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LUCERES, the third of the three original tribes at Rome. These three original tribes were the Ramnenses or Ramnes, the Tatienses or Titienses, and the Luceres. (Vid. Roma.)

whose offerings to Minerva were still to be seen in | rhetorical nature. Eloquence applied to sophistic decthe temple of that goddess in the time of Strabo (294). lamations and improvisaziones, if we may be allowed Luceria was the first Apulian city which the Romans the expression, opened at this time the surest path to appear to have been solicitous to possess; and though fortune and fame. The sophists were constantly enit was long an object of contention with the Samnites, gaged in travelling to and fro among the great cities: they finally secured their conquest and sent a colony they announced a discourse as an itinerant musician there, A.U.C. 440. (Liv., 9, 2.-Diod. Sic., 18.- at the present day would announce a concert; and Vell. Paterc., 1, 14.) We find Luceria afterward people flocked from all quarters to hear and see them, enumerated among those cities which remained most and to pay liberally for the harmonious and polished firm in their allegiance to Rome during the invasion periods with which their ears were gratified. Lucian of Hannibal. (Liv., 27, 10.—Polyb., 3, 88.) In the yielded to the fashion of the day, and abandoned the civil wars of Pompey and Cæsar, Luceria is mention- bar for the tribune. He again directed his thoughts ed by Cicero as a place which the former was anxious to travel, and visited Asia, Greece, and particularly to retain, and where he invited Cicero to join him. Gaul, in which last-mentioned country he settled for a (Ep. ad Att., 8, 1. — Cæs., Bell. Civ., 1, 24.) It time as a teacher of rhetoric, and soon obtained great seems to have been noted for the excellence of its celebrity and a numerous school. He appears to have wool, a property, indeed, which, according to Strabo remained in Gaul till he was about forty, when he (284), was common to the whole of Apulia. This gave up the profession of rhetoric, after having acquiplace still retains its ancient site under the modern red considerable wealth. On his return from Gaul he name of Lucera. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. visited Italy, and paints in vivid colours, in his "Ni285, seqq.) grinus," the corruption of the capital. During the re mainder of his life we find him travelling about from place to place, and visiting successively Macedonia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and Bithynia. The greater part of his time, however, was passed in Athens, where LUCIANUS, a celebrated Greek writer, born at Sa- he lived on terms of the greatest intimacy with Demomosata in Syria. The period when he flourished is nax, a philosopher of great celebrity. Having here uncertain. Suidas, who is the only ancient writer that made the study of man his particular object, we find makes mention of him, informs us that he lived in the him embracing no one of the systems then in vogue, time of Trajan, and also before that prince (Aéyerai de but following, as far as he could be said to have folγενέσθαι ἐπὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος Τραϊανοῦ, καὶ ἐπέκεινα). lowed any sect, the tenets of the school of Epicurus. This, however, Vossius denies to be correct. (Hist. In his old age he obtained from Marcus Aurelius an Gr., 2, 15.) The same Suidas also states, that, after honourable employment in Egypt. Some make him having followed the profession of an advocate at An- to have been placed over a part of this province; but tioch with little success, he turned his attention to lit-it appears more probable that he was appointed regiserary composition; and that he was finally torn to ter to one of the higher tribunals. He died at a very pieces by dogs, which this writer considers a well-advanced age.-What distinguishes Lucian as a writer merited punishment for his impiety in attacking the is a genius eminently satirical, a brilliancy of thought, Christian religion. Lucian himself, however (Reviv., and a larger share of humour than any other author of 29), assigns as the reason for his quitting the pro- antiquity, with the exception, perhaps, of Aristophanes fession of an advocate, his disgust at the fraud and and Horace. His irony spares no folly and no prejuchicanery of the lawyers of the day; and as for the dice on the part of his contemporaries, but wages story of his death, we may safely pronounce it a pious against their failings a continual warfare. The wrifalsehood. In a dissertation on Isidorus of Charax, tings of Lucian very rarely betray any marks of the Dodwell endeavours to prove that Lucian was born decline of taste which characterized the period in which A.D. 135; which will coincide, in some degree, with he is said to have lived. His