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is the discourse entitled IIavnyvpukóc, Panegyricus, or “Panegyrical Oration,” i.e., a discourse pronounced before the assembled people. The Panegyric of Isocrates was delivered at the Olympic games, and was written in the time of the Lacedæmonian ascendancy. He exhorts the Lacedæmonians and Athenians to vie with each other in a noble emulation, and to unite their forces in an expedition against Asia; and he descants eloquently on the merits and glories of the Athenian commonwealth, on the services it had rendered to Greece, and on its high intellectual cultivation; while he defends it from the charges, urged by its enemies, of tyranny by sea, and of oppression towards its colonies. Among the other twenty discourses of Isocrates, there are three of the parenetic or moral kind: 1. IIpăc Amuávikov, “Discourse addressed to Demonicus,” the son of Hipponicus, who, with his brother Callias, belonged to the highest class of Athenian citizens. It consists of moral precepts for the conduct of life and the regulation of the deportment of the young. Many critics have thought that this piece, abounding with excellent morality, and resembling an epistle rather than a discourse, is not the work of the Athenian Isocrates, but of one of two other orators of the same name, of whom mention is made by the ancient writers, namely, Isocrates of Apollonia, or Heraclea in Pontus, who was a disciple of the Athenian philosopher; and Isocrates the friend of Dionysius of Halicarnassus. One thing is certain, that Harpocration cites a discourse of the Apollonian Isocrates, under the title of IIapatvequo Tpoc Amuávukov, and it is not probable that the master and his disciple would have written exhortations addressed to the same individual. As regards the third Isocrates just mentioned, it is very doubtful whether he ever existed.—2. IIpóg Nukókåea, Discourse addressed to Nicocles II., son of Evagoras, and prince of Salamis in Cyprus, on the art of reigning.—3. Nuxoxão, Nicocles, a discourse composed for this prince, to be pronounced by him, and treating of the duties of subjects towards their sovereigns. Nicocles is said to have H. Isocrates, in return, with twenty talents.

his piece is sometimes cited under the name of the Cyprian Discourse, Körptor 26)0s. Five other discourses of Isocrates are of the deliberative kind. 1. The Panegyric, of which we have already spoken.— 2. bižarrog, or IIpêc bíAttrirov, “Discourse addressed to Philip of Macedon,” to induce him to act as mediator between the Greek cities, and to make war against Persia.-3. 'Apxidauoc, Archidamus. Under the name of this prince, who afterward ascended the throne of Sparta, the orator endeavours to persuade the Lacedaemonians, after the battle of Mantinea, not to relinquish Messenia.-4. 'Apetorayurukdo, Areopagiticus. One of the best discourses of Isocrates. In it he counsels the Athenians to re-establish the constitution of Solon, as modified by Clisthenes.—5. IIepi eipävno, ovuuaxukóg, “Of Peace,” or, “Respecting the Allies.” In this discourse, pronounced aster the commencement of the social war, Isocrates advises the Athenians to make peace with the inhabitants of Chios, Rhodes, and Byzantium. We have also four discourses by this writer that fall under the head of éloges (kykouaorukoi): viz., 1. Ebayópac, Evagoras. A funeral oration on Evagoras, king of Cyprus, and father of Nicocles, who had been assassinated, Ol. 101, 3. –2. ‘Exévnç Hykóutov, Eloge on Helen, a piece full of pleasing digressions.—3. Boüaupts, Busiris. The {. mythology speaks of this son of Neptune and Lysianassa, who reigned in Egypt, and introduced into that country human sacrifices. Hercules delivered the earth from this monster. The sophist Polycrates had written on Busiris; Isocrates, who hated him because he had published an accusation of Socrates, wished, in treating of the same sub

