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experienced a total defeat near the Lake Regillus, and were obliged to sue for peace. (Dion. Hal., 6, 18.) According to this historian, the Latins received the thanks of the Roman senate, some years afterward, for having taken no advantage of the disturbances at Rome, which finally led to the secession of the people to Mons Sacer, and for having, on the contrary, offered every assistance in their power on that occasion; he adds also that a perpetual league was formed at that time between the Romans and the Latins. However, about 143 years afterward, we find the latter openly rebelling, and refusing to supply the usual quota of troops which they had agreed to furnish as allies of Rome. Their bold demand, which was urged through L. Annius Setinus, in the Roman senate, that one of the consuls at least should be chosen out of their nation, led to an open rupture. A war followed, which was rendered remarkable from the circumstances of the execution of the young Manlius by order of his father, and the devotion of Decius. After having been defeated in several encounters, the Latins were reduced to subjection, with the exception of a few towns, which experienced greater lenity, and Latium thenceforth ceased to be an independent state. (Liv., 8, 14.—Plin, 34, 5.) At that time the rights of Roman citizens had been granted to a few only of the Latin cities; but at a later period the Gracchi sought to level all such distinctions between the Latins and the Romans. This measure, however, was not carried. The Social war followed; and though the confederates were finally conquered, after a long and desperate contest, the senate thought it advisable to decree, that all the Latin cities which had not taken part with the allies should enjoy the rights of Roman citizens. Many of these towns were, however, deprived of their privileges by Sylla; and it was not till the close of the republic that the Latins were admitted generally to participate in all the rights and immunities enjoyed by the Quirites. (Suet., Vit. Jul., 8.-Ascon., Ped. in Pis., p. 490.—On the Jus Latii and Jus Italicum, consult Lipsius, ad Tacit., Ann., 11, 24.— Panvin., Comm. Reip. Rom., 3, p. 329. –Spanheim, Orb. Rom., 1, 16.)—The name of Latium was at first given to that portion of Italy only which extends from the mouth of the Tiber to the Circaean promontory, a distance of about 50 miles along the coast; but subsequently this latter boundary was removed to the river Liris, whence arose the distinction of Latium Antiquum and Novum. (Strabo, 231. –Plin., 3, 5.) At a still later period, the southern boundary of Latium was extended from the Liris to the mouth of the river Vulturnus and the Massic hills. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 1, seqq.) Latmus, a mountain of Caria, near Miletus. It was famous as having been the scene of the fable of Endymion. (Vid. Endymion.) In the vicinity of this mountain stood the city of Heraclea, commonly termed ‘Hpák'Aeta # totrö Aaruois, “Heraclea below, or at the foot of Latmus.” The mountain gave to the adjacent bay the name of Latmicus Sinus. (Mela, 1, 17.-Plin., 5, 29.) Latogrígí, a people of Belgic Gaul, in the vicinity of the Tulingi, Rauraci, and Helvetii, whose country lay on the banks of the Rhine, about 90 miles to the west of the Lacus Brigantinus, or Lake of Constance. If they are the nation called by Ptolemy Latobici, they must have changed their settlements before that geog. rapher wrote, as he includes their territories in Pannonia near Noricum. (Caes., B. G., 1, 2. —Id. ib., 3, 1.) LAtomize. Vid. Lautumiae. LatóNA (in Greek Léto), was the daughter of the Titans Coeus and Phoebe. In Homer she appears as one of the wives of Jupiter, and there occur no traces of enmity between her and Juno. (Il., 21, 499.) Later, poets, however, fable much about the persecu. tion she underwent from that goddess, an account of

which will be found near the commencement of the article Apollo. Her children by Jupiter were Apollo and Diana. —While wandering from place to place with her offspring, Latona, says a legend most prettily told by Ovid ão. 6,313, seqq.), arrived in Lycia. The sun was shining fiercely, and the goddess was parched with thirst. She saw a pool and knelt down at it to drink. Some clowns, who were there cutting sedge and rushes, refused to allow her to slake her thirst. In vain the goddess entreated, representing that water was common to all, and appealing ..". compassion for her babes. The brutes were insensible: they not only mocked at her distress, but jumped into and muddied the water. The goddess, though the most gentle of her race, was roused