style, formed by the the opinion of Hemsterhuys, who (Præf. ad Jul. Poll.) study of the best models, and especially of Aristophaplaces him under the Antonines and Commodus. Vos-nes, would never lead us to suspect that he was a nasius also (l. c.) makes him a contemporary of Athenæ- tive of the distant province of northern Syria: it is as us, who lived under Marcus Aurelius, and Isonius pure, as elegant, and as Attic as if he had flourished (Script. Hist. Phil., 3, 10, p. 60) inclines to the same in the classic periods of Grecian literature, and the opinion, considering him as contemporary with Demo- defects of the age in which he lived merely show themnax, who flourished under Antoninus Pius and his selves in the desire to coin new expressions, and to successor. Reitz (De Etate, &c., Luciani, p. 63. divert others from their more ancient and legitimate Op., ed. Hemst., vol. 1), agreeing in opinion with Hem- meaning; faults from which he has not been able to sterhuys, places him under the Antonines and Com- save himself, although he ridicules them in one of his modus, and makes him to have lived from 120 B.C. own productions, the "Lexiphanes." Neither has he until 200.-Destined at first, by his father, who was been always able to resist the inclination of adorning in humble circumstances, to the profession of a sculp- his style with the tinsel of quotations and phrases bortor, he was placed with that view under the instruc- rowed from the ancient poets and historians, and fretion of his unele. But, becoming soon disgusted with quently misplaced. The greater part of his producthe employment, he turned his attention to literature, tions have the dialogue form; but they are not, like and travelled into Asia Minor and Greece, in the latter the dialogues of Plato, dissertations put into the mouth of which countries he was present, according to the of interlocutors, merely to destroy the monotonous computation of Dodwell, at the celebration of the 233d, uniformity of a continued discourse. The dialogues 234th, and 235th Olympiads (A.D. 157, 161, 165), an- of Lucian are true conversations; they are in every swering to the 22d, 26th, and 30th years of his age. sense dramatic. He says himself (Δὶς κατηγ., c. 33) In his 29th year he appears to have heard historical that he has restored dialogue to earth, after it had been lectures in Ionia. His principal place of residence lost in the regions of the clouds; and that, despoiling while in this country was the city of Ephesus. Wheth-it of its tragic garb, he has brought it in contact with er Lucian entered upon the profession of an advocate pleasantry and the comic muse. -The subjects on before or after this period is not clearly ascertained which he treats are various and interesting: history, the latter is perhaps the more correct opinion. Anti-philosophy, and all the sciences furnish him with maoch was the scene of his labours in this new vocation; terials. Lucian may, in fact, be regarded as the Arisbut he soon became disgusted with forensic pursuits, tophanes of his age, and, like the great comic poet, he and turned his attention to others of a more purely had recourse to raillery and satire to accomplish the

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LUCIFER, the name of the planet Venus, or morning star. It is called Lucifer when appearing in the morning before the sun; but when it follows it, and appears some time after its setting, it is called Hesperus. (Vid. Hesperus.)

great object he had in view. This object was, to ex- | some writer that came after him. Huet and Gesner pose all kinds of delusion, fanaticism, and imposture; have found in it a much more accurate acquaintance the quackery and imposition of the priests, the folly with Christianity than we can suppose Lucian to have and absurdity of the superstitious, and especially the possessed, after having read his Peregrinus. Schöll, solemn nonsense, the prating insolence, and the im- following the side espoused by Gesner, takes the Philmoral lives of the philosophical charlatans of his age. opatris to have been the work of a man who, after havHis study was human nature in all its varieties, and ing been initiated into the mysteries of Christianity, the age in which he lived furnished ample materials had renounced the gospel, not to return to paganism, for his observation. Many of his pictures, though but to throw himself into the arms of incredulity. The drawn from the circumstances of his own times, are tone which pervades it betrays the bitterness of an true for every age and country. If he sometimes dis- apostate. We have remaining, besides his other closes the follies and vices of mankind too freely, and works, fifty Epigrams ascribed to Lucian. The greatoccasionally uses expressions which are revolting to er part are of that hyperbolic cast which was so much our ideas of morality, it should be recollected that ev-in vogue during the first centuries of the Christian era. ery author ought to be judged by the age in which he Lucian, however, has not carried this kind of poetry to lived, and not by a standard of religion and morality that point of extravagance to which later writers pushwhich was unknown to the writer. The character of ed it. