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sculptors who executed it are also recorded. They are Agesander, Polydorus, and Athenodorus, natives of Rhodes. Pliny (36, 5) says, “Laocoon, which is in the palace (domo) of the Emperor Titus, is a work to be preferred to all others either in painting or sculpture. Those great artists, Agesander, and Polydorus, and Athenodorus, Rhodians, executed the principal figure (eum), and the sons, and the wondersul folds of the serpents, out of one block of marble.”—There has been much difference of opinion among antiquaries on several points connected with this group: first, as to the date of the artists; Winckelmann contending that they are of a good period of Grecian art, and as early as Lysippus. A considerably later date, however, is now attributed to them. The next question discussed has been, whether the sculptor was indebted for the subject to Virgil's fine description (AEm., 2, 200, seqq.), or whether the poet was indebted to the artist. With respect to date, the most careful consideration seems to fix these sculptors as late as the early emperors; and Lessing, whose work on the Laocoon deserves the attention of all who take an interest in the philosophy and capabilities of art, believes they lived in the reign of Titus. With regard to the subject, it is most probable that the story, being well known, offered advantages for illustration to the sculptor, as it did for description to the poet. As Virgil's

riest was habited in his robes during the exercise of #. priestly functions, and the group under consideration is entirely naked, the argument is additionally strengthened against the assumption that the artist borrowed from the poet. It is more natural to believe that each drew from a common source, and treated the subject in the way best adapted to the different arts they exercised ; the sculptor's object being concentration of effect, the poet's amplification and brilliant description.—This group is justly considered, by all competent judges, to be a master-piece of art. It combines, in its class, all that sculpture requires, and, we may say, admits of, and may truly be studied as a canon. The subject is of the most affecting and interesting kind; and the expression in every part of the figures reaches, but does not exceed, the limits of propriety. Intense mental suffering is portrayed in the countenances, while the physical strength of all the three figures is evidently sinking under the irresistible power of the huge reptiles wreathed around their exhausted limbs. One son, in whose side a serpent has fixed his deadly fangs, seems to be fainting; the other, not yet bitten, tries (and the futility of the attempt is faithfully shown) to disengage one foot from the serpent's embrace. The father, Laocoon, himself, is mighty in his sufferings: every muscle is in extreme action, and his hands and feet are convulsed with painful energy. Yet there is nothing frightful, disgusting, or contrary to beauty in the countenance. Suffering is faithfully and strongly depicted there, but it is rather the exhibition of mental anguish than of the repujsive and undignified contortions of mere physical pain. The whole of this figure displays the most intimate knowledge of anatomy and of outward form; the latter selected with care, and freed from any vulgarity of common individual nature: indeed, the single figure of Laocoon may be fairly referred to, as one of the finest specimens existing of that combination of truth and beauty, which is so essential to the production of

erfect sculpture, and which can alone ensure for it i. admiration. The youths are of a smaller standard than the proportion of the father; a liberty hardly justifiable, but taken, probably, with the view of heightening the effect of the principal figure. The right arm of Laocoon is a restoration, but so ably done, though only in plaster, that the deficiency is said to be scarcely a blemish. It is not certain what modern artist has the merit of this restoration, though it is thought that the arm it now bears was the plas