to indignation: she raised her hand to heaven, and,

cried, “May you live for ever in that pool!" Her wish was instantly accomplished, and the churls were turned into frogs.-Niobe, the daughter of Tantalus and wife of Amphion, proud of her numerous offspring, ventured to set herself before Latona; the offended goddess called upon her children, Apollo and Diana, and soon Niobe was, by the arrows of those deities, made a childless mother, and became stiffened into stone with grief. (Vid. Niobe.)—Tityus, the son of Earth, or of Jupiter and Elara, happened to see Latona one time as she was going to Delphi (Pytho). Inflamed with love, he attempted to offer . violence. The goddess called her children to her aid, and he soon lay slain by their arrows. His punishment did not cease with life, but vultures preyed upon his liver in Erebus. (Vid. Tityus.)—The Greeks personified night under the title of AHTQ or Latona, and BAYBQ; the one signifying oblivion, and the other sleep or quietude (Plutarch, ap. Euseb., Prap. Evang, 3, 1. —Hesych, s. v. Bavbå); both of which were meant to express the unmoved tranquillity prevailing through the infinite variety of unknown darkness that preceded the creation or first emanation of light. Hence she was said to have been the first wife of Jupiter (Odyss., 11,579), the mother of Apollo and Diana, or the sun and moon, and the nurse of the earth and the stars. The Egyptians differed a little from the Greeks, and supposed her to be the nurse and Fo of Horus and Bubastis, their Apollo and Diana (Herod., 2, 156), in which they agree more exactly with the ancient naturalists, who held that heat was nourished by the humidity of ". (Macrob., Sat., 1, 23.) Her symbol was the Mygale or Mus Araneus, anciently supposed to be blind (Plut., Sympos., 4, p. 670. — Anton., Liberal. Fab., 28); but she is usually represented upon the monuments of ancient art under the form of a o and comely woman, with a veil upon her head. This veil, in painting, was always black: and in gems the artists generally availed themselves of a dark-coloured vein in the stone to express it; it being the same as that which was usually thrown over the symbol of the generative attribute to signify the nutritive power of night fostering the productive power of the pervading spirit; whence Priapus is called in the poets black-cloaked. (Mosch, Epitaph. Bion., 27.) The veil is often stellated. (Knight, Inquiry into the Symb. Lang., &c., § 87-Class. Journ., vol. 24, p. 214.) LAropólis, a city of Egypt in the Thebaid, between Thebes and Apollinopolis Magna. It derived its Greek name from the fish Latos worshipped there, which was regarded as the largest of all the fishes of the Nile. (Athenaeus, 7, 17.-Strabo, 816.) The later writers drop the term tróAuc (polis), and call the place merely Laton (A4tav, Hierocles), and therefore, in the Itin. Anton. and Notitia Imperii, the ablative form Lato occurs. The modern Esne occupies the site of Latopolis, and is an important place in the caravan trade from Darfur and the more southern regions. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 10, pt. 1, p. 831.)