ject, to mortify the sophist and make his work a failure.—4. IIavathyvaikóg, Panathenaicus. An eloge on the Athenians; one of the best pieces of Isocrates, but which has reached us in a defective state—We have likewise from the pen of Isocrates eight discourses of a legal nature, or 26)ot dukávikot.—1. IIzarairóc, Complaint of the inhabitants of Platata against the Thebans.—2. IIepi ric divrtóóaeoc, “Of the ezchanging of property with another.” According to the Athenian laws, the three hundred richest citizens were obliged to equip triremes, furnish the commonwealth with necessary supplies of money, &c. If any person appointed to undergo one of these duties could find another citizen of better substance than himself who was not on the list, then the informer was excused and the other put in his place. If the person named, however, denied that he was the richer of the two, then they exchanged estates. Isocrates, having acquired great riches, had twice to undergo this species of prosecution. The first time he was defended by his adopted son Alphareus, and gained his cause ; the second time he was attacked by a certain Lysimachus, was unsuccessful in his defence, and compelled to equip a trireme. The present discourse was delivered by Isocrates on this latter occasion. It has reached us in an imperfect state, but has been completed in our own days by the discoveries of a modern scholar, Moustoxydes.—3. IIepi rod (eiyovo. A pleading respecting a team of horses, pronounced for the son of Alcibiades.—4. Toasteşttukóc, a pleading against the banker Pasion, pronounced by the son of Sopæus, who had confided a sum of money to his care. Pasion had denied the deposite.—5. IIapaypapt Koç Tpóc Ka22 suaxov. An “actio translatira” against Callimachus.— 6. Atytvmrukóc, a pleading pronounced at Ægina in a matter of succession.—7. Karā Toi, Aoxtrov, a pleading against Lochites for personal violence against a certain individual whose name is not given. We have only the second part of this discourse.—8. 'Audprwpoc, or IIpos: Eith vovy irèp Nuktov, “Pleading for Nicias against Euthymus.” The latter was a faithless depositary, who reckoned on the impossibility of proving a certain deposite through want of witnesses to the transaction.—We have finally a discourse of Isocrates against the Sophists (kara rāv cootarāv), which must be placed in a class by itself. There was also a work on Rhetoric composed by him, more commonly called a Téxvm, “Theory.” Cicero states that he was unable to procure this work (De Invent., 2, 2): it is cited, however, by Quintilian (Inst. Or., 3, 1, et 14.) —The best edition of the Greek text is that of Bekker, forming part of his Oratores Attici. (Berol., 1822–1823, 8vo.—Orat. Att., vol. 2.) The two most useful editions are, that of Lange, Hal., 1803, 8vo, and that of Coray, Paris, 1807, 8vo, forming the second volume of the B162 totoxm "E22mukň. This last is based upon a MS. brought from Italy to France, which is the earliest one extant of our author. Coray's edition is accompanied with very learned notes, and may, upon the whole, be regarded as the editio optima. The editions of Battie, Cantab., 1729, 2 vols. 8vo, and of Auger, Paris, 1782, 3 vols. 8vo, are not remarkable, especially the latter, for a very accurate text. Auger's work abounds with typographical errors, and he is also charged with a careless collating of MSS. The best edition of the Panegyricus is that of Morus and Spohn, with the notes and additions of Baiter, Lips., 1831, 8vo. In the preface of this edition (p. xxxi), there are some very just remarks on the Greek text of Bekker.—We have already alluded to the completing of the oration IIepi ävrtóðgewo, by Moustoxydes. This scholar found a perfect MS. of the discourse in question in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, and published an edition of the entire piece in 1812 at Milan. It is, however, very inaccurately printed. A more correct edition was published by Orellius, in 1814, 8vo, with a double commentary, critical and philological, in German ; and also a smaller edition, containing merely the Greek text with various readings. These two editions are more accurate than that of Milan. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 2, p. 208, seqq.—Hoffmann, Lez. Bibliograph., vol. 2, p. 620.) ssa, one of the smallest of the Dalmatian islands,

but the best known in history. It is mentioned by Scylax as a Greek colony (p. 8), which, according to Scymnus of Chios, was sent from Syracuse (v. 412). Issa is often alluded to by Polybius in his account of the Illyrian war. It was attacked by Teuta; but the siege was raised on the appearance of the Roman fleet, and the inhabitants immediately placed themselves under the protection of that power. (Appian, Illyr., 7.—Polyb., 2, 11.) It became afterward a constant station for the Roman galleys in their wars with the kings of Macedon. (Liv., 43, 9.) In Caesar's time the town appears to have been very flourishing, for it is styled “nobilissimum earum regionum oppidum” (B. Alez., 47), and Pliny informs us that the inhabitants were Roman citizens. (Plin., 3, 21.) Athenaus states that the wine of this island was much esteemed (1, 22). Its present name is Lissa. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 44.)