ter-model of Michael Angelo, who was charged with the task of adding a marble arm, but left the one which he had destined for this object unfinished, in a fit of despair. Some antiquarians have thought that the original action of the arm was not extended, but that this limb was bent back towards the head; and they have supported their hypothesis by the fact of there being a rough and broken surface where they think the hand, or perhaps a sold of the serpent, may have come in contact with the hair. (Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 13, p. 323, seq.-Heyne, Antiq. Auff., vol. 2, p. 34, seqq.—Winckelmann, Werke., vol. 6, p. 101, seqq.Id., vol. 5, p. 105.—Id., vol. 7, p. 189.-Id., vol. 5, p. 250–Lessing, Laocoon, $ 5, p. 76, &c.) Laodamia, I. a daughter of Acastus and Astydamia, and wife of Protesilaus. (Wid. Protesilaus.) When she received intelligence of the death of her husband in the Trojan war, she caused an image of him to be formed, which she would never allow to be out of her sight. Her father ordered the image to be burned, that her thoughts might be diverted from her loss; but Laodamia threw herself into the flames, and perished along with it. Thence probably the tradition adopted by some poets, that the gods restored life to Protesilaus for three hours, and that this hero, finding the decree irreversible, by which he was to return to the shades below, prevailed on Laodamia to accompany him thither. She was also called Phylacéa. (Virg., AEn., 6,447.—Ovid, Her., 13.—Hygin, fab, 104.)—II. A daughter of Bellerophon by Achemone, the daughter of King Iobates. She had a son by Jupiter, called Sarpedon. (Vid. Sarpedon.) Laodice, I. a daughter of Priam and Hecuba, became enamoured of Acamas, son of Theseus, when he came with Diomedes from the Greeks to Troy with an embassy to demand the restoration of Helen, and had by him a son named Munitus. She afterward married Telephus, and, on his desertion of her at the time he abandoned the Trojan cause, she became the wife of Helicaon, the son of Antenor. The rest of her story is variously related. Some make her, after the capture of Troy, to have thown herself from the summit of a rocky ravine when pursued by the Greeks; others, to have been swallowed up by the earth in accordance with her own prayer; and others again, to have been recognised by Acamas, when Troy was taken, and to have returned with him to Greece. (Tzetz., ad Lycophr., 314,495.)—II. One of the three daughters of Agamemnon, called also Electra. (Wid. Electra.)—III. The wife of Antiochus, one of Philip's officers, and mother of Seleucus Nicator. (Consult Justin, 15, 4.)—IV. The sister and wife of Antiochus Theos, by whom she became the mother of Seleucus Callinicus and Antiochus Hierax. (Justin, 27, 9.)—V. A daughter of Mithradates, king of Pontus. She married Antiochus the Great, king of Syria. —WI. The sister and wife of Mithradates Eupator. (Consult Justin, 37, 8.)—VII. Wife of Ariarathes W., king of Cappadocia. (Wid, Ariarathes W.) Laodicéa, I. a city of Phrygia, in the southwestern angle of the country. It was situate on the river Ly: cus (hence called Aaodiketa tri Askø, Laodicea Lycum), and stood on the borders of Phrygia, Caria, and Lydia. Its situation coincides exactly with that of Cydrara mentioned by Herodotus (7, 30–Wid. Cydrara). Pliny, however (5, 29), makes its early name to have been Diospolis, changed subsequently to Rhoas. It contained three boundary stones, as being on the borders of three provinces, and hence is commonly called by the ecclesiastical writers Trimetaria. Its name of Laodicea was given to it by Antiochus Theos, in honour of his wife Laodice. He reestablished it. (Steph. Byz., s. v.) Under the Romans it became a very flourishing commercial city. It is supposed to have been destroyed during the inroad of Timur Leng, A.D. 1402. (Ducas, p. 4°, seqq.—Chalcond, p. 85.) The ruins of Laodicea are now called by the Turks Eski. Hissar. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 3, p. 131. – Leake's Journal, p. 154, seqq.)—II. Scabiosa, a city of Syria, southwest of Emesa and of the Orontes. It is sometimes, though erroneously, styled Cabiosa. The epithet Scabiosa must have reference to the leprosy, or some cutaneous complaint, very prevalent here in the time of the Roman power. Its previous name under the Greeks was Aaodiketa h irpoo Aubăvo, Laodicea ad Labanum (Strabo, 753.—Plun., 5, 23), and it must have been situate, therefore, near the northeastern part of the chain of Libanus, in the plain Marsyas, which Pococke (2, p. 204) mentions, though he is silent respecting its ancient name. Its site must be looked for to the west of the modern Hasseiah, a day's journey to the southwest of the modern Hems, the ancient Emesa. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 1, p. 428.)—III. A maritime city of Syria, on an eminence near the coast, called, for distinction' sake, Aaodiketa tri rj &añárrj, Laodicea ad Mare. (Strab., 751.-Plin., 21, 5.) It was built by Seleucus Nicator, and named in honour of his mother; and Strabo ranks it among the four principal cities of the country. (Compare Appian, B. Syr., c. 27.) The fruitfulness of the adjacent country, and the quantity of good wine made in this quarter, which furnished a great article of trade with Alexandrea, were the chief reasons that induced Seleucus to found this city. Laodicea may, in fact, be regarded as the harbour of Antiochia. The ancient writers praise its excellent port, and it would seem, even at the present day, to show traces of the works constructed to give security and convenience to the harbour. (Pococke, 2, p. 287.—Walpole's Memoirs, vol. 2, p. 138.) In the civil war after Caesar's death, Dolabella stood a long siege in this place; it was finally taken, and suffered severely. (Dio Cass., 47, 30. — Appian, B. Civ., 4, 62.) Hence Antony declared it independent, and freed it from all tribute. (Appian, B. Cip., 5, 7.) It again suffered from Pescennius Niger (Malala, Chron., 11, p. 125), and therefore his more successful competitor Severus did all in his power to restore it to its former condition. Among other favours shown it, he made the place a colony with the Jus Italicum. (Ulpian, 1.50, Digest. Tit., 15, de censibus.) The modern name is Ladikić. The modern city suffered severely from an earthquake in 1797, the greater part of the buildings having been thrown down. These have been rebuilt, though less substantially than before. Scarcely any wine is now made here, and few vines are planted. (Walpole's Memoirs, vol. 2, § 138. — Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 1, p. 450.)—IV. Combusta (h Karakekaupuévn), a city of Asia Minor or Lycaonia, northwest of Iconium. Its name is supposed to be owing to the frequent breaking forth of subterranean fires in the vicinity. Strabo mentions this as peculiarly the case in the parts of Phrygia to the west of Laodicea, which were hence termed Catacecaumene (Karakekavuévn. Strabo, 579). The place itself was unimportant, and would only seem to have been mentioned by Strabo and Pliny from the circumstance of its having been situated on the great road from the western coast through Melitene to the Euphrates. Leake (Journal, p. 25) gives the modern name as Yorgán Ladik, and speaks of numerous fragments of ancient architecture found there.—W. A city of Media, on the confines of Persia. (Pliny, 6, 26.)—VI. A city of Mesopotamia, near Seleucia. (Pliny, 4, 26.) Laoménon, son of Ilus, king of Troy, married Stry. mo, the daughter of the Scamander, by whom he had Tithonus, Lampus, Clitius, Hicetaon, Podarces (afterward called Priam), and Hesione, together with two other daughters. He had also, by the nymph Calybe, a son named Bucolion. (Il., 6, 23.) The two deities Arlo o Neptune, having,been condemned by