LaverNA, a Roman divinity, the patron-goddess of thieves, who were anciently called Larerntones (Festus, s. v.), and of all, in general, who practised artifice and fraud. (Horat., Epist., 1, 16, 60.) At Rome she had an altar by the temple of Tellus, near the gate which was called from her the gate of Laverna. (Varro, L. L., 4, p. 45.) There was also a temple of this goddess near Famiae. (Cic, Ep. ad Att., 7, 8.) Her name is probably derived from lateo, significatory of darkness or obscurity. (Compare the change of t and v in Tizza, and cello; 3620 and colo; Azurüç and clivus, &c. Keightley's Mythology, p. 529. — Consult Mem. Acad. des Inscript., &c., vol. 7, p. 77, “De la Deesse Laverne.”) Laver NIUM, a temple of Laverna, near Formiae. (Cic., Att., 7, 8.) Lavi NIA, a daughter of King Latinus and Amata, promised by her mother in marriage to Turnus, but given eventually to AEneas. (Wid. Latinus.) At her husband's death she was left pregnant, and being fearful of Ascanius, her step-son, she fled into the woods, where she brought forth a son called Æneas Sylvius. (Virg., AEm., 6, 7–Ovid, Met., 14, 507.—Liv., 1, 1.) Lavisium, a city of Latium, situate on the river Numicius, near the coast, and to the west of Ardea. It was said to have been founded by Æneas, on his marriage with the daughter of Latinus (Dion. Hal., 1, 45.-Liv., 1, 1); this story, however, would go but little towards proving the existence of such a town, if it were not actually enumerated among the cities of Latium by Strabo and other authors, as well as by the Itineraries. Plutarch notices it as the place in which Tatius, the colleague of Romulus, was assassinated. (Wit. Rom.) Strabo mentions that Lavinium had a temple consecrated to Venus, which was common to all the Latins. (Strabo, 232.) The inhabitants are styled by Pliny (3, 5) Laviniates Ilionenses. Lavinium and Laurentum were latterly united under the name of Lauro-Lavinium. (Front. de Col. Symmachus, 1, 65. — Vulp., Vet. Lat., 10, 6.) Various opinions have been entertained by antiquaries relative to the site which ought to be assigned to Lavinium. Cluverius placed it near the church of St. Petronella (Ital. Ant., 2, p. 894); Holstenius on the hill called Monte di Livano (ad Steph. Byz., p. 175); but more recent topographers concur in fixing it at a place called Practica, about three miles from the coast. (Vulp., Wet. Lat., 10, 1.—Nibby, Viaggio Antiquario, vol. 2, p. 265.—Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 19.) LAurexcum, a fortified town of Noricum Ripense, the station of a Roman fleet on the Danube, and the headquarters of the second legion. (Notit., Imp. Occident.) It lay to the east of the junction of the OEnus and Danube. The modern village of Lohr stands near the site of this place, a short distance to the north of the present city of Ens. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 3, p. 637.) LAURENTE's AGR1, the country in the neighbourhood of Laurentum. (Tibull., 2, 5, 41.) LAURENti A. Vid. Acca. LAURENtum, the capital of Latium, about sixteen miles below Ostia, following the coast, and near the spot now called Paterno. (Vulp., Wet. Lat., 10, 1.Nibby, Viaggio Antiq., vol. 2, p. 313.) Cluverius and Holstenius are both wrong in assigning to Laurentum the position of San Lorenzo. Of the existence of this city, whatever may be thought of AEneas and the Trojan colony, there can be no doubt: without going so far back as to Saturn and Picus, it may be asserted, that the origin of Laurentum was most ancient, since it is mentioned among the maritime cities of Latium, in the first treaties between Rome and Carthage, recorded by Polybius (3, 22). Though Laurentum joined the Latin league in behalf of Tarquin, and shared in the defeat at the Lake Regillus (Dion. Hal., 5, 61), it seems afterward to have

