self a youth (c. 14). Now Cato was born B.C. 235, | This passage testifies the vast improvement effectand since the period of youth among the Romans was ed by Livius on the Latin tongue; and, indeed, the considered as commencing at fifteen, it may be pre-polish of the language, and metrical correctness of sumed that the existence of Livius was at least pro- these hexameter lines, have led to a suspicion that tracted till B.C. 220. It has been frequently said they are not the production of a period so ancient as that he lived till the year B.C. 208, A.U.C. 546, be- the age of Livius, or, at least, that they have been cause Livy (27, 37) mentions, that a hymn composed modernized by some later hand. (Jos. Scaliger, Lect. by this ancient poet was publicly sung in that year, to Auson. Osann., Analect. Crit., p. 36.) Some veravert the disasters threatened by an alarming prodi- ses in the Carmen de Arte Metrica of Terentianus gy; but the historian does not declare that it was Maurus are the chief authority for these hexameters written for the occasion, or even recently before. Fes-being by Livius. As the verses in the chorus of the tus, however, informs us (s. v. Scribas), that the Ro- Ino are the only passage among the fragments of Livmans paid distinguished honour to Livius, in conse, ius from which a connected meaning can be elicited, quence of the success which attended their arms in we must take our opinion of his poetical merits from the second Punic war, after the public recitation of a those who judged of them while his writings were yet hymn which he had composed.-Livius wrote both wholly extant. Cicero has pronounced an unfavouratragedies and comedies. The earliest play of his was ble decision, declaring that they were scarcely worthy represented B.C. 240, A.U.C. 514, about a year after a second perusal. (Brutus, c. 18.) They long, howthe termination of the first Punic war. Like Thes- ever, continued popular in Rome, and were read by the pis, and most other dramatists in the commencement youth in schools even during the Augustan age of poof the theatrical art, Livius was an actor, and for a con- etry. It is evident, indeed, that at that period of Rosiderable time the sole performer of his own pieces. man literature there was a good deal of what correAfterward, however, his voice failing, in consequence sponds with modern black-letter taste, and which led to of the audience insisting on a repetition of favourite the inordinate admiration of the works of Livius, and passages, he introduced a boy, who relieved him by the bitter complaints of Horace, that they should be exdeclaiming the recitative part in concert with the flute, tolled as perfect, or held up by old pedants to the imitawhile he himself executed the corresponding gesticu- tion of youth, in an age when so much better models exlations in the monologues, and, in parts where high isted. (Hor., Epist., 2, 1.) But, although Livius may exertion was required, only employing his own voice have been too much read in the schools, and too much in the conversational and less elevated scenes. admired in an age which could boast of models so greatHence," observes Livy (7, 2), "the practice arose ly superior, he is at least entitled to praise as the first of dividing the representation between two actors, and inventor among the Romans of a species of poetry of reciting, as it were, to the gesture and action of the which was afterward carried by them to much higher comedian. Thenceforth the custom so far prevailed, perfection. By translating the Odyssey, too, into that the comedians never uttered anything except the Latin verse, he adopted the means, which, of all othverses of the dialogue." And this system, apparent- ers, was most likely to foster the infant literature of ly so well calculated to destroy all theatrical illusion, his country, as he thus presented it with an image of continued, under certain modifications, to subsist on the most pure and perfect taste, and, at the same time, the Roman stage during the most refined periods of with those wild and romantic adventures, which are taste and literature. The popularity of Livius in- best suited to attract the sympathy and interest of a creasing from these performances, as well as from a half-civilized nation. This happy influence could not propitiatory hymn he had composed, and which had be prevented even by the use of the rugged Saturnian been followed by great public success, a building was verses, which led Cicero to compare the translation of assigned to him on the Aventine Hill. This edifice Livius to the ancient statues that might be attributed was partly converted into a theatre, and was also in- to Dædalus. (Brutus, c. 18.