Jupiter to be subservient for one year to the will of Laomedon, contracted to build a wall around Troy for a stipulated sum. When, however, this labour was accomplished, Laomedon refused to pay the amount agreed on, and dismissed the two deities, threatening to cut off their ears. He even menaced to tie Apollo hand and foot, and transport him to the distant islands. (Il., 21,441.) To punish him, Apollo sent a pestilence, and Neptune a flood bearing a huge sea-monster, which carried off all the people to be found in the plain.—For the rest of his story, consult the article Hesione. Laomedontius, an epithet applied to the Trojans from their king Laomedon. (Virg., AEn., 4, 542; 7, 105; 8, 18.) LaomedontiADA, a patronymic given to the Trojans, from Laomedon their king. (Virg., AEn.,3,248.) LAphystium, a mountain in ão. about twenty stadia to the north of Coronea, on which Jupiter had a temple, whence he was called Laphystius. It was here that Athamas prepared to immolate Phrixus and Helle, whom Jupiter saved by sending them a golden ram. (Pausan., 9, 34.) Lapithae, a tribe or people of Thessaly, whose contest with the Centaurs forms a conspicuous legend in classical mythology. (Wid. Centauri, where a full account is given.) LARA or LARUNDA, one of the Naiads, daughter of the river Almon in Latium, famous for her beauty and her loquacity, which her parents long endeavoured to correct, but in vain. She revealed to Juno the amours of her husband Jupiter with Juturna, for which the god cut off her tongue, and ordered Mercury to conduct her to the infernal regions. The god violated her by the way, and she became the mother of the Lares. (Vid. Lares.—Ovid, Fast., 2, 585, seqq.) LAREs, gods of inferior power at Rome, *on origin, who presided over houses and families. There were various classes of them, such as Lares Urbani, to preside over the cities; Familiares, over houses; Rustici, over the country; Compitales, over crossways ; Marini, over the sea; Viales, over the roads, &c. If we closely examine into the nature of the Penates and that of the Lares, we will readily perceive why the former have a higher rank assigned them in the Ho, of the Genii than the latter. In fact, the Penates were originally gods; they were the powers of nature personified; powers, the wonderful and mysterious action of which produces and upholds whatever is necessary to life, to the common good, to the prosperity of individuals and families; whatever, in fine, the human species cannot bestow upon itself. The case is quite different with the Lares. These were originally human beings themselves; men like unto us, in every respect, who lived upon the earth, and who, becoming pure spirits after death, loved still to hover round the dwelling which they once inhabited, to watch over its safety, and to guard it with as much care as the faithful dog does the possessions of its master. Having once partaken of our mortal condition, they know the better from what quarter danger is wont to menace, and what assistance to render to those whose situation was once in every respect their own. They keep off, therefore, danger from without, while the Penates, residing in the interior of the dwelling, pour forth benefits upon its inmates with bountiful #. The fundamental idea on which rests the doctrine of the Lares, is intimately connected with all the psychology and pneumatology of the ancient Italians. According to Apuleius (De Genio Socrat, vol. 2, p. 237, ed. Bip.), the demons which once had inhabited, as souls, human bodies, were called Lemures: this name therefore designated, in general, the spirit separated from the body. Such a spirit, if it adopted its posterity; if it took possession, with favourable power, of the abode of its children, was called Lar familiaris. If, 721