been firmly attached to the Roman interests. (Liry, 8, 9.) Of its subsequent history we know but little; Lucan represents it as having fallen into ruins and become deserted, in consequence of the civil wars (7, 394). At a later period, however, Laurentum appears to have been restored under the name of Lauro-Lavinium: a new city having been formed, as it is supposed, by the union of Laurentum and Lavinium. (Front., de Col.—Symmachus, 1, 65.—Vulp., Vet. Lat., 10, 6.) The district of Laurentum must have been of a very woody and marshy nature. The Silva Laurentina is noticed by Julius Obsequens (de Prod), and by Herodian (1, 12), the latter of whom reports, that the Emperor Commodus was ordered to this part of the country by his physicians, on account of the laurel-groves which grew there, the shade of which was considered as particularly salutary. It is from this tree that Laurentum is supposed to have derived its name. The marshes of Laurentum were famous for the number and size of the wild boars which they bred in their reedy pastures. (Virg., AEm., 7, 59.Id. ibid., 10, 707.-Hor., Sat., 2, 4.—Martial, 9, 49.) However unfavourable, as a place of residence, Laurentum may be thought at the present day, on account of the malaria which prevails there, it appears to have been considered as far from unhealthy by the Romans. We are told that Scipio and Laelius, when roleased from the cares of business, often resorted to this neighbourhood, and amused themselves by gathering shells on the shore. (Val. Mar., 8, 8.-Cic., de Orat., 2, 22.) Pliny the Younger says Laurentum was much frequented by the Roman nobles in winter; and so numerous were their villas, that they presented more the appearance of a city than detached dwellings. Every lover of antiquity is acquainted with the elegant and minute description he gives of his own retreat. (Ep., 2, 17.) Hortensius, the celebrated orator, and the rival of Cicero, had also a villa in this neighbourhood. (Varro, R. R., 3, 13.-Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 16, seqq.) Laurion, a range of hills, extending from that part of the Attic coast which lay near Azenia, below the Astypalaea Promontorium, to the promontory of Sunium, and from thence to the neighbourhood of Prasiae on the eastern coast. This tract was celebrated for its silver mines. Herodotus informs us, that the produce of these mines was shared among the Athenians, each of whom received ten drachmae; but we are not informed whether this division took place annually. Themistocles, however, during the war with Ægina, advised them to apply this money to the construction of 200 galleys; a measure which contributed, in a great degree, to the naval ascendancy of the Athenians. (Herod., 7, 144.) Thucydides reports, that the Lacedæmonian army, in their second invasion of Attica, advanced in this direction as far as Laurium (2, 55). The produce of the mines had already much diminished in the time of Xenophon. (Mem., 3, 6, 5.) We collect from his account that they then were farmed by private persons, who paid a certain sum to the republic in proportion to the quantity of ore they extracted; but he strongly urged the government to take the works into their own hands, conceiving that they would bring a great accession of revenue to the state. (De Prov., p. 293, ed. Steph.) These private establishments were called épyaaripta év toir àpyvpelotc. (AEschin. in Timarch., p. 14.) Nicias is said to have employed at one time 1000 slaves in the mines. (Xen., l. c.—Plut., Wit. Nic.—Andocid., de Myst.—Diod. Sic., 5, 37.) Strabo informs us, that the metallic veins were nearly exhausted when he wrote: a considerable quantity of silver, however, was extracted from the old scoriae, as the ancient miners were not much skilled in the art of smelting the ore. (Strabo, 399.)—The mines themselves were called Laureia or Lauria, and the district Lauriotice. Hobhouse (Travels, vol. 1, p. 417, Lond. ed.) describes Laurium as a high and abrupt hill, covered with pinetrees and abounding with marble. Stewart also recognised in Legrina and Lagriona, near Sunium, the name Laurion, which has also evidently been preserved in the names Lauronoris, Mauronoris, Mauronorise (Aačptov Špoc). According to his statement, it is an uneven range of hills full of exhausted mines and scoria. (Antiq. of Attica, vol. 3, p. 13.) Mr. Hawkins, in his survey of this part of the Attic coast, discovered many veins of the argentiferous lead ore, with which the country seems to abound; he observed traces of the silver-mines not far beyond Keralia. The site of the smelting furnaces may be traced to the southward of Thorico for some miles, immense quantities of scoria occurring there. These were probably placed near the seacoast for the convenience of fuel, which it soon became necessary to import. (Walpole's Memoirs, vol. 1, p. 430. — Gell's Itinerary, p. 79. Dodwell's Tour, vol. 1, p. 358.)—The mines at Laurium were worked either by shafts (općara, putei) or adits (úróv. oupt, cunei); and by neither of these two modes of working did they, in the time of Xenophon, arrive at the termination of the ore (Xen., de Vectig., 24, 6). For the chambering of the mines timber was probably imported by sea (Demosth. in Mid., p. 568, 17), which, according to Pliny (33, 21), was the case also in Spain. Hobhouse mentions (l.c.) that one or two shafts have been discovered in a small shrubby plain not far from the sea, on the eastern coast; and he states also that a specimen of ore, lately found, was shown to him at Athens. If the hole which Chandler (Travels, c. 30) saw upon Mount Hymettus was really, as he conjectures, a shaft, it follows that some, at least, had a considerable width, for the circular opening was of more than forty feet in diameter; at the bottom of the hole two narrow passages led into the hill in opposite directions. It was also the practice, according to Witruvius, to make large hollows in the silver mines (7, 7). The pillars which were left standing for the support of the overlying mountain were called ūpuot, and more commonly utookptveiç (Plut., Vit. X., Orat.— Op., vol. 6, p. 256, ed. Hutt.—Pollux, 3, 87.-Id., 7, 98), as they, at the same time, served for the divisions between the different compartments, or, as they were called, workshops. As these pillars contained ore, the proprietors were tempted by their avarice to remove them, although by law they were strictly Y. from doing so; in the time of the orator

ycurgus, the wealthy Diphilus was condemned to death for this offence. (Wit. X., Orat., l.c.) The opening of new mines was called kauvorouía, and on account of the great risk and expense, no one would willingly undertake it. If the speculator was successful, he was amply remunerated for his undertaking; if unsuccessful, he lost all his trouble and expense; on which account Xenophon proposed to form companies for this purpose. The ancients speak in general terms of the unwholesome evaporations from silvermines (Casaub., ad Strab., 101), and the noxious atmosphere of those in Attica is particularly mentioned (Xen., Mem., 3, 6, 12.—Plut., Comp. Nic. et Crass. init.), although the Greeks as well as the Romans were acquainted with the use of shafts for ventilation, which the former called obvrayoya. (Ler. Seg., p. 317.) In what manner the water was withdrawn from the mines we are not informed; it is, however, probable that the Greeks made use of the same artificial means as the Romans. (Consult Reitemeier, Art of Mining, &c., among the Ancients, p. 114, of the German work.) The removal of the one appears to have been performed partly by machinery and partly by men, as was the case in Egypt and Spain, in which latter country, the younger slaves brought the ore through the adits to the surface of the soil; whether, however, the miners in Attica used leather bags for