-Dunlop's Rom. Lit., habited by a troop of players, for whom Livius wrote vol. 1, p. 66, seqq., Lond. ed.)-II. M. Salinator, obhis pieces, and frequently acted along with them. tained the consulship B.C. 219, and again in 207. (Festus, s. v. Scribas.) It has been disputed whether During his first term of office he carried on a successthe first drama represented by Livius Andronicus at ful war in Illyricum; during the second he had for Rome was a tragedy or comedy. (Osann., Analect. his colleague Claudius Nero. Livius and Nero were Crit., c. 13.) However this may be, it appears from personal enemies, but the interests of their common the names which have been preserved of his plays, country reunited them for a time in the bonds of that he wrote, as we have already said, both tragedies friendship. They marched together against Hasdruand comedies. These titles, which have been col- bal, and gained the victory at the Metaurus in Umbria. lected by Fabricius and other writers, are Achilles, Livius received the honours of a triumph for this exAdonis, Ægisthus, Ajax, Andromeda, Antiopa, Cen-ploit, and his colleague only an ovation, although the tauri, Equus Trojanus, Helena, Hermione, Ino, Lydius, Protesilaodamia, Serenus, Tereus, Teucer, Virgo. (Bibl. Lat., vol. 3, l. 4, c. 1.) Such names also evince, that most of his dramas were translated or imitated from the works of his countrymen of Magna Græcia, or from the great tragedians of Greece. Thus, Eschylus wrote a tragedy on the subject of Ægisthus there is still a play of Sophocles extant by the name of Ajax, and he is known to have written an Andromeda Stobæus mentions the Antiopa of Eu--IV. Titus, a celebrated historian. He was born ripides four Greek dramatists, Sophocles, Euripides, Anaxandrides, and Philætus, composed tragedies on the subject of Tereus; and Epicharmus, as well as others, chose for their comedies the story of the Sirens.-Little, however except the titles, remain to us of the dramas of Livius. The longest passage we possess, in connexion, is four lines from the tragedy of Ino, forming part of a hymn to Diana, recited by the chorus, and containing a poetical and animated exhortation to a person about to proceed to the chase. | former insisted that his colleague was entitled to the at Patavium, the modern Padua, of a consular family, in the year of Rome 695, B.C. 59. Titus Livius Optimus was the first of the Livian family that came to Rome; and from him was descended Caius Livius, the father of the historian. (Zarabella, Storia della gente Livia.) Livy seems to have received his early instruction in his native city. But, though his education was provincial, he was taught all the useful learning of his age; and it has been conjectured, from several passages of his history, and the general colour of his style, that he had acquired some superfluous ac- | pied among their poets, and Cicero among their oracomplishments in a school of declamation. (Monbod-tors. His fame reached even the remotest extremi do, Origin and Progress of Language, vol. 5, b. 1, c. 1.) It would appear, that he remained at Patavium during the whole period of the civil dissensions, proscriptions, and violations of property which followed the assassination of Cæsar. It has been even maintained by some writers, that he commenced his great work at Patavium ere he visited the capital. (Kruse, de Fide Livii, Lips., 1811.) But through the whole of the first Decade, which is the part they suppose he had written before coming to Rome, he speaks concerning the localities of the city, its customs, judicial forms, and religious ceremonies, as one who was actually on the spot, and had ocular proof of all he relates. At whatever time he came to Rome, it is evident that he commenced his history between the years 725 and 730 A.U.C., or B.C. 29 and 24; for in the first book (c. 19) he mentions, that, at the period when he wrote, the temple of Janus had been twice shut since the reign of Numa, once after the first Punic war, and again in his own time by Augustus. Now this temple never had been closed by Augustus till 725, so hat the passage could not have been written prior to that year; and it could not have been written subsequently to 730, because in that year Augustus again shut the temple, and Livy, of course, must have then said that it had been three times, and not twice, closed