowed to outweigh the concurrent testimony of the other ancient writers; from which we at least conclude, that Lycurgus was not an imaginary or symbolical person, but one whose name marks an important epoch in the history of his country. Through all the conflicting accounts of his life, we may distinguish one fact, which is unanimously attested, and seems independent of all minuter discrepances—that by him Sparta was delivered from the evils of anarchy or misrule, and that from this date she began a long period of tranquillity and order. (Thirlwall's History of Greece, vol. 1, p. 293, seqq.)—For an account of the legislation of Lycurgus, consult the article Sparta.
Lycus, a king of Boeotia, successor to his brother Nycteus, who left no male issue. He was intrusted with the government during the minority of Labdacus, the son of the daughter of §. (Vid. Antiope.)
Lydia, a country of Asia Minor, situate between the waters of the Hermus and Maeander, to the north and south, while to the east it was conterminous with the greater Phrygia. Within these limits was included the kingdom of the Lydian monarchs, before the conquests of Croesus and of his ancestors had spread that name and dominion from the coast of Caria to the Euxine, and from the Maeander to the Halys. The celebrity of Croesus, and his wealth and power, have certainly conferred on this part of Asia Minor a greater interest than any other portion of that extensive country possesses, Troas perhaps excepted; and we become naturally anxious to ascend from this state of opulence and dominion to the primitive and ruder period from which it drew its existence. In this inquiry, however, we are unfortunately little likely to succeed; the clew which real history affords us for tracing the fortunes of Lydia through the several dynasties soon fails, and we are left to the false and perplexing directions which fable and legendary stories supply. The sum of what we have is this: that Lydia, or that portion of Asia Minor already specified, appears to have been governed, for a much greater space of time than any other part of that country, by a line of sovereigns, broken, it is true, into several dynasties, but continuing without interruption, it seems, for several centuries, and thus affording evidence of the higher civilization and prosperity of their empire.--Our sources of information respecting the history of Lydia are almost entirely derived from Herodotus, and the high name which he bears doubtless attaches great respectability to his testimony; but as we have no opportunity of weighing his authenticity on this particular sub#. from being unacquainted with the sources whence
e drew his information, and also from having no parallel historian with whom to compare his account, it is evident we cannot place such dependance on his Lydian history as on that of Egypt, Babylon, and Persia. Our suspicions, of course, will be increased, if we find that the circumstances he relates are incredible in themselves, and at variance also with other authorities. Time has unfortunately deprived us of the Lydian annals of Xanthus, a native of the country, somewhat anterior to Herodotus, and whose accounts were held in great estimation for accuracy and fidelity by sound judges (Dion. Hal., Rom. Ant., 1, 30. — Strab., 579, 628, 680, &c.); but from incidental fragments preserved by later writers we are led to inser, that he had frequently adopted traditions materially differing from those which Herodotus followed, and that his history also, as might be expected, contained several important facts unknown to the latter, or which it did not enter into the plan of his work to insert.—The general account which we gather from Herodotus respecting the origin of the Lydian nation, is this : he states that the country known in his time, by the name of Lydia, was previously called Maeonia, and the people Marones. (Herodotus, 1, 7–Id, 7, 74.) This seems confirmed by Homer, who nowhere mentions the Lydians, but numbers the Maconian forces among the allies of Priam, and assigns to them a country which is plainly the Lydia of subsequent writers. (Il., 2,864, seqq.) Herodotus further states, that the name of the Lydians was derived from Lydus, a son of Atys, one of the earliest sovereigns of the country, and in this particular he closely agrees with Dionysius of Halicarnassus, however he may differ from him in other considerable points. But the period to be assigned to this Lydus is a subject likely to baffle for ever the researches of the ablest