this purpose, and were on that account called bag-carriers (ov/axopópot), is, to say the least, uncertain; for, according to the grammarians, these bags contained their food. (Pollur, 7, 100.-Id., 10, 149.—Hesych., s. v.) The stamping of the ore at the founderies, in order to facilitate its separation from the useless parts of the stone, was generally performed in stone mortars with iron pestles. In this manner the Egyptians reduced the gold ore to the size of a vetch, then ground it in handmills and washed it on separate planks, after water had been poured over it; which is the account given by a Hippocratean writer of the treatment of gold ore. (Diod. Suc., 13, 12–Agatharch., ap. Phot., p. 1342.-Hippocrates, de pictus rat., 1, 4.) In Spain it was bruised in the same manner, and then, if Pliny does not invert the proper order, first washed, and afterward calcined and pounded. Even the quicksilver ore, from which cinnabar was prepared, was similarly treated; that is, first burned off, in which operation a part of the quicksilver flowed off, and then pounded with iron pestles, ground, and washed. (Plin., 33, 21.) In Greece, the labourers in the founderies made use of a sieve for washing the comminuted ore, and it is mentioned among the implements of the miners by the appropriate name adža;. (Poll., 7, 97.) This method of treating ore was not only in use in ancient times, but it was the only one employed either during the middle ages or in more recent times, until the discovery of stamp works. (Beckman's History of Inventions, vol. 1, pt. 5, num. 3–Reitemeier, p. 121, seqq.) Of the art of smelting in the founderies of Laurium, nothing definite is known. That the Athenians made use of the bellows and charcoal is not improbable; the latter, indeed, may be fairly inferred, from the account of the charcoal-sellers, or, rather, charcoal-burners, from which business a large portion of the Acharnians in particular derived their livelihood. The art of smelting among the ancients was so impersect, that even in the time of Strabo, when it had received considerable improvements, there was still no profit to be gained by extracting silver from lead ore, in which it was present in small proportions; and the early Athenians had, in comparison with their successors (who were themselves not the most perfect masters of chymistry), so slight a knowledge of the management of ore, that, according to the same writer, not only was that which had been thrown away as stone subsequently used, but the old scoria were again employed for the purpose of extracting silver. (Strab., 399.) According to Pliny (33, 31), the ancients could not smelt any silver without some mixture of lead (plumbum nigrum) or gray lead (galena, molybdaena); he appears, however, only to mean ores in which the silver was combined with some metal to which it has a less powerful affinity than to lead. At Laurium it was not necessary, at least in many places, to add any lead, it being already present in the ores. Pliny states in general terms the manner in which argentiferous lead ores were treated (34, 47), and there can be no doubt that this was the method adopted in Attica. According to his account, the ore was first melted down to stannum, a composition of pure silver and lead; then this material was brought to the refining oven, where the silver was separated, and the lead appeared half glazed in the form of litharge, which, as well as gray lead, the ancients call galena and molybdena: this last substance was afterward cooled, and the lead (plumbum nigrum, us?v000, to distinguish it from tin, plumbum album, or candidum, kaaaitepoc) was produced. (Boeckh's Dissertation on the Mines of Laurium, Comment. Acad. Berol., an. 1814 et 1815, p. 89.—Boeckh's Public Economy of Athens, vol. 2, p. 415, seqq.) LauroN, a town of Spain, towards the eastern limits of Baetica, and not far from the sea, probably among the Bastitani. It has been supposed o; * to be 2

the modern Liria, five leagues from Valentia. It was this city of which Sertorius made himself master in the face of Pompey's army; and in its vicinity, at a subsequent period, Cneius Pompeius, son of Pompey the Great, was slain after the battle of Munda. (Plut., Vit. Sert.—Oros., 5, 23.-Florus, 4, 2.-Cas., Bell. Hisp., c. 37.) LAUs, I. a river of Lucania, now Lao, running into the Sinus Laws, or Gulf of Policastro, at the southern extremity of the province. At its mouth stood the city of Laüs.-II. A city at the southern extremity of Lucania, at the mouth of the river Laüs, and on the gulf of the same name. It was a colony of Sybarites (Herod., 6, 20.—Strab., 253), but beyond this fact we are very little acquainted with its history. Strabo reports, that the allied Greeks met with a signal defeat in the neighbourhood of this place from the Lucanians. These were probably the Posidoniatae, and the other colonists on this coast, and we may conjecture that this disaster led to the downfall of their several towns. In Pliny's time Laüs no longer existed. (Plin., 3, 5–Ptol., p. 67.) Cluverius identified its site with the present Laino (Ital. Ant., 2, p. 1262); but later topographers have justly observed, that this town is fourteen miles from the sea, whereas the Table Itinerary evidently marks the position of Laüs near

the coast. It is more probable, therefore, that Scalea represents this ancient city. (Romanelli, vol. 1, p. 383.)