since the age of Numa. Soon after his arrival at Rome, he composed some dialogues on philosophical and political questions (Seneca, Epist., 100), which he addressed to Augustus. These dialogues, which are now lost, procured for him the favour of the emperor, who gave him free access to all those archives and records of the state which might be serviceable in the prosecution of the historical researches in which he was employed. He allotted him apartments in his own palace, and sometimes even condescended to afford explanations, that facilitated the right understanding of documents which were important to his investigations. Livy appears, indeed, to have been on intimate terms with Augustus, who used, according to Tacitus (Ann., 4, 34), to call him a "Pompeian," on account of the praises which he bestowed on Pompey's party. It appears that Livy availed himself of the good graces of the emperor only for the purpose of facilitating the historical researches in which he was engaged. We do not hear that he accepted any pecuniary favours, or even held any public employment. It has been conjectured by some writers, from a passage in Suetonius (Vit. Claud., 41), that he had for a short time superintended the education of Claudius, who afterward succeeded to the empire. (Gibbon's Misc. Works, vol. 4, p. 425.) But, though the expressions scarcely authorize this inference, they prove that, at Livy's suggestion, Claudius undertook in his youth to write a history of Rome from the death of Julius Cæsar, and thus acquired the habits of historical composition, which he continued after his accession; being better qualified, as Gibbon remarks, to record great actions than to perform them. -Livy continued for nearly 20 years to be closely occupied in the composition of his history. During this long period his chief residence was at Rome, or in its immediate vicinity; but he occasionally retired to Naples, that he might there arrange with leisure and tranquillity the materials he had amassed in the capital. (Funccius, de Virili Etate Ling. Lat., pars 2, c. 4.) He also paid frequent visits to his native city, where he was invariably received with distinguished honours. Though Livy's great work was not finished till the year 745 A.U.C., B.C. 9, he had previously published parts of it, from time to time, by which means he early acquired a high reputation with his countrymen, who considered him as holding the same rank among their historians that Virgil occu ties of the Roman empire. An inhabitant of Gades was so struck with his illustrious character, that he travelled all the way from that city to Rome on purpose to see him, and, having gratified his curiosity, straightway returned home. (Plin., Ep.,2,3.) Livy continued to reside at Rome till the death of Augustus. On the accession of Tiberius he returned to Patavium, where he survived five years longer, and at length died at the place of his birth, in A.U.C. 770, A.D. 17, and in the 76th year of his age.-Livy is supposed to have been twice married. By one of his wives he left several daughters and a son, to whom he addressed an epistle or short treatise on the subject of rhetoric, in which, while delivering his opinion concerning the authors most proper to be read by youth, he says, that they ought first to study Demosthenes and Cicero, and next such writers as most closely resembled these excellent orators. (Quint., Inst. Or., 10, 1.) After his death, statues were erected to Livy at Rome; for we learn from Suetonius that the mad Caligula had nearly ordered that all his images, as well as those of Virgil, should be removed from the public libraries. His more rational subjects, nevertheless, regarded Livy as the only historian that had yet appeared, whose dignity of sentiment and majesty of expression rendered him worthy to record the story of the Roman republic.-The work of Livy comprehended the whole history of Rome, from its foundation to the death of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius, which happened in the year B.C. 9. It consisted of 142 books; but of these, as is well known, only 35, with some fragments of others, are now extant. The first ten books, which are still remaining, and which have been termed the first Decade, bring down the history from the arrival of Eneas in Italy to B.C. 293, or to within a few years of the commencement of the war with Pyrrhus. An hiatus of the following ten books, or second Decade, deprives us of the interesting expedition of Pyrrhus, who landed in Italy in order to succour the