IssèdóNes, the principal nation in Serica, whose metropolis was Sera, now Kant-schu, in the Chinese province of Shen-Si, without the great wall. . This city has been erroneously confounded with Pekin, the capital of China, which is 300 leagues distant. They had also two towns, both called Issedon, but distinguished by the epithets of Serica and Scythica. (Ptol. —Bischoff und Muller, Wörterb. der Geogr., p. 649.)

Issus, a town of Cilicia Campestris, at the foot of the main chain of Amanus, and nearly at the centre of the head of the gulf to which it gave its name (Issicus Sinus). Xenophon describes Issus ("Iagot, in the plural) as a considerable town in his time. , Cyrus remained here three days, and was joined by his fleet from the Peloponnesus. These ships anchored close to the shore, where Cyrus had his quarters. (Anab., 1, 4.—Compare Arrian, Erp. Alez., 2, 7.-Diod. Sic., 17, 32.) Issus was famous for the victory gained here by Alexander over Darius. The error on the part of the Persian monarch was in selecting so contracted a spot for a pitched battle. The breadth of the plain of Issus, between the sea and the mountains, appears from Callisthenes, quoted by Polybius, not to exceed fourteen stadia, less than two miles, a space very inadequate for the manoeuvres of so large an army as that of Darius. The ground was, besides, broken, and intersected by many ravines and torrents which descended from the mountains. The principal one of these, and which is frequently mentioned in the narrative of this momentous battle, is the Pinarus. The two armies were at first drawn up on opposite banks of this stream; Darius on the side of Issus, Alexander towards Syria. A clear notion of the whole affair may be obtained from the narratives of Arrian, Curtius, and Plutarch, and from the critical remarks of Polybius on the statement of Callisthenes. The town of Issus, in Strabo's time, was only a small place with a port. (Strab., 676.) Stephanus says it was called Nicopolis, in consequence of the victory gained by Alexander (s. v. 'Iacoc). Strabo, however, speaks of Nicopolis as a distinct place from Issus. Cicero reports that, during his expedition against the mountaineers of Amanus, he occupied Issus for some days. (Ep. ad Att., 5, 20.) Issus was also remarkable, at a later day, for the defeat of Niger by Severus. The modern Aiasse appears to correspond to the site of the ancient town. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 359, seqq.—Compare Rennell, Geography of Western Asia, vol. 2, p. 94.)

IstER, I. a native of Cyrene, who flourished under Ptolemy III. of Egypt. Suidas makes him to have been a disciple of Callimachus. Besides his 'Atriká, in sixteen books, he left a number of other works, on Egypt, Argolis, Elis, &c. A few fragments only remain, which were collected and published with those of Demon, another historian, by Siebelis and Lenz, Lips., 1812, 8vo.—II. The name of the eastern part of the Danube, after its junction with the Savus or Saave. The term is evidently of Teutonic or German origin (Osten, “east”).

Isthmia, sacred games among the Greeks, which received their name from the Isthmus of Corinth, where they were observed. They were instituted in honour of Melicertes, who was changed into a sea-deity when his mother Ino had thrown herself into the sea with him in her arms. After they had been celebrated for some time with great regularity, an interruption took place, at the expiration of which they were re-established by Theseus in honour of Neptune. These games were celebrated every five years. (Alex. ab Aler., Gen. D., 5, 8.) When Corinth was destroyed by Mummius, the Roman general, they were still observed with the usual solemnity, and the Sicyonians were intrusted with the superintendence, which had been before one of the privileges of the ruined Corinthians. Combats of every kind were exhibited, and the victors were rewarded with garlands of pine leaves. Some time aster the custom was changed, and the victor received a crown of dry and withered parsley. At a subsequent period, however, the pine again was adopted. (Consult, for the reason of these changes, the remarks of Plutarch, Sympos., 5, 3–0p., ed. Reiske, vol. 8, p. 687, seqq.)

Isthmus, a small neck of land which joins a country to another, and prevents the sea from making them separate, such as that of Corinth, called often the Isthmus by way of eminence, which joins Peloponnesus to Greece. (Vid. Corinthi Isthmus.)