on the contrary, by reason of the faults committed in Iife, it found in the grave no resting-place, it appeared to men as a phantom; inoffensive to the good, but terrible to the wicked. Its name was in that case Larva. (Festus, p. 200, ed. Dacier.—Bulenger, de Prodig., 4, 20. — Graev., Thes. Antiq. Rom., 5, p. 480, scqq.) As, however, there was no way of precisely ascertaining what had been the lot of a deceased person, whether he had become, for example, a Lar or a Larva, it was customary to give to the dead the general appellation of Manes. (Deus Manis.) Varro, in a more extended sense, if we credit Arnobius, re§. the Lares, at one time, as identical with the

anes, the tutelary genii of the living and the dead; at another time, as gods and heroes roaming in the air; and at another, again, as spirits or souls separated from bodies, as Lemures or Larvae. The mother of the Lares was called Lara or Larunda. (Arnobius, adv. Gent, 3, 41.—Macrob., Sat., 1, 7–Marini, gli Atti., 2, p. 373.) This conception of the Lares, as the souls of fathers and of forefathers, protectors of their children, and watching over the safety of their descendants, necessarily gave rise to the custom of burying the dead within the dwelling. (Scrp., ad Virg., AEm., 5, 64.—Id., ad AEn., 6, 152.—Isidor., Orig., 15, 11. —Zoega, de Obelisc., p. 269.) Men wished to have near them these tutelary genii, in order to be certain of their assistance and support. In process of time, however, this custom was prohibited at Rome by the laws of the Twelve Tables. (Cic., de Leg., 2, 23.) It was general in early Greece, and among the primitive population of Italy. (Plat., Min., p. 254, ed. Bekker.)—The meaning attached to the word Lar being of itself extremely general, had among the ancients different acceptations. (Compare Müller, de Diis Romanorum Larbus et Penatibus, p. 60.) Analogous to the demons (or genii) and heroes of the Greeks, the Lares, pure spirits, invisible masters and protectors, and everywhere present, limited, as little as the Penates, their domain to the domestic hearth. The Etrurians, and the Romans after them, had their Larcs publici and Lares privati. (Hempel., de Duis Laribus, p. xxiv., seqq.) The Lares were supposed to assist at all gatherings together of men, at all public assemblies or reunions, in all transactions of men, in all the most important affairs of the state as well as of individuals. Born in the house, in the bosom of the family, the notion of Lares went forth by little and little; extended itself to the streets, to the public ways; above all, to the cross-roads, where the peril was greater for passengers, and where assistance was more immediately necessary. From this it extended itself to communities, to entire cities, and even to whole countries. Hence the numerous classes of the Lares and their various denominations, such as viales, ruales, compitales, grundiles, hostiles, &c. If each individual had his Lar, his genius, his guardian spirit, even the infant at the breast ; so entire families, and whole races and nations, were cqually under the protection of one of these tutelar deities. Here the Lares became in some degree confounded with the Heroes, that is, with the spirits of those who, having deserved well of their country while on earth, continued to watch over and protect it from that mansion in the skies to which their merits had exalted them. It would seem, too, that at times, the worship of these public Lares, like that of the public Penates, was not without some striking resemblance to that rendered to the great national divinities. The proof that the Lares were not always clearly distinguished from the gods, or, at least, were closely assimilated to the demons and heroes, is found in an ancient inscription: “The Lares, powerful in heaven” (Lares Coilo potentes), that is, most probably, inhabiting the region of the air, where they exercised their power. (Gracr., Thes, 5, p 686, seqq.—Spanheim, de Vesta, &c.)—