chronologist. Herodotus informs us, that, after a number of generations, which he does not pretend to reckon, the crown passed from the line of Lydus, son of Atys, to that of Hercules. This hero, it is said, had a son by a slave of Iardanus, who was then apparently sovereign of Lydia; and this son, succeeding to the throne by the command of an oracle, became the author of a new dynasty, which reigned through two-and-twenty generations, and during the space of 505 years. (Herod., 1, 7.) The introduction of the name of Hercules indicates at once that we have shifted our ground from history to mythology and fiction. The doubts and suspicions which now arise are rather increased than lessened on inspecting the list of the lineal descendants of Hercules who reigned at Sardis. Well might Scaliger exclaim with astonishment when he saw the names of Ninus and Belus following almost immediately after that of Hercules their ancestor. (Scal., Can. Isagog., lib. 3, p. 327.) It has been supposed that these names imply some distant connexion between the Lydian dynasty of the Heraclidae and the Assyrian empire; and there are some curious traditions preserved, apparently by Xanthus, in his history of Lydia, which go some way towards supporting this hypothesis. It is probable that the original population of Lydia came from Syria and Palestine, and the Scriptural name of Lud or Ludim may have some connexion with this. In such a case we shall be no longer surprised to find Ninus and Belus among the sovereigns of the country. But whatever connexion may have existed between the Lydians and the nations to the east of the Euphrates, and from whatever quarter the original population may have come, it is evident that the Lydians in the time of Herodotus were no longer the earlier inhabitants of the ancient Maeonia. They
had come from Thrace and Macedon with the Phrygi.
ans, Carians, and Mysians, and were much intermingled with the Pelasgi, Leleges, Caucones, and other primitive tribes.—We now come to a period when the records of Lydia are more sure and faithful. Candaules, whom the Greeks named Myrsilus, was the last sovereign of the Heraclid dynasty. He was assassinated, as Herodotus relates, by his queen and Gyges. The latter succeeded to the vacant throne, and became the founder of a new line of kings. Under his reign it is probable that the mines of Tmolus and other parts of Lydia were first brought into activity. This would account for the fabulous stories which are related respecting him and his extraordinary wealth. (Cic., Off., 3, 9.) Under this sovereign, the Lydian empire had already made considerable progress in several districts of Asia Minor. Its sway extended over a great part of Mysia, Troas, and the shores of the Hellespont (Strabo, 590), and before his death Gyges had succeeded in annexing to his dominions the cities of Colophon and Magnesia. (Herod., 1, 14. –Nic. Damasc., Ercerpt.) After Gyges came, in succession, Ardys, Sadyattes, Alyattes, and Croesus. With Croesus ended the line of the Mermnada, and Lydia became, on his dethronement, annexed by Cyrus to the Persian empire. (Wid. Croesus.) The Lydians had previously been a warlike people, but from this time they degenerated totally, and became the most voluptuous and effeminate of men. (Herod., 1, 79–Id, 1, 155, seqq.—Athenæus, 2, p. 515, seq.) They were celebrated for their skill in music and other arts, and are said to have invented games, and to have been the first to coin money. (Athenaeus, 14, p. 617, 634–1d., 10, p. 432.-Herod., 1, 94.) The conquest of Lydia, so far from really increasing the power of the Persians, tended rather to weaken it, by softening their manners, and rendering them as effeminate as the subjects of Croesus ; a contagion from which the Ionians had already suffered. The great wealth and fertility of the country have always caused it to be considered the most valuable portion of Asia Minor, and its government was probably the highest mark of distinction and trust which the King of Persia could bestow upon a subject. In the division of the empire made by Darius, the Lydians and some small tribes, apparently of Maeonian origin, together with the Mysians, formed the second satrapy, and paid into the royal treasury the yearly sum of 500 talents. (Herod., 3, 90.) Sardis was the residence of the satrap, who appears rather to have been the king's lieutenant in lower Asia, and superior to the other governors. Lydia, somewhat later, became the principal seat of the power usurped by the younger Cyrus, and, after his overthrow, was committed to the government of his enemy Tissaphernes. (Xen., Anal., 1, 1.