Laus Pompeia, a town of Cisalpine Gaul, next in importance to Mediolanum, and situate to the southeast of that place, near the river Lambrus. It was founded, as Pliny reports, by the Boii (3, 17), and afterward probably colonized by Pompeius Strabo, father of the great Pompey. In a letter of Cicero to his brother, it is simply called Laus (2, 15). Its position answers to that of Lodi Vecchio, which, having been destroyed by the Milanese, the Emperor Barbarossa caused the new town of Lodi to be built at the distance of three miles from the ancient site. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 53.) LAutumize or Latomize, a name properly denoting a quarry, and derived from the Greek Zāaç, “a stone,” and réuvo, “to cut” or “quarry.” This appellation was particularly applied to certain quarries near Syracuse, one of which still bears the name of “The Ear of Dionysius,” because it is said to have been used by that tyrant for a prison, and to have been so constructed that all the sounds uttered in it converged to and united in one particular point, termed, in consequence, the tympanum. This point communicated with an apartment, where Dionysius placed himself, and thus overheard all that was said by his unsuspecting captives. Such is the popular opinion respecting this place, an opinion which has no other support save the narratives of travellers and the accounts of some modern historians, who have been equally misled by vulgar tradition. There is no doubt, however, but that these quarries actually served as places of imprisonment, and Cicero reproaches Verres with having employed them for this purpose in the case of Roman citizens. (Cic. in Verr., 5, 27.) AElian informs us, that some of the workmen in the quarries near Syracuse remained so long there as to marry and rear families in them, and that some of their children, having never before seen a city, were terrified on their coming to Syracuse, and beholding for the first time horses and oxen. (AElian, W. H., 12, 44.) LEANDER, a youth of Abydos, beloved by Hero. The story of his fate will be found under the latter article. (Wid. Hero.)—The following remarks relate to his alleged feat of swimming across the Hellespont and returning the same night. “It was the custom,” observes Hobhouse, “for those who would cross from Abydos to Sestos to incline a mile out of the direct line, and those making the contrary voyage were obli

ged to have recourse to a similar plan, in order to take advantage of the current. Leander, therefore, had a perilous adventure to perform, who swam at least four miles to meet Hero, and returned the same distance the same night. It is very possible, however, to swim across the Hellespont without being the rival or having the motive of Leander. My fellow-traveller (Lord Byron) was determined to attempt it.” (Hobhouse's Journey, vol. 2, p. 218, Am. ed.) It appears, from what follows, that Lord Byron failed in his first attempt, owing to the strength of the current, after he and the friend who accompanied him had been in the water an hour, and sound themselves in the middle of the strait, about a mile and a half below the castles. A second attempt was more successful; Lord Byron was in the water one hour and ten minutes, his companion, Mr. Ekenhead, five minutes less. Lord Byron represents the current as very strong and the water cold ; he states, however, that they were not fatigued, though a little chilled, and performed the feat with little difficulty. The strait between the castles Mr. Hobhouse makes a mile and a quarter, and yet it took four boatmen five minutes to pull them from point to point. All this tends to throw a great deal of doubt upon the feat of Leander, who could hardly have been a more expert swimmer than Lord Byron, and who, besides, had a longer course to pursue. Consult Lord Byron's own account (Moore's Life of Byron, vol. 2, p. 308, seqq.), and Mr. Turner's remarks appended to the volume just cited, p. 560.