All that the house contained was confided to the superintending care of these vigilant genii: they were set as a watch over all things large and small, and hence the name of Praestites, which is sometimes given them. (Ovid, Fast., 5, 128, 133.) Hence the dog was the natural symbol of the Lares; an image of this animal was placed by the side of their statues, or else these were covered with the skin of a dog. (Creuzer, Comment. Herod., 1, p. 239.)—The ordinary altar on which sacrifices were offered to the Lares was the domestic hearth. The victims consisted of a hog (Horat., Od., 3, 23) or a fowl; sometimes, with the rich, of a young steer; to them were also presented the first of all the fruits of the season, and libations of wine were poured out. In all the family repasts, the first thing done was to cast a portion of all the viands into the fire that burned on the hearth, in honour of the Lares. In the form of marriage, called coentio, the bride always threw a piece of money on the hearth to the Lares of her family, and deposited another in the neighbouring cross-road, in order to obtain admission, as it were, into the dwelling of her husband. (Non. Marc. de propr. Serm., c. 12, p. 784, ed. Gothofred.) Young persons, after their fifteenth year, consecrated to the Lares the bulla which they had worn from infancy. (Pers., Sat., 5, 31.) Soldiers, when their time of service was once ended, dedicated to these powerful genii the arms with which they had fought the battles of their country. (Orul, Trust., 4, 8, 21.) Captives and slaves restored to freedom consecrated to the Lares the setters from which they had just been freed. (Horat., Sat., 1, 5.) Before undertaking a journey, or after a successful return, homage was paid to these deities, their protection was implored, or thanks were rendered for their guardian care. (Orid, Trist., 1,3,33–Müller, de Dils Rom. Lar. et Penal., p. 70.-Ev. Otto, de Diis vialibus, c. 9.) The new master of a house crowned the Lares, in order to render them propitious ; a custom which was of the most universal nature, and which was perpetuated to the latest times. (Plaut., Trinum., 1, 2, 1.-Creuzer, Comment. Herod., 1, p. 235.) The proper place for worshipping the Lares, and where their images stood, was called Lararium, a sort of domestic chapel in the Atrium, where were also to be seen the images and busts of the family ancestors. The rich had often two Lararia, one large and the other small ; they had also “Masters of the Lares,” and “Decurios of the Lares,” namely, slaves specially charged with the care of these domestic chapels and the images of their divinities. As to the poor, their Lares had to be content with the simple hearth, where honours not less simple were paid to them. (For farther details re

specting the Lararia, consult Guther, de Veteri jure

Pontificio, 3, 10.—Grav., Thes, 5, p. 139.)—Certain

public festivals were also celebrated in honour of the

Lares, called Lararia and Compitalia. The period

for their celebration fell in the month of December,

a little after that of the Saturnalia. On this occasion the Lares were worshipped as propitious deities:

hence these festivals were marked by a gay and joyful

character, and thus formed a direct contrast to the gloomy Lemuria. The Compitalia, dedicated to the

Lares Compitales, were celebrated in the open air, in the cross-roads (ubi via competunt, in computis.-Dio.

Hal., 4, 14.—Aul. Gell., N. A., 10, 24.—Siccama in Fastos Calend. Rom.—Grav., Thes., 8, p. 69, &c.);