-Id., Hist. Gr., 1, 5.—Id. ib., 3, 1.) After the death of Alexander we find it subject for a time to Antigonus; then to Achaeus, who caused himself to be declared king at Sardis, but was subsequently conquered and put to death by Antiochus. (Polyb., 5, 57, 4.) Lydia, after the defeat of the latter sovereign by the Romans at Magnesia, was annexed by them to the dominions of Eumenes. (Lip., 38, 39.) At a later period it formed a principal part of the pro-consular province of Asia (Plin, 5, 29), and still retained its name through all the vicissitudes of the Byzantine empire, when it finally passed under the dominion of the Turks, who now call its northern portion Saroukhan, and the southern Aidin. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 1, p. 413, seqq.)—As regards the question respecting the Lydian origin of the Etrurian civilization, consult the article Hetruria. Lydus, I. a son of Atys, from whom Lydia is said by Herodotus to have derived its name. (Wid. Lydia.) —II. Johannes Laurentius, a native of Philadelphia in Lydia (whence his name Lydus), was born A.D. 490. He filled various civil offices in the Polo, the Greek
emperors at Constantinople, and under Justinian he attained to the rank of Cornicularius. He was regarded as a man of erudition, and a good writer both in prose and verse. Among other productions, he composed a work on the Roman Magistrates, IIepi äpxov
tic 'Pouatov trožaretaç. This work, important for the light which it throws on Roman antiquities, was regarded as lost, until Choiseul-Gouffier, French ambassador at Constantinople, and the celebrated Villoison, discovered, in 1784, a manuscript of it in the library of Prince Constantine Morusi. This manuscript, which is of the 10th century, belongs to the King of France, Morusi having presented it to Choiseul-Gouffier, who, after the death of Willoison, directed Fuss and Hase to edit it. Their edition appeared in 1812, with a learned commentary on the life and writings of Lydus by Hase. To this must be added the critical epistle of Fuss to Hase, Bonne, 1821. Niebuhr calls the work of Lydus a new and rich source of Roman history. Another work of Lydus's was entitled IIepi 610amuelov, “On Prodigies.” In this he has collected together all that was known in the days of Justinian of the science of augury, as practised by the Tuscans and Romans. The work is only known by an abridgment in Latin, made by the “Venerable Bede,” and by two fragments in Greek, published, the one under the title of 'Eouepoc Boovroaxotia, “ Thunder for each day,” and the other under that of IIepi detopov, “Concerning Earthquakes.” The first of these is merely a translation of a passage extracted from the work of P. Nigidius Figulus, the contemporary of Cicero. The treatise on prodigies itself, however, is not lost, but exists, though in a mutilated state, in the same manuscript of Choiseul-Gouffier from which the work on magistrates was made known to the learned world. We have also a third fragment, a species of Calendar, but only in a Latin translation.—The fragment 'Eosiuepoo Bpovroaxostia was published among the Varia: Lectiones of Rutgersius, Lugd. Bat., 1618, 4to, p. 247, and that IIept aetauðv by Schow, in his edition of Lydus's work IIepi unvow. The Calendar is given in the Uranologium of Petavius, Paris, 1630, fol., p. 94. In 1823, Hase published the work itself on Prodigies, from the manuscript just mentioned. Lastly, we have a work by Lydus, “On the Months,” IIepi pmov. The main work itself is lost, but there exist two abridgments, one by an unknown hand, the other by Maximus Planudes. It contains many particulars relative to the mythology and antiquities of the Greeks and Romans. It was originally published by Schow, Lips., 1794, and has since been edited by Roether, Lips., 1827. The best edition of Lydus is by Bekker, Bonn, 1837, and forms part of the “Corpus Scriptorum Historia Byzantinae.”
Lygd Kuis or Lygd KMus, I. a Naxian, who aided Pisistratus in recovering his authority at Athens, and received as a recompense the government of his native island. (Herod., 1, 61, 64.)—II. The father of Artemisia, the celebrated Queen of Halicarnassus. (Herod., 7, 99.)—III. A tyrant of Caria, son of Pisindelis, who reigned in the time of Herodotus at Halicarnassus. He put to death the poet Panyasis. Herodotus fled from his native city in order to avoid his tyranny, and afterward aided in deposing him. (Wid. Herodotus.)