IstitíA or Histria, a peninsula lying to the west of Liburnia, and bounded on the south and west by the Adriatic. It was anciently a part of Illyricum. Its circuit and shape are accurately described and defined by Strabo (314) and Pliny (3, 19). Little is known respecting the origin of the people: but an old geographer describes them as a nation of Thracian race (Scymn. Ch., Perieg., .390), and this opinion seems at least to have probability in its favour. There is little to interest in the account of the wars waged by the Romans against this insignificant people; it is to be found in Livy (41, 1, seqq.): they were completely subjugated A.U.C. 575. Augustus included Istria in Cisalpine Gaul, or rather Italy, removing the limit of the latter country from the river Formio (Risano) to the little river Arsia. (Plin., 3, 18.) The Greeks, in their sanciful mythology, derived the name of Istria from that of the Ister or Danube; they conveyed the Argonauts from the Euxine into the Ister, and then, by an unheard-of communication between this river and the Adriatic, launched their heroes into the waters of the latter. (Scylar, Peripl., p. 6.-Strabo, 46.-Aristot., Hist. Anim., 8, 13.) N. satisfied, however, with these wonders, they affirmed that a band of Colchians, sent in pursuit of Jason and Medea, followed the same course, and, wearied by a fruitless search, rested in Istria, and finally settled on its shores. (Pomp. Mel., 2, 3.) This strange error no longer prevailed in the time of Strabo, when Istria had become known to the Romans, and formed part of their vast empire. (Cramer's Ancient Italy, vol. 1, p. 134, seqq.)

*orous, a city of Thraee, situate on the coast of the Euxine, below the mouth of the Ister, where a lagune or salt lake, called Halmyris, formed by an arm of the Danube, has its issue into the sea. It appears to be succeeded at the present day by o called - l

Kara-Kermon, or “the black fortress.” Istropolis is said to have been founded by a Milesian colony. (Plin., 4, 11.) Tt Aby Rius, a mountain of Galilaea Inferior, near the southern limits of the tribe of Zebulon, and southeast from Carmel. According to Josephus (Bell. Jud., 4, 6), it was 30 stadia high, and had on its summit a plain of 26 stadia in extent. Its modern name is Thabor. This mountain is supposed by some to have been the scene of our Saviour's transfiguration. Jerome, Cyrill, and other writers, are in favour of the position, but it is opposed by Reland (Palastin., p. 247). The name Thabor or Tabor, which was also the ancient one among the natives, appears to be derived from the Hebrew tabbor, “a height” or “summit.” (Reland, l. c.) The Greek writers call it 6abóp and 'Arabūptov (or 'Irabüptov) bpoc. (Compare the Jupiter Atabyrius of Rhodes and Agrigentum, and the remarks of Ritter, Vorhalle, p. 339.) On the summit of this mountain was situate a sortified town called Atabyrion. (Polyb., 5, 70.-Wid. Atabyrion.) Mount Thabor is situate two leagues southeast of Nazareth, rising out of the great plain of Esdraclon, at its eastern side. Its figure is that of a truncated cone, and its elevation, according to Buckingham, about 1000 feet; but, from the circumstance mentioned by Burckhardt, of thick clouds resting on it in the morning in summer, and his being an hour in ascending it, it may perhaps be considered as higher than Buckingham supposed, though, from the same time occupied in the ascent, not more than 400 or 500 feet, or from 1400 to 1500 in all. It is represented as entirely calcareous. Dr. Richardson describes it as a dark-looking, insulated conical mountain, rising like a tower to a considerable height above those around it. On the summit is a plain about a mile in circumference, which shows the remains of the ancient fortress mentioned above. The view from this spot is said to be one of the finest in the country. Italia, a celebrated country of Europe, bounded on the north by the Alps, on the south by the Ionian Sea, on the northeast by the Adriatic or Mare Superum, and on the southwest by the Mare Tyrrhenum or Inserum. It was called Hesperia by the Greeks, from its western situation in relation to Greece (Virg., AEn., 1,530), and received also from the Latin poets the appellation of Ausonia (Virg., AEn., 7, 54), Saturnia (Virg., Georg., 2, 173), and CEnotria. The name Italia some writers deduce from Italus, a chief of the CEnotri or Siculi (Antioch. Syrac., ap. Dion. Hal., 1,2..—Thucyd., 6, 2). Others sought the origin of the term in the Greek word trażóg, or the Latin witulus, which corresponds to it (Varro, R. R., 2, 5. —Dion. Hal., 1, 35); and others again make the name to have belonged originally to a small canton in Calabria, and to have become gradually common to the whole country. The ancients differed from us in their application of names to countries. They reso the name as belonging to the people, not to e land itself; and in this they were more correct than we are, who call nations after the countries they inhabit. Asia Minor, for example, was an appellation unknown to the earlier classic writers, and only began to come into use after the country had fallen into the hands of the Romans. Previous to this, the different nations which peopled that peninsula had their respective names, and were known by these. In the same way, a general name for what we now term Italy was not originally thought of. When the Greeks became first acquainted with this country, they observed it to be peopled with several distinct nations, as they thought; and hence we find it divided by them about the time of Aristotle into six countries or regions, Ausonia or Opica, Tyrrhenia, Iapygia, Ombria, †: ria, and Henetia. Thucydides, for instance, in speaking of Cumae, says that it is situate in Opica; and 692