the day of their celebration was not fixed. They were introduced at Rome by Servius Tullius, who left to the senate the care of determining the period when they should be held. In early times, children were immolated to the goddess Mania, the mother, according to some, of the Lares, to propitiate her favour for the protection of the family. This barbarous rite was subsequently abolished, and little balls of wool were hung up in the stead of human offerings at the gates of dwellings. Macrobius (Sat., 1,7) informs us, that it was Junius Brutus who, after the expulsion of the Tarquins, introduced a new form of sacrifice, by virtue of which, heads of garlic and poppies were offered up in place of human heads, ut, pro capitibus, capitibus supplicaretur, in accordance with the oracle of Apollo. Every family, during these festivals, brought a cake for an offering; slaves enjoyed a perfect equality with their masters, as on the Saturnalia; and it was slaves, not free men, that assisted the priests in the sacrifices offered up on this occasion to the tutelary genii of the ways. (Dion. Hal.,4—Cic., ad Att., 7, 7.—Horat., Od., 3, 17, 14, and Mitscherlich, ad Horat, l.c.) In case of death in a family, a sacrifice of sheep was offered up to the family Lares. (Cic., de Leg., 2, 22, 55, where we must read, with Görenz, vernecibus.—Marini, Atti, &c., 1, p. 373.)—As regards the forms under which the Lares were represented, it may be observed, that it differed often but little from that of the Penates. Thus, on the coins of the Caesian family, they are represented as two young men, seated, their heads covered with helmets, and holding spears in their hands, while a dog watches at their feet. Sometimes, as we have already remarked, the heads of the Lares are represented as covered with, or their mantle as formed of, the skin of a dog. At other times we find the Lares resembling naked children, with the bulla hanging from the neck, and always accompanied by the attribute of the dog. (Creuzer, Symbolik, par Guigniaut, vol. 2, pt. l, }. 416, seqq.) AriNUM, a town of Apulia, which appears to have belonged once to the Frentani, from the name of Larinates Frentani attached to its inhabitants by Pliny (3, 12). It was situate on the road which led from Picenum into Apulia. (Liv., 22, 18.) Its ruins, which are said to be considerable, occupy the site called Larina Vecchio. (Romanelli, vol. 3, p. 20.) Larissa, I. a town of Syria, on the western side of the Orontes, southeast of Apamea. It was either founded or else re-established by Seleucus Nicator. (Appian, B. Syr., c. 57.) Pliny calls the inhabitants Larissaei (5, 23). The city appears to have made no figure in history. Its true Oriental name would seem to have been Sizara, or something closely resembling it. Stephanus Byzantinus (s. v.) gives Sizara (Xi'apa) as the Syriac name of the place, and Abulfeda (Tab. Syr., p. 110) and other Arabian writers speak of a fortress in this quarter named Schaizar or Sjaizar. (Compare Schultens, Index ad Vitam Saladini, s. v. Siajzarum.)—II. A town of Lydia, in the Caystrian field, and territory of Ephesus. It had a famous temF. of Apollo. Larissa was situate near Mount Tmous, 180 stadia from Ephesus, and 30 stadia from Tralles, on the northern side of the Messogis. The adjacent country produced very good wine. (Strabo, 620.) —III. A town on the coast of Troas, north of Colonae and Alexandrea Troas. Whether it is the same with the place assigned by Homer to the Pelasgi (Il., 2, 841) is uncertain. Strabo, however, decides in favour of the Larissa below Cumae. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 8, p. 465.)—IV. A town of Æolis, in Asia Minor, to the southeast of Cyme, and on the northern bank of the Hermus. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 3, p. 394.) It is supposed by Strabo to have been the same with the Larissa mentioned by Homer (Il., 2, 841), and was called by the AEolians, after it was taken by them from the Pelasgi, Phriconis, for distinction' sake from the other Larissas. Cyme was also named Phriconis. (Strabo, 621.) Another appellation given to the place was Larissa AEgyptiaca, because it was said to have been one of the towns which Cyrus the elder gave to the Egyptians who had come over to him from the army of Croesus. (Xen., Cyrop., 7, 1, 45–Compare Hist. Gr., 3, 1, 7.) In Strabo's time the place was uninhabited.—W. A city of Assy

ria, on the banks of the Tigris. The ten thousand found it deserted and in ruins. , Xenophon states that it had been once inhabited by the Medes. (Anab., 3,