Tarentines, the discomfiture at length sustained by that enterprising monarch, the final subjugation of Magna Græcia, and the first Punic war. The narrative recommences at the twenty-first book, with the second Carthaginian contest, B.C. 218, in which Hannibal invaded Italy, and it continues with little interruption till the end of the forty-fifth book, or the period when the Romans resolved on the destruction of Carthage, and began the third war which they waged against that ill-fated city; thus comprehending in one unbroken narration the complete history of the great struggle in which Hannibal and Scipio were the chief antagonists, the campaigns in Macedon against Philip, those against his successor Perseus, and the contest with Antiochus, king of Syria. Still, however, it must be admitted, that the most valuable portion of Livy's history has perished. The commencement of those dissensions which ended in the subversion of the liberties of Rome, and the motives by which the actors on the great political stage were influenced, would have given scope for more interesting reflection and more philosophic deduction than details of the wars with the Sabines and Samnites, or even of those with the Carthaginians and Greeks. Stronger reliance might also have been placed on this portion of the history than on that by which it was preceded. The author's account of the civil wars of Marius and Sylla, of Pompey and Cæsar, may have been derived from those who were eye-witnesses of these destructive contests, and he himself was living an impartial and intelligent observer of all the subsequent events which history recorded. Both Lord Bolingbroke and Gibbon have declared that they would willingly give up what we now possess of Livy on the terms of recovering what we have lost. (Gibbon's Misc. Works, vol. 4, p. 427.)-In addition, then, to the first ten books of Livy's history, we have from the 21st to the 45th books, both inclusive; though from the 40th to the 45th they are full of lacunæ. We possess also some fragments, and among them one of the 91st book, discovered in 1772, in a palimpsest manuscript in the Vatican library. This last-men found the translation of it in Polybius, if he had consulted him before he began to narrate the Punic wars); and, finally, the treaty with Porsenna, which was known to Pliny (34, 14). He does not, therefore, found his narrative upon contemporary records, but avowedly draws his materials from the works of earlier annalists, such as Fabius Pictor, Calpurnius l'iso, tioned fragment was first published by Bruns (Ham-Valerius Antias, Licinius Macer, Ælius Tubero, and burg, 1773), and afterward by Kreyssig (Chemnitz, reposes upon their authority. As long as his guides 1807). There also exist brief epitomes of the lost agree in the main points of their story, he follows books, as well as of those which have come down to us. them without fear or doubt. When they openly conThey have been frequently supposed, though without tradict each other, especially on questions of names sufficient reason, to have been compiled by Florus. or dates, then he sometimes honestly confesses the We have, however, only epitomes of 140 books; but difficulty, and acknowledges in general terms the unit has been satisfactorily shown by Sigonius and Dra- certainty of the history of the first centuries of the kenborch (ad Liv., Epit., 136), that the epitomes of the city. But very many discrepances less flagrant, and 136th and 137th books have been lost, and that the even some as important as those which he has speciepitome of the 136th book, as it is called, is in reality fied, he passes over without notice; and yet we know the epitome of the 138th.-With the aid of this col- with certainty that they existed, because they appear lection of epitomes, and that of other ancient writers, in the narrative of Dionysius, who drew from the both Greek and Latin, Freinshemius, a learned Ger- same authorities as Livy. But, though the course of man scholar of the 17th century, composed a collec- his narrative is sometimes checked by the conflict of tion of supplements to replace the books that are lost. external testimony, he is never induced to pause, or He has imitated admirably the style and general man- doubt, by any internal difficulty, any inconsistency or ner of Livy, and has displayed great care and accuracy contradiction, or perplexity in the received story. in citing his authorities. Many hopes have been en- Nothing less than a miracle is too strange for his actertained, at various periods, of recovering the lost quiescence. It is evident that he has bestowed no labooks of Livy's work, but they appear at last to have bour upon examining the probability of the events been put to rest. Erpenius and others stated once which he relates, or investigating their connexion as that there was a translation of them in Arabic, but causes and effects.