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 4, p. 243, seqq.) Lucian's mind was decidedly practical: he was not The best editions of Lucian are, that of Hemsterhuys, disposed to believe anything without sufficient evidence completed by Reitz, Amst., 1730-36, 4 vols. 4to, edof its truth; and nothing that was ridiculous or absurd ited in a more complete manner by Gesner, Amst., escaped his raillery and sarcasm. The tales of the 1743, 3 vols. 4to, and to which must be added, alpoets respecting the attributes and exploits of the gods, though of inferior value, the Lexicon Lucianeum of C. which were still firmly believed by the common peo- R. Reitz, brother to the former, Ultraj., 1746, 4to; ple of his age, were especially the objects of his satire that of the Bipont editors, in 10 vols. 8vo, a reprint of and ridicule in his dialogues between the gods, and in the preceding, but containing, besides, the various readmany other of his works; and that he should have at-ings of six manuscripts in the library of the king of tacked the Christians in common with the false sys- France, collected by M. Belin de Ballu; and that of tems of the pagan religion, will not appear surprising Lehmann, Lips., 1822-1831, 8vo, of which 9 volumes to any one who considers that Lucian probably never have thus far appeared. This last edition, however, took the trouble to inquire into the doctrines of a re- is much disfigured by typographical errors. (Hoffligion which was almost universally despised in his mann, Lex. Bibliograph., vol. 3, p. 32.) time by the higher orders of society.-The greater part, if not all, of the dialogues of Lucian appear to have been written after his return from Gaul and while he was residing at Athens; but most of his other pieces were probably written during the time that he taught rhetoric in the former country.-Our limits, of LUCILIUS, I. C., a Roman knight, born at Suessa, course, will not allow an examination of the numerous a town in the Auruncian territory, A.U.C. 605, B.C. writings of Lucian. We will content ourselves with 149. He was descended of a good family, and was noticing merely one piece, partly on account of its pe- grand-uncle, by the mother's side, to Pompey the culiar character, which has made it a subject of fre- Great. In early youth he served at the siege of Nuquent reference, and partly because the general opin- mantia, in the same camp with Marius and Jugurtha, ion of scholars at the present day is adverse to its under the younger Africanus, whose friendship and probeing regarded as one of the productions of Lucian. tection he had thus the good fortune to acquire. (Vell. It is the hotarpis, ǹ didaσкóμevos (" The lover of Paterc., 2, 9.) On his return to Rome from his Spanhis country, or the student"). The author of this ish campaign, he dwelt in the house which had been piece, whoever he was, ridicules, after the manner of built at the public expense, and had been inhabited by Lucian, the absurdities of the Greek mythology; but Seleucus Philopator, prince of Syria, while he resided his satire has, in fact, no other end than to serve as an in his youth as an hostage at Rome. (Ascon. Pedian., introduction to an unsparing attack on the Christians: in Cic., contr. L. Pis.) Lucilius continued to live they are represented as wicked men, continually offer- on terms of the closest intimacy with the brave Sciping up prayers for the evil of the state. The authen-io and the wise Lælius. (Horat., Serm., 2, 1, 71.) ticity of this piece has been much disputed. Mention is made in it of events, which some place under Nero or even under Claudius, others under Trajan or Marcus Aurelius, and some under Julian. The first of these, as, for example, Theodore Marcilius, think, in consequence, that the author of the piece lived during the first century. What appears to favour this opinion is a passage in which the writer alludes, without naming him, to St. Paul, or even, according to the Socinian Crell, to our Saviour himself. Some orthodox theologians have shown themselves favourably inclined to this system, because in a passage of the dialogue the question of the Trinity is openly stated, and they have taken this as a proof that this doctrine was taught prior to the council of Nice. Marcilius, however, is mistaken. Artemidorus, author of the Oneirocritica, is cited in the Philopatris: it is true, critics are not agreed as to the period when this writer flourished, but in any event he cannot be placed lower than Hadrian. In the dialogue under consideration, so strong a resemblance to the other works of Lucian is perceptible, there occur so many phrases and forms of expression which are familiar to him, that, if it be not the work of Lucian himself, it could only have been composed by