Lygyes. Wid. Liguria.
LYNceus, I. (two syllables), son of Aphareus, was among the hunters of the Caledonian boar, and was also one of the Argonauts. According to the old legend, he was so sharp-sighted as to have been able to see through the earth, and also to distinguish objects at the distance of many miles. He was slain by Pollux. (Vid. Castor.)—Palæphatus (de Incred., c. 10) has explained the fable of Lynceus' seeing objects beneath the earth, by supposing him to have been the first who carried on the operation of mining, and that, descending
with a lamp, he thus saw things under the ground. Pliny assigns the following reason for Lynceus being sabled to be so keen-sighted. “Novissimam rero promamque (Lunam) cadem die rel nocte, nullo alio in signo quam Arietc, conspici; id quoque paucis mortalium contigit. Et inde sama cernendi Lynceo.” (Plin., 2, 17.)—II. One of the fifty sons of Ægyptus. He obtained Hypermnestra for his bride, and was the only one of the fifty whose life was spared by his spouse. (Vid. Danaus and Hypermnestra.) . Lyr Nessus, I. a city of Troas, mentioned by Homer, and situate to the south of Adrainyttium. It disappeared along with Thebe, and left no trace of its existence beyond the celebrity which the Iliad has conferred upon it. Pliny asserts, that it stood on the banks of the little river Evenus, whence, as we learn from Strabo (614), the Adramytteni derived their supply of water. (Compare Plin., 5, 32.) In Strabo's time, the vestiges of both Thebe and Lyrnessus were still pointed out to travellers; the one at a distance of sixty stadia to the north, the other eighty stadia to the south of Adramyttium. (Strab., 612.-Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 1, p. 129.)—II. A town of Pamphylia, between Phaselis and Attalea, on the coast. It was founded, as Callisthenes affirmed, by the Cilicians of Troas, who quitted their country and settled on the Pamphylian coast. (Strab., 667.) The Stadiasmus has a place in the same interval, named Lyrnas, which is probably the Lyrnessus of Strabo. It is said to retain the name of Ernatia. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 278.) Lys ANDER, I. a Spartan, who rose to eminence towards the end of the Peloponnesian war, and was placed in command of the Lacedæmonian troops, on the coast of Asia Minor, B.C. 407. Having about him little of the old Spartan severity, and being ready to sacrifice that personal and national pride and inflexibility, which were the peculiar characteristics of the Spartan institutions, to personal or national interests, he gained in an unusual degree the regard and confidence of his Persian allies. This he used to the best advantage, by seizing a favourable monient to obtain from the younger Cyrus, the Persian viceroy in Asia Minor, in place of any personal advantage, the addition of an obolus daily (somewhat more than two cents of our money) to every seaman in the Peloponnesian fleet. During his year's command he defeated the Athenian fleet commanded by Antiochus, as lieutenant of Alcibiades, at Notium. In September, B.C. 406, he was superseded by Callicratidas, who was defeated and slain in the memorable battle of Arginusae. The allies then petitioned that Lysander might be reappointed. It was contrary to Spartan law to intrust a fleet twice to the same person; but this difficulty was evaded, by nominating another individual as commander-in-chief, and sending Lysander as lieutenant with the command in Asia. He soon justified the preference by gaining the decisive victory of Ægospotamos, in the Hellespont, where 170 Athenian ships were taken. This, in effect, finished the war. Receiving, as he went, the submission of her allies, Lysander proceeded leisurely to Athens, and blockaded her ports, while the Spartan kings marched into Attica and invested the city, which, unassaulted, was reduced by the sure process of famine. The capitulation being settled, B.C. 404, Lysander had the proud satisfaction of entering as victor the Piræus or harbour of Athens, which had been unviolated by the presence of an enemy since the Persian invasion. His services and reputation gained for him corresponding weight at Sparta; and, on occasion of the contested succession, his influence was powerful in raising Agesilaus to the throne. He accompanied that eminent statesman and soldier during his first campaign in Asia, where his popularity and renown threw his superior into the shade; and an estrangement resulted, in which Lysander con