-There are also sufficient proofs none such has ever been discovered.-Tacitus (Ann., that he wrote hastily and even carelessly. He some4,34) and Seneca (Suasor., 7), among the later Ro- times mentions incidentally, in a subsequent part of man writers, speak in the highest terms of the beauty his history, circumstances which he has omitted in of Livy's style, and of the fidelity of his history; their proper place. Thus it is only by his remarks praises which have been constantly repeated by mod- on the proposal for communicating the dignities of ern writers. But, while most will be ready to admit pontiff and augur to the plebeians (10, 6) that we learn that his style is eloquent, his narrative clear, and his from him that Ramnes, Tatienses, and Luceres were powers of description great and striking, it can scarce- names of the ancient tribes. He sometimes repeats ly be denied that he was deficient in the first and (35, 21 and 39), sometimes contradicts himself (30, most important requisites of a faithful historian, a love 22, and 34, 44). It is an instance and proof of bota of truth, diligence and care in consulting authorities, his carelessness and his want of familiarity with the and a patient and pains-taking examination of con- antiquities of his country, that, though he expressly flicting testimonies. Livy made very little use even informs us that till a very short time before the capof such inscriptions and public documents as were ture of the city, the Roman way of fighting was in within his reach. He appeals, indeed, to the treaty close phalanx, with long spears, yet in no description of Spurius Cassius with the Latins, engraven on a of a battle does he allude to such tactics, but comcolumn of brass (2, 33); but in the notable instance monly uses of the older times the terms which relate of the inscription on the Spolia Opima of Cornelius to the more modern structure of the Roman army. Cossus, preserved in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, We cannot, therefore, feel assured that he always redwhich was at variance with the received Fasti (or resented accurately the statements of the older annalregister of magistrates) and the common accounts ists from whom he takes his materials.-Any errors, of historians, he does not appear to have had the however, which might arise from these causes, would curiosity to examine the monument itself, but is be single and detached, could bear but a very small content with repeating the report of Augustus Cæ- ratio to the bulk of the history, and would not affect sar (4, 20). This is one of the few passages in its general spirit. But the very tone and manner of which he descends to a critical comparison of evi- Livy's work, however great may be his powers of dedence and authorities; and it will serve as a proof scription, however lucid his style of narrative, howhow little expert he was in that art of an historian, ever much he may dazzle the imagination or interest and how little he valued its results: for, though in the feelings of his readers, are a warning against imhis digression he professes to believe in the superior plicit belief. He excelled in narration and in the elauthority of the inscription, in the main course of his oquent expression of excited feelings, and he obviousnarrative he follows the beaten track of writers who ly delighted in the exercise of his genius. In reporthad gone before him. He makes no mention of other ing the traditions of the early ages of Rome, he seems monuments which we know to have existed; the less desirous to ascertain the truth than to array the brazen column in the temple of the Aventine Diana, popular story in the most attractive garb. He is not on which was engraven the treaty of Servius Tullius so much an historian as a poet. As the history adwith the Latins, with the names of the tribes who vances and the truth of facts is better ascertained, were members of the league (Dion. Hal., 4, 26); he is of course compelled to record them with greatthe treaty of Tarquinius Superbus with Gabii, writer fidelity; but still his whole work is a triumphal ten on a bull's hide, and preserved in the temple of Dius Fidius (Dion. Hal., 