These powerful protectors enabled him to satirize the vicious without restraint or fear of punishment. In his writings he drew a genuine picture of himself, acknowledged his faults, made a frank confession of his inclinations, gave an account of his adventures, and, in short, exhibited a true and spirited representation of his whole life. Fresh from business or pleasure, he seized his pen while his fancy was yet warm and his passions were still awake, as elated with success or depressed with disappointment. All these feelings or incidents he faithfully related, and made his remarks on them with the utmost freedom. (Horat., Serm., 2, 1, 30.) Unfortunately, however, his writings are so mutilated, that few particulars of his life and manners can be gleaned from them. Little farther is known concerning him than that he died at Naples, but at what age has been much disputed. Eusebius and most other writers have fixed it at 45, which, as he was born in A.U.C. 605, would be in the 651st year of the city. But Dacier and Bayle assert that he must have been much older, as he speaks in his Satires of the Licinian law against exorbitant expenditure at entertainments, which was not promulgated till B.C. 97 or 96 (A.U.C. 657 or 658). The expression, moreover, ap

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plied by Horace to Lucilius (Serm., 2, 1, 34), namely, | coarse, colours. He had, however, much of the old senex or "old," seems to imply, as Clinton has remark-Roman humour, that celebrated but undefined urbaned (Fast. Hell., vol, 2, p. 135), that he lived to a later itas, which indeed he possessed in so eminent a degree, date. The period at which Lucilius wrote was favour- that Pliny says it began with Lucilius in composition able to satiric composition. There was a struggle exist- (Præf. Hist. Nat.), while Cicero declares that he caring between the old and new manners, and the free-ried it to the highest perfection, and that it almost exdom of speaking and writing, though restrained, had not pired with him. But the chief characteristic of Luyet been totally checked by law. Lucilius lived with a cilius was his vehement and cutting satire. Macropeople among whom luxury and corruption were advan- bius (Sat., 3, 16) calls him " Acer el violentus poeta," cing with fearful rapidity, but among whom some virtu- and the well-known lines of Juvenal, who relates how ous citizens were anxious to stem the tide which threat- he made the guilty tremble with his pen, as much as ened to overwhelm their countrymen. His satires, if he had pursued them sword in hand, have fixed his therefore, were adapted to please those stanch "lauda- character as a determined and inexorable persecutor tores temporis acti" who stood up for ancient manners of vice. His Latin is admitted on all hands to have and discipline. The freedom with which he attacked been sufficiently pure (Aul. Gell., 18, 5.-Horat., Sat., the vices of his contemporaries, without sparing individ-1, 10), but his versification was rugged and prosaic. uals, the strength of colouring with which his pictures Horace, while he allows that he was more polished were charged, the weight and asperity of the reproaches than his contemporaries, calls his muse "pedestris," with which he loaded those who had exposed them- talks repeatedly of the looseness of his measures, “inselves to his ridicule or indignation, had nothing re- composito pede currere versus," and compares his volting in an age when no consideration compelled to whole poetry to a muddy and troubled stream. Quinthose forbearances necessary under different forms of tilian does not entirely coincide with this opinion of society or government. By the time, too, in which he Horace; for, while blaming those who considered him began to write, the Romans, though yet far from the as the greatest of poets, which some persons still did polish of the Augustan age, had become familiar with in the age of Domitian, he says, Ego quantum ab the delicate and cutting irony of the Greek comedies, illis, tantum ab Horatio dissentio, qui Lucilium fluere of which the more ancient Roman satirists had no con- lutulentum, et esse aliquid quod tollere possis, putat." ception. Lucilius chiefly applied himself to the imi- (Inst. Or., 10, 1.) The author of the books Rhetori tation of these dramatic productions, and caught, it is corum, addressed to Herennius, and which were at one said, much of their fire and spirit. The Roman lan- time ascribed to Cicero, mentions, as a singular awkguage likewise had grown more refined in his