4, 7.) Bochart (Geogr. Sacr., 4, 23) considers it

identical with the city mentioned in Genesis (10, 12) under the name of Resen; but Michaelis opposes this. (Spicileg. Geogr. Hebr., vol. 1, p. 247.)—VI. An ancient and flourishing city of Thessaly, on the river Peneus, to the northeast of Pharsalus. It is not mentioned by Homer, unless, indeed, the Argos Pelasgicum of the poet is to be identified with it (Il., 2,681), and this notion would not be entirely groundless if, as Strabo (440) informs us, there was once a city named Argos close to Larissa. The same geographer has enumerated all the ancient towns of the latter name, and we may collect from his researches that it was peculiar to the Pelasgi, since all the countries in which it was found had at different periods been occupied by that people. (Compare Dion. Hal., 1, 21.) This city was placed in that most fertile part of the province which had been occupied by the Perrhaebi, who were partly expelled by Larissaeans, while the rest were kept in close subjection, and rendered tributary. According to Aristotle, the constitution of this city was democratical. Its magistrates were elected by the people, and considered themselves as dependant on their favour. (Aristot., de Rep., 5, 6.) This fact will account for the support which the Athenians derived from the republic of Larissa during the Peloponnesian war. (Thucyd., 2, 32.) The Aleuada, mentioned by Herodotus as princes of Thessaly at the time of the Persian invasion, were natives of this city. (Herod., 9, 58.) Diodorus Siculus (16, 61) informs us, that the citadel of Larissa was a place of great strength. Though the territory of this city was rich and fertile, it was subject to great losses, eaused by the inundations of the Peneus. (Strabo, 440.-Plin., 4, 8.-Hierocl., Synecdem., p. 642.) Dr. Clarke states that he could discover no ruins at Larissa, which still retains the ancient name; but that the inhabitants gave the name of Old Larissa to a Palaeo Castro, which is situated upon some very high rocks, at four hours' distance towards the east (vol. 7, p. 339). Dr. Holland and Mr. Dodwell are, however, of opinion, that the modern Larissa stands upon the remains of the ancient city. (Holland's Travels, p. 390.-Dodwell's Tour, vol. 2, p. 100.—Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 385, seqq.)—VII. Cremaste, so called from the steepness of its situation, a city of Thessaly in the distriot Phthiotis, and south of Phthiotic Thebe. It lay in the domains of Achilles, and it is probably from that circumstance that Virgil gives him the title of Larissacus, unless this epithet is a general one for Thessalicus. Dodwell thought he discovered the ruins of this place at about three quarters of an hour's distance from the village of Gradista (vol. 2, p. 81.-Compare Gell's Itinerary of Greece, p. 252.)—VIII. An old town of the Pelasgi in Attica, near Mount Hymettus. Some ruins, indicative of the site of an ancient town near the monastery of Syriani, at the foot of Mount Trelo Wouni, have been thought to correspond with this ancient Pelasgic settlement. (Strabo, 440.)—IX. A town on the confines of Elis and Achaia. (Xen., Hist. Gr., 3, 2, 17.)—X. The acropolis of Argos, deriving its name, as was said, from Larissa, daughter of Pelasgus. It was also called Aspis. (Plut., Wit. Cleom. —Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 244.) LARissaeus, an epithet applied by Virgil (Æn., 2, 197; 11, 404) to Åchilles, either with reference to the town of Larissa Cremaste, which lay within his dominions (vid. Larissa VII.), or as equivalent generally to Thessalicus. Heyne prefers the latter interpretation (ad AEm., 2, 197). LARissus, a river of Achaia, forming the line of separation between that country and Elis. (Pausan, 7. 17–Plin., 4, 5.) Strabo informs us % it flowed 2

from Mount Scollis, which Homer (Il., 11, 757) designates by the name of “Olenian rock.” (Strabo, 387.) The modern name of this river is Risso or Mana. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 73.) LArius, Lacus, a lake of Cisalpine Gaul, north of the Padus, and east of the Lacus Verbanus. The name Larius is supposed to have been of Etrurian origin. Whatever truth, however, there may have been in this conjecture, there is no mention of the name prior to the time of Polybius, who, as Strabo (209) reports, estimated its length at 300 stadia and its breadth at 30, or 38 miles by 4. Servius says that Cato reckoned 60 miles from one extremity to the other, and the real distance, including the Lake of Chiapenna, is not short of that measurement; so that Virgil (Georg., 2, 159) seems justified in saying, “Anne lacus tantos ? te Lari maxime—” The younger Pliny had two villas on this lake, which he describes (Epist., 9, 7). The one which he calls his Tragedy stood probably at Bellagio, as from thence the view extends over both arms of the lake. The intermitting fountain, of which he gives an account (4, 20), still exists under the name of Pliniana. This lake receives the Addua or Adda, which again emerges from it, and pursues its course to the Po. The modern name is Lago di Como, from the modern Como, the ancient Comum. The surrounding country is highly picturesque, being covered with vineyards, interspersed with beautiful villas, and skirted by lofty mountains. A headland, running boldly into the lake at its southern end, causes it to branch off into two arms, at the extremity of the western one of which the town of Como is situate. Lars or LARTEs Tolumnius, a king of the Veientes, slain in battle by Cornelius Cossus. (Vid. Spolia Opima.—Liv., 4, 17.—Id., 4, 19.) LARtius Florus, I. T., a consul, who appeased a sedition raised by the poorer citizens, and was the first dictator ever chosen at Rome, B.C. 498. (Liv., 2, 18.)—II. Spurius, one of the three Romans who withstood the fury of Porsenna's army at the head of a bridge while the communication was cutting down behind them. His companions were Cocles and Herminius. (Vid. Cocles.—Liv., 2, 10, 18.-Dionys. H. —Val. Max., 3, 2.) LAR v AE, a name given to the wicked spirits and apparitions which, according to the notions of the Romans, issued from their graves in the night, and came to terrify the world. (Consult remarks under the article Lares.) LAsus, a celebrated dithyrambic poet, born at Hermione in Argolis, and, according to some authorities, the instructer of Pindar. (Thom. Mag., Wit. Pind.) He was contemporary with Simonides (Aristoph., Vesp., 1401–Schol, Vesp., 1402), and flourished in the reign of Hipparchus at Athens (Herod., 7, 6), and in the reign | Darius. (Schol., Vesp., 1401.) He was the first that introduced the dithyrambic measure into the celebrations at the Olympic games. The poet Archilochus, however, who was much older than Lasus, uses the word Dithyrambus in two verses cited by Athenaeus (p. 628), so that Lasus could not have been the inventor of this species of measure. (Bentley, Diss. on Phalaris, p. 254, ed. 1816.) LatinAF FERIAE, or Latin Holydays, a festival among the Romans. It was originally the solemn meeting of the cantons of Latium, and afterward, on the overthrow of the Latin republic, was converted into a Roman celebration. At first the Romans took part in it, as members of the Latin confederacy, into which they had entered by virtue of an old treaty, made A.U.C. 261, which placed the thirty cities of Latium on a perfect equality with the Romans. The place for holding the festival was the Alban Mount; and, so long as Latium had a dictator, none but he could offer a sacrifice there, and preside at the holydays. He sacrificed on behalf of the Romans likewise, as they did