4, 59); a treaty with the Sabines, in the time of the kings (Hor., Epist., 2, 1, 25); the treaty with Carthage in the first year of the republic (Polyb., 3, 22) (and here his negligence is without excuse; for, even though the document itself might have perished before his time, he could have celebration of the heroic spirit and military glory of Rome. Here, then, is a disturbing force which has borne him away from the strict line of historical truth. To this desire of exalting the glory of his country (and, no doubt, to a similar impulse actuating those from whom he copied) we must ascribe the singular phenomena which appear on the face of the history, that, in perpetual wars with the surrounding states, the Ro- dæus (De Philosophia, fol. 22), who thinks that Livy's mans were never defeated in the open field (9, 19); Patavinity lay in his enmity to the Gauls, who were that when they were distressed, it was always by pes- the natural foes of the Patavians, and often ravaged tilence, or famine, or sedition; and that, at such sea- their territories, is equally without foundation. Nor sons, their enemies abstained from attacking them; is the conjecture of Barthius and Le Vayer, that it that they gained victory after victory without subduing consisted in an undue partiality for his native district, their opponents; that taken cities reappear in the much more successful. Morhof, which was no diffpower of their original possessors; that consuls and cult task, has refuted all these theories (De Patavinidictators triumph in succession over nations that are tate Liviana liber); and, justly believing that the Pastill able to supply subjects for new triumphs to new tavinity of which Livy was accused was solely exhibitconsuls and new dictators; that slaughters, which ed in style, he has entered into an elaborate discussion must have exhausted any state of ancient Italy, dimin- concerning what defect or blemish was implied in the ished not the number of their perpetually-renovated word Patavinity. Some, as he informs us, have thought, adversaries. To this passion for extolling the military with Laurentius Pignorius (Origine Paduane, c. 17), reputation of Rome we owe the comparative neglect that it appeared in a certain orthography peculiar to of the less popular and less ostentatious subjects of the Patavians, as sibe for sibi, quase for quasi. Ptoldomestic history. Every war and triumph of which emæus Flavius thinks that it lay in the diffuseness of any memorial, true or false, existed, is scrupulously style to which, this author says, the Patavians, both registered; but the original constitution of the state, ancient and modern, have been addicted in all their the division of its citizens, the several rights, the con- compositions. (Centuria Conjectaneorum, c. 45.) tests between the orders, the constitution of the gen- This is the opinion which seems, on the whole, to be eral or partial assemblies of the people, the powers of adopted by Morhof himself, and by Funccius; and it the magistrates; the laws, the jurisprudence, their is founded on Pollio's having affected an admiration of progressive melioration; these are subjects on which that succinct and jejune mode of composition, which our information is vague, scanty, and ill-connected. was erroneously considered as approaching the Attic It is evident, that to the mind of Livy they possessed taste, and which Brutus and Calvus employed in oracomparatively little interest; and that on these mat-tory, in opposition to the more copious style of eloters, to say the least, he did not exert himself to cor-quence exercised by Cicero and Hortensius. Pollio rect the errors or supply the defects of the writers who himself would probably have been puzzled to define preceded him. He was satisfied if from a popular his precise notion of Patavinity: but it is most probcommotion he could extract the materials of an elo-able that it applied to some peculiarities of expression quent speech. It is a sufficient proof that on this which were the remains of the ancient dialect of Italy. most important portion of Roman history he was re- It appears, though this is a subject of controversy, that ally ignorant, that, with all his powers of language, he there was a refined and vulgar idiom at Rome, and the does not convey clear and vivid ideas to the minds of difference would be still wider between the urban and his readers. Who has risen from the perusal of the provincial tongues. The boast of the former was to early books of Livy with the distinct notion of a client be free from everything rustic or foreign, and to posor of an agrarian law? (Malden, History of Rome, sess a certain undefinable purity, simplicity, and grace. p. 39, seqq.)