age, and wardness in the construction of his lines, the disjuncwas thus more capable of receiving the Grecian beau- tion of words, which, according to proper and natural ties of style. Nor did Lucilius, like his predecessors, arrangement, ought to have been placed together, as, mix iambic with trochaic verses. Twenty books of his satires, from the commencement, were in hexam"Has res ad te scriptas Luci misimus Aeli." eter verse, and the rest, with the exception of the thir- Nay, what is still worse, it would appear from Asconitieth, in iambics or trochaics. His object, too, seems us that he had sometimes barbarously separated the to have been bolder and more extensive than that of syllables of a word, his predecessors, and was not so much to excite laughter or ridicule as to correct and chastise vice. Lucilius thus bestowed on satiric composition such additional grace and regularity that he is declared by Horace to have been the first among the Romans who wrote satire in verse. But, although he may have greatly improved this sort of writing, it does not follow that his satires are to be considered as a different species from those of Ennius, a light in which they have been regarded by Casaubon and Ruperti; "for," as Dryden has remarked, "it would thence follow that the satires of Horace are wholly different from those of Lucilius, because Horace has not less surpassed Lucilius in the elegance of his writing, than Lucilius surpassed Ennius in the turn and ornament of his." The satires of Lucilius extended to not fewer than thirty books, but whether they were so divided by the poet himself, or by some grammarian who lived shortly after him, is uncertain. He was reputed, however, to be a voluminous author, and has been satirized by Horace for his hurried copiousness and facility. Of the thirty books there are only fragments extant; but these are so numerous, that, though they do not capacitate us for catching the full spirit of the poet, we perceive something of his manner. His merits, too, have been so much canvassed by ancient writers, who judged of them while his works were yet entire, that their discussion enables us in some measure to appreciate his poetical claims. It would appear that he had great vivacity and humour, uncommon command of language, intimate knowledge of life and manners, and considerable acquaintance with the Grecian masters. Virtue appeared in his draughts in native dignity, and he exhibited his distinguished friends, Scipio and Lælius, in the most amiable light. At the same time, it was impossible to portray anything more powerful than the sketches of his vicious characters. His rogue, glutton, and courtesan are drawn in strong, not to say

"Villa Lucani-mox potieris aco." As to the learning of Lucilius, the opinions of antiquity are different; and even those of the same author often appear somewhat contradictory on this point. Quintilian says that there is " Eruditio in eo mira." Cicero, in his treatise De Finibus, calls his learning "Mediocris ;" though afterward, in the person of Črassus, in his treatise De Oratore, he twice terms him "doctus" (1, 16; 2, 6). Dacier suspects that Quintilian was led to consider Lucilius as learned, from the pedantic intermixture of Greek words in his compositions, a practice which seems to have excited the applause of his contemporaries, and also of his numerous admirers in the Augustan age, for which they have been severely ridiculed by Horace, who always warmly opposed himself to the excessive popularity of Lucilius during that golden period of literature. It is not unlikely that there may have been something of political spleen in the admiration expressed for Lucilius during the age of Augustus, and something of courtly complaisance in the attempts of Horace to counteract it. Augustus had extended the law of the twelve tables respecting libels, and the people who found themselves thus abridg ed of the liberty of satirizing the great by name, might not improbably seek to avenge themselves by an overstrained attachment to the works of a poet, who, living, as they would insinuate, in better times, practised without fear what he enjoyed without restraint. (Gifford's Juvenal, Præf., p. 43.) Some motive of this sort doubtless weighed with the Romans of the age of Augustus, since much of the satire of Lucilius must have been unintelligible, or, at least, uninteresting to them. Great part of his compositions appear to have been rather a series of libels than legitimate satire, being occupied with virulent attacks on contemporary citizens of Rome. Douza, who has collected and edited all that remains of the satires of Lucilius, mentions the

LUCINA, a surname of Juno, as the goddess who presided over the delivery of females. She was probably so called from bringing children into the light. (Lucina, from lux, lucis, "light."-Vid. Juno.)