Aristotle, cited by Dionysius of Halicarnassas, terms Latium a part of this same Opica. As regards the origin of the name Italia, the truth appears to be this: the appellation was first o by the early Greeks to what is now denominated Calabria ulterior, or to that southern extremity of the boot which is confined between the Sinus Terinaeus (Gulf of St. Euphemia) and the Sinus Scyllacius (Gulf of Squillace). Such, at least, is the account of Aristotle (Polit., 7, 10) and Strabo (254). This was not done because the name was in strictness confined to that section of the country, but because the Greeks knew at that early period very little, comparatively speaking, of the interior, and were as yet ignorant of the fact, that most of the numerous nations which peopled the Italian peninsula were the descendants of one common race, the Itali, who originally were spread over the whole land, even to the foot of the Alps. The nations in the south of Italy, with whom the Greeks first became acquainted, were found by them to be descended from the Itali, or, rather, they found this name in general use among thom: hence they called their section of the country by the name of Italia. As their knowledge of the interior became more enlarged, other branches of the same great race were successively discovered, and the name Italia thus gradually progressed in its application until it reached the southern limits of Cisalpine Gaul. To this latter country the name of Gallia Cisalpina was originally given, because it was peopled principally by Gauls, who had settled in these parts, and dislodged the ancient inhabitants. In confirmation of what has just been advanced, we find that, in the time of Antiochus, a son of Xenophanes, who lived about the 320th year of Rome, and a little anterior to Thucydides, the appellation Italia was given to a part of Italy which lay south of a line drawn from the small river Laus to Metapontum. (Dion. Hal., 1, p. 59.) Towards the end of the fifth century of Rome, it designated all the countries south of the Tiber and Æsis. At length, in the pages of Polybius, who wrote about the 600th year of Rome, we find the name in question given to all Italy up to the foot of the Alps. The including of Cisalpine Gaul under this appellation was an act of policy on the part of the second triumvirate, who were afraid lest, if it remained a province, some future proconsul might imitate Caesar, and overthrow with his legions the authority of the republic. At a still later period, Augustus divided Italy into eleven regions, and extended its limits on the northeast as far as Pola, thus comprehending Istria. It is somewhat remarkable, that the name Italia, after having gradually extended to the Alps, should at a subsequent epoch be limited in its application to the northern parts alone. When the Emperor Maximian, towards the close of the third century of the Christian era, transferred his residence to Milan, the usage prevailed in the West of giving the name of Italy exclusively to the five provinces of Emilia, Liguria, Flaminia, Venetia, and Istria. It was in this sense that the kings of the Lombards were styled monarchs of Italy.—As regards the other names sometimes applied to Italy, it may be observed, that they are, in strictness, names only of particular parts, extended by poetic usage to the whole country. Thus CEnotria properly applies to a part of the southeastern coast, and was given by the Greeks to this portion of the country, from the numerous vines which grew there, the name importing “wine-land.” Thus, too, Saturnia in fact belongs to one of the hills of Rome, &c.—Italy may be divided into three parts, the northern, or Gallia Cisalpina; the middle, or Italia Propria; and the southern, or Magna Græcia. Its