-Inexperienced, too, in military affairs, It was either in a want of this charm, or in some pronumerous blunders have been attributed to him in re- vincial expressions, that Patavinity must have consistlation to encampments, circumvallations, sieges, and ed, if, indeed, its existence in the work of Livy was warlike operations of all kinds. (Casaubon, Præf. ad not altogether imaginary on the part of Pollio. But Polyb.-Folard, Comment.-Niebuhr, Röm. Gesch., neither Erasmus, who has repeated the censure, nor vol. 2, p. 499, 514.) He did not, like Polybius, visit any other writer, has pointed out an example of Patathe regions which had been the theatre of the great vinity. Few of the great Latin authors were Romans events which he commemorates, and hence arise many by birth. The only names of which the capital can mistakes in geography, and much confusion with re- boast are those of Lucretius, Cæsar, and Varro. Were gard to the situation of cities and the boundaries of all the other poets, orators, and historians free from districts. (Lachmann, de Fontibus Hist. Liv., p. provincial idioms; and did Livy alone retain Patavin106.) "Considered in this point of view," says Gib-ity? He was older, indeed, when he first visited the bon, "Livy appears merely as a man of letters, little capital, than Horace or Ovid, but he was not so far acquainted with the art of war, and careless in point advanced in life as Virgil or Catullus when they first of geography." (Misc. Works, vol. 5, p. 371.)-We found their way to Rome from Mantua and Verona. have already spoken of the style of Livy. One point, (Dunlop's Roman Literature, vol. 3, p. 469, seqq.)— however, connected with this part of the subject re- The best editions of Livy are, that of Crevier, Paris, mains to be noticed. That fastidious critic and envi- 1735-41, 4to, 6 vols.; Drakenborch, Amst., 1738-46, ous detractor of his literary contemporaries, Asinius 4to, 7 vols.; Ruddimann, Edin., 1751, 12mo, 4 vols.; Pollio, had said that there was a certain Patavinity in Ernesti, Lips., 1769-1804, 8vo, 4 vols.; Stroth, imthe style of Livy; by which he meant to convey an proved by Doering, Gotha, 1796-1813,-12mo, 7 vols. ; idea that there was something in his expressions which Ruperti, Götting., 1807-1809, 6 vols. 8vo; and that bespoke a citizen of Patavium, and which would not of Lemaire, Paris, 1822-1825, 12 vols. 8vo. have appeared in the style of a native of Rome. (Quint., Inst. Or., 8, 1.) It is evident, from the pas-prehended under the name of Locri three tribes of the sage of Quintilian just referred to, where this criticism same people, which, though distinct from each other in of Pollio's is recorded, that it applied entirely to pro- territory as well as in nominal designation, were doubtvincial words or phrases, not altogether consonant to less derived from a common stock. These were the the refined urbanity of Rome, which could not so Locri Ozola, the Epicnemidii, and Opuntii. A colony easily be communicated to strangers as the freedom of of the last named tribe, who at an early period had setthe city. The opinion of Beni, who supposed that, tled on the shores of Magna Græcia, were distinguished because the Patavians were all staunch republicans, by the name of Epizephyrii, or Western Locri. The the Patavinity of Livy must have consisted in his po- Epicnemidian and Opuntian Locri alone appear to have litical partiality to the faction of Pompey, appears to been known to Homer, as he makes no mention of the be entirely erroneous; for such principles would not Ozola; whence we might conclude that they were have been blamed by Pollio, who rather affected old not so ancient as the rest of the nation. The earliest republican sentiments, and extolled the Pompeians. and most authentic accounts concur in ascribing the (Tacit., Annal., 4, 34.) The notion adopted by Bu-origin of this people to the Leleges. (Aristot,, ap. LOCRI, I. a people of Greece. The Greeks com refute what he deemed his false representation of that Strab., 321.--Hesiod., ap. eund.-Scym., Ch., 590.Dicæarch., v. 71.) The Locri Ozola occupied a narrow tract of country, situated on the northern shore of the Corinthian Gulf, commencing at the Ætolian Rhium, and terminating near Crissa. To the west and north they adjoined the Etolians, and partly also, in the latter direction, the Dorians, while to the east they bordered on the district of Delphi, belonging to Phocis. They are said to have been a colony from the more celebrated Locrians of the east (Strabo, 427.