names of not less than sixteen individuals who are at- | Pompeianus, put to death by order of Caracalla, and a tacked by name in the course even of these fragments, daughter. (Dio Cass., 71, 1.—Id., 72, 4.—Jul. Capamong whom are Quintus Opimius, the conqueror of itol., Vit. Aurel., 7.-Id., Vit. Ver.) Liguria, Cæcilius Metellus, whose victories acquired for him the surname of Macedonicus, and Cornelius Lupus, at that time Princeps Senatus. Lucilius was equally severe on contemporary and preceding authors: Ennius, Pacuvius, and Accius having been alternately LUCRETIA, a celebrated Roman female, daughter satirized by him. (Aul. Gell., 17, 21.) In all this he of Lucretius, and wife of Collatinus. Her name is indulged with impunity (Horat., Sat., 2, 1); but he connected in the old legend with the overthrow of did not escape so well from a player whom he had ven- kingly power at Rome, and the story is related as foltured to censure, and who took his revenge by expo- lows: Tarquinius Superbus waged war against Ardea, sing Lucilius on the stage. The poet prosecuted the ac- the capital of the Rutuli, a people on the coast of Lator, and the cause was carried on with much warmth on tium. The city was very strong by both nature and both sides before the prætor, who finally acquitted the art, and made a protracted resistance. The Roman player (Rhet., ad Herren., 2, 13).-Lucilius, however, army lay encamped around the walls, in order to redid not confine himself to attacking vicious mortals. In duce it by hunger, since they could not by direct force. the first book of his satires he appears to have decla- While lying half idle here, the princes of the Tarquin red war on the false gods of Olympus, whose plurality family, and their kinsmen Brutus and Collatinus, haphe denied, and ridiculed the simplicity of the people, pening to feast together, began, in their gayety, to who bestowed on an infinity of gods the venerable boast each of the beauty and virtue of his wife. Colname of father, which should be reserved for one.-latinus extolled his spouse Lucretia as beyond all riOf many books of the Satires such small fragments re- valry. On a sudden they resolved to ride to Rome, main, that it is impossible to conjecture their subjects. and decide the dispute by ascertaining which of the reEven in those books of which there are a greater num- spective ladies was spending her time in the most beber of fragments extant, they are so disjointed that it coming and laudable manner. They found the wives is as difficult to put them legibly together as the scat- of the king's sons entertaining other ladies with a costtered leaves of the Sibyl; and the labour of Douza, ly banquet. They then rode on to Collatia; and, who has been the most successful in arranging the bro- though it was near midnight, they found Lucretia, with ken lines, is by many considered as but a conjectural her handmaids around her, working at the loom. It and philological sport. Those few passages, however, was admitted that Lucretia was the most worthy lady; which are in any degree entire, show great force of sa- and they returned to the camp at Ardea. But the tire. Besides satirizing the wicked, under which cate- beauty and virtue of Lucretia had excited in the base gory he probably classed all his enemies, Lucilius also heart of Sextus Tarquinius the fire of lawless passion. employed his pen in praise of the brave and virtuous. After a few days he returned to Collatia, where he was He wrote, as we learn from Horace, a panegyric on hospitably entertained by Lucretia as a kinsman of her Scipio Africanus; but whether the elder or younger, is husband. At midnight, however, he secretly entered not certain. Lucilius was also author of a comedy her chamber; and, when persuasion was ineffectual, entitled Nummularia, of which only one line remains; he threatened to kill her and one of her male slaves, and, but we are informed by Porphyrion, the scholiast on laying the body by her side, to declare to Collatinus Horace, that the plot turned on Pythias, a female slave, that he had slain her in the act of adultery. The dread tricking her master Simo out of a sum of money, with of a disgrace to her memory, from which there could which to portion his daughter. (Dunlop's Roman Lit-be no possible mode of effacing the stain, produced a erature, vol. 1, p. 393, seqq.) Douza's edition of the result which the fear of death could not have done; a fragments of Lucilius was published in 1593, Lugd. result not unnatural in a heathen, who might dread the Bal., 4to: a later but inferior edition, cura fratrum disgrace of a crime more than its commission, but which Vulpiorum, appeared in 1713, Patav. Lemaire has shows the conventional morality and virtue of the times, subjoined a reprint of Douza's Lucilius to the third how ill-founded and almost weakly sentimental in even volume of his edition of Juvenal and Persius, Paris, that boasted instance of female virtue.