LEBADEA, a city of É. west of Coronea, built on a plain adjacent to the small river Hercyne. It derived its name from Lebadus, an Athenian, having previously been called Midea. This city was celebrated in antiquity for the oracle of Trophonius, situated in a cave above the town, into which those who consulted the Fates were obliged to descend, after performing various ceremonies, which are accurately detailed by Pausanias, who also gives a minute description of the sacred cavern (9,39). The oracle was already in considerable repute in the time of Croesus, who consulted it (Herod., 1, 46), as did also Mardonius. (Id., 8, 134.) The victory of Leuctra was said to have been predicted by Trophonius, and a solemn assembly was in consequence held at Lebadea, after the action, to return thanks. This was known, however, to have been an artifice of Epaminondas. (Diod. Sic, 15, 53.) Strabo calls the presiding deity Jupiter Trophonius (Strab., 413), and so does #. (45, 28), who says the shrine was visited by Taulus AEmilius after his victory over Perseus. The geographer Dica-archus, as we are informed by Athenaeus (13, p. 594, e), wrote a full account of the oracle. The modern town of Libadea stands near the site of the ancient city: the castle occupies the site of the Acropolis. (Dodwell, vol. 1, p. 217.—Gell's Itin., p. 178. —Clarke's Travels, vol. 7, p. 168, Lond. ed.— Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 240.)

LeBEdus (Aé6edoc), one of the twelve cities of Io nia, northwest of Colophon, on the coast. It was at first a flourishing city, but upon the removal of a large portion of its inhabitants to Ephesus by Lysimachus, it sank greatly in importance. (Pausan., 1,9.—Strabo, 632.) In the time of Horace it was deserted and in ruins. It would seem to have been subsequently restored, as Hierocles, in the seventh century, speaks of it as a place then in existence. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 3, p. 316.)

LechAUM, that part of Corinth which was situated on the Sinus Corinthiacus, being distant from the city about 12 stadia, and connected with it by means of two long walls. (Strabo, 380. — Xen., Hist. Gr., 4, 5, 11.) It was the great emporium of Corinthian traffic with the western parts of Greece, as well as with Italy and Sicily. (Strab., l.c.—Polyb., 5, 24.—Id., 5, 24, 12.-Liv., 32, 23.) According to Sir W. Gell, “Lechaum is thirty-five minutes distant from Corinth, and consists of about six houses, magazines, and a custom-house. East of it, the remains of the port are yet visible at a place where the sea runs up a channel into the fields. Near it are the remains of a modern Venetian fort.” (Itin. of the Morea, p. 205.) Lectonia. Ancient traditions, as well as physical observations, point out the former existence of the land of Lectonia, which would seem to have occupied a part of the space now filled by the Grecian Sea. An earthquake probably broke down its foundations, and the whole was finally submerged under the waves. Perhaps this event happened when the sea, which was formerly extended over the Scythian plains, forced its way through the Bosporus, and precipitated itself into the basin of the Mediterranean. (Compare remarks under the articles Cyanea and Mediterraneum Mare.) The numerous islands of the Archipelago appear to be the remains of Lectonia, and this tract of land probably facilitated the passage of the first colonists out of Asia into our part of the world. It was the opinion of Pallas that the Euxine and Caspian Seas, as well as the Lake Aral and several others, are the remains of an extensive sea, which covered a great part of the north of Asia. This conjecture of Pallas, which was drawn from his observations in Siberia, has been confirmed by Klaproth's survey of the country northward of Mount Caucasus. Lastly, M. de Choiseul Gouffier adds, that a great part of Moldavia, Wallachia, and Besarabia bears evident traces of having been formed by the sea. It has often been conjectured that the opening of the Bosporus was the occasion of the draining of this ocean, in the midst of Europe and Asia. The memory of this disruption of the two continents was preserved in the traditions of Greece. Strabo (49), Pliny (2,90), and Diodorus Siculus (5,47), have collected the ancient memorials which existed of so striking a catastrophe. The truth of the story, however, has been placed on more secure grounds by physical observations on the districts in the vicinity of the Bosporus. (Consult Dr. Clarke's Travels, and particularly a Mémoire by M. de Choiseul Gouffier in the Mcms. de l’Institut. Royal de France, 1815, in which the author has collected much curious information on this subject.) It appears that the catastrophe was produced by the operation of volcanoes, the fires of which were still burning in the era of the Argonautic voyage, and enter into the poetical descriptions of Apollonius and Valerius Flaccus. According to the false Orpheus, Neptune, being angry with Jupiter, struck the land of Lectonia with his golden trident, and submerged it in the sea, forming islands of many of its scattered fragments. There seems to be some resemblance between the name Lectonia and Lycaonia, but then we must refer the latter term, not to a portion of Asia Minor, but to the northern regions of the globe. Thus we have in Ovid (Fast., 3,793) the expression “Lycaonia Arctos,” in the same poet (Trist., 32, 2) “Lycaonia sub axe,” and in Claudian (Cons. Mall. Theod, 299) “Lycaonia astra.” By the northern regions of the globe, however, Italy and Greece can easily be meant, since they were both referred by the ancients to the countries of the North. (Müller's Univer. History, vol. 1, p. 32, in notis.Ukert, Geographie der Griechen und Römer, vol. 1, p. 346.-Hermann in Orph., Arg., 1274.) Lectum, a promontory of Troas, below the island of Tenedos, now Cape Baba. It formed the northern limit, in the time of the eastern empire, of the province of Asia, as it was termed, which commenced near the Maeander, and extended along the coast upward to Lectum. Dr. Clarke speaks of this promontory as follows: “Thence we sailed to the promontory of Lectum, now Cape Baba, at the mouth of the Adramyttian Gulf: the southwestern extremity of that chain of mountains of which Gargarus is the summit. This