-ferred to the female part of their community, who had Eustath., ad II., 2, 531), and their name, according to fabulous accounts, was derived from some fetid springs (ow, oleo) near the hill of Taphius or Taphiassus, situated on their coast, and beneath which it was reported that the centaur Nessus had been entombed. (Strab., 426.-Plut., Quæst. Græc., 15.- Myrsil., Lesb., ap. Antigon. Paradox., 129.) Other explanations of the name are given under the article Ozola.Thucydides represents them as a wild, uncivilized race, and addicted from the earliest period to theft and rapine (1, 5). In the Peloponnesian war they appear to have sided with the Athenians, as the latter held possession of Naupactus, their principal town and harbour, probably from enmity to the Etolians, who had espoused the cause of the Peloponnesians. (Thucyd., 3, 95.)—The Epicnemidian Locri, whom we must next describe, occupied a small district immediately adjoining Thermopyle, and confined between Mount Cnemis, a branch of Eta, whence they derived their name, and the sea of Euboea. (Strabo, 416, 425.-Eustath., ad Dionys. Perieg., v. 426.) Homer classes them with the Opuntii, under the general name of Locri. (Il., 2, 535.) They derived their name of Epicnemidii from their situation in the vicinity of Mount Cnemis.-The Opuntian Locri follow after the Epicnemidii: they occupied a line of coast of about fifteen miles, beginning a little south of Cnemides, and extending to the town of Halæ, on the frontiers of Boeotia. Inland their territory reached to the Phocian towns of Hyampolis and Abæ. This people derived their name from the city of Opus, their metropolis. (Strabo, 425.-Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 104.)-II. A people of Magna Græcia, originally a colony of the Locri Opuntii from Greece. They first settled near the promontory of Zephyrium, at the lower extremity of Bruttium, on the Ionian Sea, and hence obtained the appellation of Epizephyrii, by which they were distinguished from the Locri of Greece. Here they built the city of Locri. They removed, however, from this position three or four years afterward, and built another city on a height named Mount Esopis. Strabo, however, makes the Locri who settled in Bruttium to have been a division of the Ozolæ from the Crissæan Gulf, and remarks, that Ephorus was incorrect in ascribing the settlement to the Locri Opuntii; but it is certain that this opinion of Ephorus seems to be supported by the testimony of many other writers, and therefore is generally preferred by modern critics. (Mazzoch. in Tab. Heracl. diatr., LOCUSTA, a notorious female poisoner at Rome du1, c. 5.-Heyne, Opusc. Acad., vol. 2, p. 46.-Id., ad ring the first century of our era. She poisoned ClauVirg., En., 3, 399.) We derive some curious infor- dius by order of Agrippina, and Britannicus by order mation relative to the origin of the Epizephyrian Locri of Nero. The latter loaded her with presents after the from Polybius, who acquaints us, that, from his having perpetration of the deed, and actually placed learners been the means of obtaining for this city a remission under her, in order that her art might be perpetuated. of heavy contributions on more than one occasion, he She was put to death by Galba. (Tacit., Ann. 12, had contracted a feeling of kindness and partiality to-66-Id. ib., 13, 15.-Sueton., Vit. Ner., 33.—Juv., wards its inhabitants, which they, on the other hand, repaid by every mark of gratitude and attention. His frequent residence among them enabled him, as he states, to inquire minutely into their laws and institutions, so much admired by antiquity as the work of the celebrated lawgiver Zaleucus; and also into the early history, as well as origin, of their city. To the latter point he had paid the greater attention, from the obloquy and calumny which Timæus, the Sicilian historian, had heaped upon Aristotle, in his endeavour to Sat., 1, 71.) LOCUTIUS. Vid. Aius. LOLLIA PAULLINA, grand-daughter of Lollius Paullinus, who made himself so infamous by his rapacity in the provinces. She married C. Memmius, a man of consular rank, but was taken from him by Caligula, who made her his own wife, but soon after repudiated her. (Sueton., Vit. Calig., 25.-Dio Cass., 59, 12.) She afterward, on the death of Messalina, aspired to a union with Claudius, but was put to death through |