-Having ac1830-II. An epigrammatic poet in the age of Nero. complished his wicked purpose, Sextus returned to the We have more than one hundred of his epigrams re- camp. Immediately after his departure, Lucretia sent maining. Wernsdorff assigns to him the poem entitled for her husband and father. Collatinus came from the Etna, commonly supposed to have been written by camp accompanied by Brutus, and her father Lucretius Cornelius Severus. (Poet. Lat. Min., vol. 4, pt. 2, from the city, along with Publius Valerius. They p. 3, seqq.) found Lucretia sitting on her bed, weeping and inconLUCILLA, daughter of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius solable. In brief terms she told what had befallen and of Faustina, was born A.D. 146. At the age of her, required of them the pledge of their right hands, seventeen she was given in marriage to Lucius Verus, that they would avenge her injuries, and then, drawing at that time commanding the Roman armies in Syria. a knife from under her robe, stabbed herself to the Verus came as far as Ephesus to meet her, and the heart and died. Her husband and father burst into a union was celebrated in this city; but, habituated to loud cry of agony; but Brutus, snatching the weapon debauchery, Verus soon relapsed into his former mode from the wound, held it up, and swore, by the chaste of life; and Lucilla, finding herself neglected, took a and noble blood which stained it, that he would pursue woman's revenge, and entered on a career of similar to the uttermost Tarquinius and all his accursed race, profligacy. Returning subsequently with her hus- and thenceforward suffer no man to be king at Rome. band to Rome, she caused him to be poisoned there; He then gave the bloody knife to her husband, her faand afterward, in accordance with her father's direc-ther, and Valerius, and called on them to take the same tions, contracted a second union with Claudius Pom- oath. Brutus thus became at once the leader of the peianus, an aged senator, of great merit and probity. enterprise. They bore the body of Lucretia to the Her licentious conduct, however, underwent no change, market-place. There Brutus addressed the people and she was banished to the island of Capreæ by her and aroused them to vengeance. Part remained to brother Commodus, against whom she had formed a guard the town, and part proceeded with Brutus to conspiracy. Not long after, Commodus sent a centu-Rome. Their coming raised a tumult, and drew torion to her place of exile, who put her to death, in the gether great numbers of the citizens. Brutus, availing 38th year of her age, A.D. 184. She had by her mar-himself of his rank and authority as tribune of the Ceriage with her second husband a son named Lætus leres or captain of the knights, summoned the people

LUCRETILIS, a mountain range in the country of the Sabines, amid the windings of which lay the farm of Horace. It is now Monte Libretti. (Horat., Od., 1, 17, 1.-Compare the description given by Eustace, Classical Tour, vol. 2, p. 247, seq.)

to the Forum, and proceeded to relate the bloody deed | by his own hands, in a paroxysm of insanity produced which the villany of Sextus Tarquinius had caused. by a philtre, which Lucretia, his wife or mistress, had Nor did he content himself with that, but set before given him, with no design of depriving him of life or them, in the most animated manner, the cruelty, tyran- reason, but to renew or increase his passion. Others ny, and oppression of Tarquinius himself; the guilty suppose that his mental alienation proceeded from manner in which he obtained the kingdom, the violent melancholy, on account of the calamities of his country means he had used to retain it, and the unjust repeal and the exile of Memmius, circumstances which were of all the laws of Servius Tullius, by which he had calculated deeply to affect his mind. There seems no robbed them of their liberties. By this means he reason to doubt the melancholy fact that he perished wrought so effectually upon the feelings of the people, by his own hand. The poem of Lucretius, De Rerum that they passed a decree abolishing the kingly power Natura, which he composed during the lucid intervals itself, and banishing for ever Lucius Tarquinius Superb- of his malady, is, as the name imports, philosophic and us, and his wife and children. (Liv., 1, 57, seqq.- didactic, in the strictest acceptation of these terms, Dion. Hal., 4, 15.) The story of Lucretia is very in- and contains a full exposition of the theological, physgeniously discussed by Verri, and the conclusion at ical, and moral system of Epicurus. It has been which he apparently arrives is rather unfavourable than remarked by an able writer, that all the religious otherwise to her character. (Notti Romane, vol. 1, p. systems of the ancient pagan world were naturally 171, seqq.