rincipal states were Gallia Cisalpina, Etruria, Um

ria, Picenum, Latium, Campania, Samnium and Hirpini, Apulia, Calabria, Lucania, and Brutiorum Ager. Originally the whole of Italy appears to have been peopled by one common race, the Itali, who were spread from the Alps to the southernmost extremity of the land. This position receives very strong support from the fact o the name Italus was in general use among the various nations of the Italian eninsula. In the language of fable it was the appelation of an ancient monarch. We find mention made of a King Italus among the Ausones and Opici, and likewise among the Morgetes, Siculi, and Sabini. We find, moreover, all these early tribes using one common dialect, the Oscan. Now, that such a being as Italus ever existed, appears extremely improbable; and still more so the assertion that Italy was named after this ancient king. , Daily experience proves that countries are called after the nations who inhabit them; and few, if any, examples can be adduced of nations taking an appellation from their rulers. In the present case it appears scarcely credible. We know of no so. when the different Italian tribes were under the control of a single ruler, and yet each have their Italus. Was there a monarch of this name in every district of Italy 3 and, still more, did each separate community form the resolution of deriving from their respective monarch a name for themselves and the region they inhabited, so that, finally, the common name for the whole land became Italia? Either supposition is absurd.—The name Italus, then, was the generic name of the whole race, and the land was called after it, each community being known at the same time by a specific and peculiar appellation, as Latini, Umbri, &c. The fact of the universal prevalence of the Oscan tongue is strongly corroborative of what has just been advanced. But, it may be contended, no proof exists that any king named Italus was acknowledged by the traditions of the Tuscior Umbri. The answer is an easy one. Antiquity makes mention of these as the progenitors of the Latini, among whom a King Italus appears; and Scymnus records an old authority, which makes the Umbri to have been descended from Latinus, the son of Ulysses and Circe. That these two nations, moreover, spoke a language based on the old Italic or Oscan form of speech, was discovered by the Romans in the case of the Rhaeti, a branch of the former, who had retired to the Alps upon the invasion of the Gauls. The original population of Italy then was composed of the Itali. To these came various nations, which we shall now enumerate in the order of history. The earliest of these new-comers appear to have been the Illyrian tribes, and, in particular, the Liburni, who may, with truth, be regarded as the earliest of European navigators. They extended themselves along the coast of the Adriatic as far as Iapygia. Next in the order of time were the Veneti, a branch of the great Sclavonic race (vid. Veneti), who settled between the mouths of the Po and the Illyrian Alps. Were they the earliest possessors of this part of Italy, or did they crpel the Tuscan Euranei; All is uncertainty. Of the origin of the great

trurian nation, we have already spoken under the ar. ticle Hetruria. The Siculi, who appear to have been the original inhabitants of Latium, and who were subsequently driven out and retired to Sicily (vid. Siculi), are falsely considered by some to have been of Iberian origin. . A fourth people, however, who actually came into Italy, were the Greeks. Before the time of the Trojan war there are no traces of any such emigration; but after the termination of that contest, accident threw many of the returning bands upon the Italian coast. We find them in Apulia, on the Sinus Tarentinus in CEnotria, at Pisae, and in Latium as the chief part of the population of Alba Longa. Their language, the AEolic Greek, for they were principally Achei, op. erating upon the old Italic or Oscan tongue, then prev. alent in Latium, and becoming blended, at the same time, with many peculiarities and forms of Pelasgic origin, gave rise to the Latin tongue. Trojan female captives were brought along with them by the Greeks,