in the temple of Diana on the Aventine, for themselves and the Latins. Tarquinius Priscus assumed the presidency on the Alban Mount, as it was subsequently exercised by the chief magistrates of Rome, after the dissolution of the Latin state; but the opinion that Tarquinius instituted the festival is quite erroneous, as its antiquity is proved to have been far higher. Like the Greek festivals, this Latin one ensured a sacred truce. It lasted four days. The consuls always celebrated the Latin Holydays before they set out to their provinces; and if they had not been rightly performed, or if anything had been omitted, it was necessary that they should be repeated. (Consult on this whole subject Niebuhr, Rom. Hist., vol. 2, p. 16, seqq., Eng. transl.) Latini, the inhabitants of Latium. (Wid. Latium.) Latinus, I. a son of Faunus by Marica, king of the Aborigines in Italy, who from him were called Latini. He married Amata, by whom he had a son and a daughter. The son died in his infancy, and the daughter, called Lavinia, was secretly promised in marriage by her mother to Turnus, king of the Rutuli, one of her most powerful admirers. The gods opposed this union, and the oracles declared that Lavinia must become the wife of a foreign prince. The arrival of Æneas in Italy seemed favourable to the realization of this prediction, and Latinus was prompted to become the friend and ally of the Trojan prince, and to offer him his daughter in marriage. Turnus, upon this, declared

war against the king and Æneas, but lost his life in

battle by the hand of the latter, who thereupon received Lavinia as his spouse. Latinus died soon after, and AFneas succeeded him on the throne of Latium. So says the fabulous legend. (Wid. Atoneas.—Virg., AEn., 9, &c.—Ovid, Met., 13, &c.; Fast., 2, &c.—Dion. Hal., 1, 13. — Liv., 1, 1, &c.—Justin, 43, 1.)—II. A son of Sylvius AEneas, surnamed also Sylvius. He was the fifth king of the Latins, and succeeded his father. (Dion. Hal., 1, 15.) Latium, a country of Italy, lying south of Etruria, from which it was separated by the Tiber—The earliest records of Italian history, as we are assured by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (1, 9), represented the plains of Latium as first inhabited by the Siculi, a people of obscure origin, but who would be entitled to our notice from the circumstance above mentioned, even had they not acquired additional historical importance from their subsequent migration to the celebrated island from them named Sicily. (Wid. Siculi.) Ancient writers do not seem agreed as to the name of the people who compelled the Siculi to abandon Latium. Dionysius informs us, that Philistus ascribed their expulsion to the Umbri and Pelasgi. Thucydides refers the same event to the Opici; while Antiochus of Syracuse, a still more ancient writer, represents the Siculi as flying from the OEnotri. Notwithstanding this apparent discrepance, it is pretty evident, that under these different names of Umbri, Opici, and CEnotri, the same people are designated whom Dionysius and the Roman historians usually term Aborigines. (Ant. Rom., 1, 10.) The Aborigines, intermixing with several Pelasgic colonies, occupied Latium, and soon formed themselves into the several communities of Latini, Rutuli, Hernici, and Volsci, even prior to the Trojan war and the supposed arrival of AEneas.-The name of Prisci Latini was first given to certain cities of Latium, supposed to have been colonized by Latinus Sylvius, one of the kings of Alba, but most of which were afterward conquered and destroyed by Ancus Marcius and Tarquinius Priscus. (Liv., 1, 3.) In the reign of Tarquinius Superbus we find the Latin nation united under the form of a consederate republic, and acknowledging that ambitious prince as the protector of their league. (Liv., 1, 50.) After the expulsion of the tyrant from Rome, we are told that the Latins, who favoured his cause,

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