-Compare Augustin., Civ. D., 1, 19, p. 68, perishable, from the quantity of false opinions, and vias cited by Bayle, Dict. Hist., s. v.) In all likelihood, cious habits and ceremonies that were attached to however, the whole story is false, and was merely in- them." (Turner, Hist. of the Anglo-Saxons, vol. 3, vented in a later age, to account for the overthrow of p. 311.) He observes even of the barbarous Anglokingly power at Rome. Saxons, that, "as the nation advanced in its active intellect, it began to be dissatisfied with its mythology. Many indications exist of this spreading alienation, which prepared the northern mind for the reception of the nobler truths of Christianity (ibid., p. 356). A secret incredulity of this sort seems to have been long nourished in Greece, and appears to have been imported into Rome with its philosophy and literature. The more pure and simple religion of early Rome was quickly corrupted, and the multitude of ideal and heterogeneous beings which superstition introduced into the Roman worship led to its rejection. (Pliny, 2, 7.) This infidelity is very obvious in the writings of Ennius, who translated Euhemerus' work on the Deification of human spirits, while Plautus dramatized the vices of the father of the gods and tutelary deity of Rome. The doctrine of materialism was introduced at Rome during the age of Scipio and Lælins (Cic., de Am., 4), and perhaps no stronger proof of its rapid progress and prevalence can be given, than that Cæsar, though a priest, and ultimately Pontifex Maximus, boldly declared in the senate that death is the end of all things, and that beyond it there is neither hope nor joy. (Sallust, Cat., 51.) This state of the public mind was calculated to give a fashion to the system of Epicurus. According to this distinguished philosopher, the chief good of man is pleasure, of which the elements consist in having a body free from pain, and a mind tranquil and exempt from perturbation. Of this tranquillity there are, according to Epicurus, as expounded by Lucretius, two chief enemies, superstition or slavish fear of the gods, and the dread of death (2, 43, seqq.). In order to oppose these two foes to happiness, he endeavours, in the first place, to show that the world was formed by a fortuitous concourse of atoms, and that the gods, who, according to the popular mythology, were constantly interposing, take no concern whatever in human affairs. We do injustice to Epicurus when we estimate his tenets by the refined and exalted ideas of a philosophy purified by faith, without considering the superstitious and polluted notions prevalent in his time. With respect to the other great leading tenet of Lucretius and his master, the mortality of the soul, still greater injustice is done to the philosopher and the poet. It is affirmed, and justly, by a great apostle, that "life and immortality have been brought to light by the gospel;" and yet an author, who lived before this dawn, is reviled because he asserts that the natural arguments for the immortality of the soul, afforded by the analogies of nature or principle of moral retribution, are weak and inconclusive. In fact, however, it is not by the truth of the system or general philosophical views in a poem (for which no one consults it) that its value is to be estimated; since a poetical work may be

LUCRETIUS, I. Titus Lucretius Carus, a celebrated Roman writer. Of his life very little is known, and even the year of his birth is uncertain. According to the chronicle of Eusebius, he was born A.U.C. 658, B.C. 96, being thus nine years younger than Cicero, and two or three years younger than Cæsar. To judge from his style, he would be supposed older than either; but this, as appears from the example of Sallust, is no certain test, as his archaisms may have arisen from the imitation of ancient writers, and we know that he was a fond admirer of Ennius. A taste for Greek philosophy had been excited at Rome to a considerable extent some time previous to this era, and Lucretius was sent, with other young Romans of rank, to study at Athens. The different schools of philosophy in that city seem, about this period, to have been frequented according as they received a temporary fashion from the comparative abilities of the professors who presided over them. Cicero, for example, who had attended the Epicurean school at Athens, and who became himself an academic, intrusted his son to the care of Cratippus, a peripatetic philosopher. After the death of its great founder, the school of Epicurus had for some time declined in Greece; but, at the period when Lucretius was sent to Athens, it had again revived under the patronage of L. Memmius, whose son was a fellow-student of Lucretius, as were also Cicero, his brother Quintus, Cassius, and Pomponius Atticus. At the time when frequented by these illustrious youths, the gardens of Epicurus were superintended by Zeno and Phædrus, both of whom, but particularly the latter, have been honoured with the panegyric of Cicero. One of the dearest, perhaps the dearest friend of Lucretius, was this Memmius, who had been his schoolfellow, and whom, it is supposed, he accompanied to Bithynia, when appointed to the government of that province. (Good's Lucretius, Præf., p. xxxvi.) The poem De Rerum Natura, if not undertaken at the request of Memmius, was doubtless much encouraged by him; and Lucretius, in a dedication expressed in terms of manly and eloquent courtesy, very different from the servile adulation of some of his great successors, tells him that the hopedfor pleasure of his sweet friendship was what enabled him to endure any toils or vigils. The life of the poet was short, but happily was sufficiently prolonged to enable him to complete his poem, though perhaps not to give some portions of it their last polish. According to Eusebius, he died in the 44th year of his age,

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