but no Trojan men, nor any prince named Æneas ever set foot in the Italian peninsula. The last ancient o: who formed settlements at any early period in taly were the Gauls. They entered during the reign of Tarquinius Priscus, and successive hordes made their appearance under the following kings. They seized upon what was called, from them, Cisalpine Gaul, and one division of them, the Senones, even penetrated far into the centre of Italy. They were finally subdued by the Romans, more through the want of union than of valour—On the subject, however, of the origin of the Latin tongue, a very plausible theory was started by Jākel, which assigns it to the German. (Der Germanische Ursprung der Lateinischen Sprache, &c., Breslaw, 1831.) He makes the Latin to be mainly and essentially the dialect of a Teutonic race, that migrated from Germany into Italy by the way of the Tyrol, at a period vastly more remote than that to which Roman history reaches. The germe of this theory, however, is found in Funccius (De Origine et Pueritia, L. L., p. 64, c. 5. De Matre Lingua Latina, Germanica.)—Ancient geographers appear to have entertained different ideas of the figure of Italy. Polybius considered it, in its general form, as being like a triangle, of which the two seas meeting at the promontory of Cocinthus (Capo di Stilo) as the vortex, formed the sides, and the Alps the base. (Polyb., 2, 14.) But Strabo is more exact in his delineation, and observes, that its shape bears more resemblance to a quadrilateral than a triangular figure, with its outline rather irregular than rectilineal. (Strabo, 5,210.) Pliny describes it in shape as similar to an elongated oak-leaf, and terminating in a crescent, the horns of which would be the promontories of Leucopetra (Capo delle Armi) and Lacinium (Capo delle Colonne). According to Pliny (3, 5), the length of Italy, from Augusta Praetoria (Aosta), at the foot of the Alps, to Rhegium, the other extremity, was 1020 miles; but this distance was to be estimated, not in a direct line, but by the great road which passed through Rome and Capua. The real geographical distance, according to the best maps, would scarcely furnish 600 modern Italian miles of 60 to the degree, which are equal to about 700 ancient Roman miles. The same writer estimates its breadth from the Varus to the Arsia at 410 miles; between the mouths of the Tiber and Aternus at 136 miles; in the narrowest part, between the Sinus Scyllacius and Sinus Terinaeus, at 20 miles. The little lake of Cutiliae, near Reate (Rieti) in the Sabine country, was considered as the umbilicus or centre of Italy. (Plin., 3, 12.)—It might be expected that the classical authors of Rome would dwell with fondness on the peculiar advantages enjoyed by their favoured country. Accordingly, we find a variety of passages, which Cluverius has collected in his fifth chapter (De Natura coeli solique Italici ac laudibus esus), where the happy qualities of its soil and climate, the variety and abundance of its productions, the resources of every kind which it possesses, are proudly and eloquently displayed. Those that seem principally deserving of notice are the following: Plin., 36, 13.-Virg., Georg., 2, 136, seqq.—Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom., 1, 36.

Climate of Ancient Italy.

It has been thought by several modern writers that the climate and temperature of Italy have undergone some change during the lapse of ages, and that it was anciently colder in winter than it is at the present day. (Du Bos, Reflex., vol. 2, p. 298.-L'Abbé Longuerue, cited by Gibbon, Misc. Works, vol. 3, p. 245.) In the examination of this question, it is impossible not to consider the somewhat analogous condition of America at this day. Boston is in the same latitude with Rome, but the severity of its winter far exceeds not that of Rome only, but of Paris and London. ** that the peninsular form of Italy must at all times have had an effect in softening the climate, still the woods and marshes of Cisalpine Gaul, and the perpetual snows of the Alps, far more extensive than at present, owing to the then uncultivated and uncleared state of Switzerland and Germany, could not but have been felt even in the neighbourhood of Rome. Besides, even on the Apennines, and in Etruria and Latium, the forests occupied a far greater space than in modern times; this would increase the quantity of rain, and, consequently, the volume of water in the rivers ; the floods would be greater and more numerous, and, before man's dominion had completely subdued the whole country, there would be large accumulations of water in the low grounds, which would still farther increase the coldness of the atmosphere. The language of ancient writers, on the whole, favours the same conclusion, that the Roman winter, in their days, was more severe than it is at present. It is by no means easy to know what weight is to be given to the language of the poets, nor how far particular descriptions or expressions may have been occasioned by peculiar local circumstances. The statement of the younger Pliny (Epist., 2, 17), that the bay-tree would rarely live through the winter without shelter, either at Rome or at his own villa at Lanuvium, if taken absolutely, would prove too much; for, although the bay is less hardy than some other evergreens, yet how can it be conceived that a climate in which the olive would flourish could be too severe for the bay ! There must either have been some local peculiarity of winds or soil which the tree did not like, or else the fact, as is sometimes the case, must have been too hastily assumed; and men were afraid, from long custom, to leave the bay unprotected in the winter, although, in fact, they might have done it with safety. Yet the elder Pliny (17, 2) speaks of long snows being useful to the corn, which shows that he is not speaking of the mountains; and a long snow lying in the valleys of central or southern Italy would surely be a very unheard-of phenomenon now. Again: the freezing of the rivers, as spoken of by Virgil and Horace, is an image of winter which could not, we think, naturally suggest itself to Italian poets of the present day, at any point to the south of the Apennines. Other arf." to the same effect may be seen in a paper by