cape presents a high and bold cliff, on whose steep acclivity the little town of Baba appears, as though stuck within a nook. It is famous for the manufacture of knives and poniards: their blades are distinguished in Turkey by the name of Baba Leeks.” (Travels, vol. 3, p. 224, seqq., Lond. ed.) A very accurate view of the promontory is given in Gell's Topography of Troy, p. 21. The place was called Baba from a dervish (Baba) buried there, who always gave the Turks intelligence when any rovers were in the neighbouring seas. (Clarke, l.c., in notis.-Egmont and Heyman's Travels, vol. 1, p. 162.) LEDA, a daughter of Kin o and Eurythemis, who married oil; of Sparta. Accord. to the common account, she became, by Jupiter (who assumed for that purpose the form of a swan), the mother of Pollux and Helen, and by her own husband, the parent of Castor and Clytemnestra. Two eggs, it seems, were brought forth by her, from which, respectively, came the children just named, Pollux and Helen being in one, and Castor and Clytemnestra in the other. Other versions, however, are given of the legend, for which consult the articles Castor and Helena. LEDAEA, an epithet given to Hermione, &c., as related to Leda. (Virg., AEn., 3, 328.) LEDUs, now Lez, a river of Gaul, near the modern Montpelier. (Mela, 2, 5.) Legio septima gemina, a Roman military colony in Spain among the Astures, northeast of Asturica. It is now Leon. (Itin. Ant., p. 395.-Ptolemy, 2, 6.) Ptolemy calls it Legio Septima Germanorum. (Ukert, Geogr., vol. 2, p. 441.) Lelaps or LAELAPs, I. a dog that never failed to seize and conquer whatever animal it was ordered to pursue. It was given to Procris by Diana, and Procris reconciled herself to her husband by presenting him with this valuable animal. According to some, Procris had received it from Minos, as a reward for the dangerous wounds of which she had cured him. (Hygin, fab., 28.—Ovid, Met., 7, 771.)—II. One of Actaeon's dogs. LElegí:is, a name applied to Miletus, because once possessed by the Leleges. (Plin., 5, 29.) LELéges, an ancient race, whose history is involved in great obscurity, in consequence of the various and almost contradictory traditions which exist concerning them; according to which, they are on the one hand represented as among the earliest inhabitants of Greece, while on the other they are said to be the same people as the Carians. Herodotus states (1, 171) that the Carians, who originally inhabited the islands of the AEgean Sea, were known by the name of Leleges before they emigrated to Asia Minor; and according to Pausanias (7, 2, 4), the Leleges formed only a part of the Carian nation. The Leleges apear, from numerous traditions, to have inhabited the islands of the AEgean Sea and the western coasts of Asia Minor from a very early period. In Homer they are represented as the allies of the Trojans; and their king Altes is said to have been the father-in-law of Priam. (Il., 20, 96. –Ib., 21, 86.) They are said to have founded the temple of Juno in Samos (Athenaus, 15, p. 672), and Strabo informs us that they once inhabited, together with the Carians, the whole of Ionia. (Strab., 331.)—On the other hand, in the numerous traditions respecting them in the north of Greece, we find no connexion between them and the Carians. According to Aristotle (quoted by Strabo, 332), they inhabited parts of Acarnania, Aotolia, Opuntian Locris, Leucas, and Boeotia. In the south of Greece we again meet with the same confusion in the traditions of Megara respecting the Leleges and the Carians. Car is said to have been one of the most ancient kings of Megara, and to have been succeeded in the royal power, after the lapse of twelve generations, by Lelex, a foreigner srom Egypt. (*#):39,4, seq.)

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