aines Barrington, in the 58th volume of the Philosophical Transactions. Gibbon, too, after stating the arguments on both sides of the question, comes to the same conclusion. (Misc. }.}. l. c.) He quotes, however, the Abbé de Longuerue as saying that the Tiber was frozen in the bitter winter of 1709.-Again: the olive, which cannot bear a continuance of severe cold, was not introduced into Italy till long after the vine : Fenestella asserted, that its cultivation was unknown as late as the reign of Tarquinius Priscus (Plin., 15, 1); and such was the notion entertained of the cold of all inland countries, that Theophrastus (Plin., 15, 1) held it impossible to cultivate the olive at the distance of more than 400 stadia from the sea. But the cold of winter is perfectly consistent with great heat in the summer. The vine is cultivated with success on the Rhine, in the latitude of Devonshire and Cornwall, although the winter at Coblentz and Bonn is far more severe than it is in Westmoreland; and evergreens will flourish through the winter in the Westmoreland valleys far better than on the Rhine or in the heart of Franco. The summer heat of Italy was probably much the same in ancient times as it is at present, except that there were a greater number of spots where shade and verdure might be found, and where its violence, therefore, was more endurable. But the difference between the temperature of summer and winter may be safely assumed to have been much greater than it is now, notwithstanding the arguments of Eustace and several other travellers. (Arnold, History of Rome, vol. 1, p. 499, seqq.)

The Malaria in Ancient and Modern Times.

It now becomes a question, whether the greater cold of the winter, and the greater extent of wood and of undrained waters which existed in the time of the Romans, may not have had a favourable influence in mitigating that malaria which is at the present day the curse of so many parts of Italy, and particularly of the immediate neighbourhood of Rome. One thing is certain, that the Campagna of Rome, which is now almost a desert, must, at a remote period, have been full of independent cities; and although the greater part of these had perished long before the fourth century of Rome, yet even then there existed Ostia, Laurentum, Ardea, and Antium on one side, and Veii and Care on the other, in situations which are now regarded as uninhabitable during the summer months; and all the lands of the Romans on which they, like the old Athenians, for the most part resided regularly, lie within the present range of the malaria. Some have supposed, that, although the climate was the same as it is now, yet the Romans were enabled to escape from its influence, and their safety has been ascribed to their practice of wearing woollen next to the skin instead of linen or cotton. But, not to notice other objections to this notion, it is enough to say that the Romans regarded unhealthy situations with the same apprehension as their modern descendants. (Cato, R. R., 2.-Varro, R. R., 1, 4.—Id., 5, 3, 5–1d., 5, 3, 12.)—On the other hand, Cicero (de Repub., 2, 6) and Livy (7, 38) both speak of the immediate neighbourhood of Rome as unhealthy; but, at the same time, they extol the positive healthiness of the city itself; ascribing it to the hills, which are at once airy themselves, and offer a screen to the low grounds from the heat of the sun. It is true, that one of the most unhealthy parts of modern Rome, the Piazza di Spagna and the slope of the Pincian Hill above it, was not within the limits of the ancient city, yet the praise of the healthiness of Rome must be understood rather comparatively with that of the immediate neighbourhood than positively. Rome, in the summer months, cannot be called healthy, even as compared with the other great cities of Italy, much less if the standard be taken from Berlin or from London. Again: the neighbourhood of Rome is characterized by ivy as “a pestilential and parched soil.” The latter epithet is worthy of notice, because the favourite opinion has been, that the malaria is connected with marshes and moisture. But it is precisely here that we may find the explanation of the spread of the malaria in modern times. Even in spring nothing can less resemble a marsh than the present aspect of the Campagna. It is far more like the down country of Dorsetshire, and, as the summer advances, it may well be called a dry and parched district. But this is exactly the character of the plains of Estremadura, where the British forces suffered so so from malaria fever in the autumn of 1809. n short, abundant experience has proved, that when the surface of the ground is wet, the malaria poison is far less noxious than when all appearance of inoisture on the surface is gone, and the damp makes its way into the atmosphere from a considerable depth under ground. If, then, more rain fell in the Campagna formerly than now; if the streams were fuller of water, and their course more rapid; above all, if, owing to the uncleared state of central Europe, and the greater abundance of wood in Italy itself, the summer heats set in later, and were less intense, and more often relieved by violent storms of rain, there is every reason to believe that the Campagna must have been far healthier than at present; and that precisely in proportion to the clearing and cultivation of central Europe, to the selling of the woods in Italy itself, the consequent decrease in the quantity of rain, the shrinking of the streams, and the disappearance of the wa

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