Obrazy na stronie


cause of all their speculations being crowned with no positive result. He is accused by some critics of

utting nothing in the place of the edifice which he F. destroyed by his sarcasms. Such, however, was not the end he had proposed to himself. It was sufficient for him to show that the systems of ancient philosophy were untenable. The one which was to occupy its place they had only to seek for, and Hermas points it out to them without naming it. This treatise was published by Seiber, Basil, 1533, 8vo, and with the notes of Wolf in Morell's Compend. de Orig. Vet. Phil., Basil, 1580, 8vo. It is found also in the Auctar. Biblioth. Patrum, Paris, 1624; and in the Oxford edition of Tatian, 8vo, 1700. The best edition, however, is that of Dommerich, Hal., 1774, 8vo. (Scholl, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 5, p. 213.-Lardner, Credibility of Gospel History, pt. 2, vol. 2, p. 555.)

HERM1öNE, I. more correctly Harmonia, daughter of Mars and Venus, and wife of Cadmus. (Vid. Harmonia.)—II. Daughter of Menelaus and Helen. She was privately engaged to her cousin Orestes, the son of Agamemnon ; but her father, on his return from Troy, being ignorant of this, gave her in marriage to Pyrrhus, otherwise called Neoptolemus. After the murder of that prince (vid. Pyrrhus), she married Orestes, and received the kingdom of Sparta as her dowry. (Virg., AEn., 3, 327, seqq.—Heyne, Ercurs., 12, ad Virg., AEn, 3.—Eurip., Androm.)—III. A city of Argolis, on the southern coast, opposite Hydrea. It was founded, according to Herodotus (8,43), by the Dryopes, whom Hercules and the Melians had expelled from the banks of the Sperchius and the valley of CEta. Pausanias describes this city as situate on a hill of moderate height, and surrounded by walls. It contained, among others, a temple of Ceres, the sanctuary of which afforded an inviolable refuge to supplicants, whence arose the proverb avto "Eputóvnç, “as safe an asylum as that of Hermione.” Not far from this structure was a cave, supposed to communicate with the infernal regions. It was probably owing to this speedy descent to Orcus, that the Hermionians, as Strabo informs us, omitted to put a piece of money in the mouths of their dead. (Strab., 373–Callim., ap. Etym. Mag., s. v. Agváknc.) Lasus, an early poet of some note, said to have been the instructer of Pindar, was a native of Hermione. We are informed by Sir W. Gell, that the ruins of this place are to be seen on the promontory below Kastri, a town inhabited by Albanians, nearly opposite to the island of Hydra. (Itin. of the Morea, p. 199.) Pausanias affirms (2, 34), that Hermione originally stood at the distance of four stadia from the site it occupied in his day, and, though the inhabitants had long removed to the new city, there yet remained several edifices to mark the spot. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 258, seq.)

HERMióNes, one of the three great divisions of the Germanic tribes, according to Tacitus (Germ., c. 2), and occupying the central parts of the country. Mannert is of opinion, that a tribe or division of the name Hermiones never in fact existed, but that this appellation originated from the early legend of Greece respecting the fabulous land Hermionia, remarkable for its productions, and placed by the early writers in the distant regions of the north. The Romans, borrowing this fable from the Greeks, imagined that they had found Hermionia in the regions of Germany. (Compare Mela, 3, 3–Mannert, Geog, vol. 3, p. 146.)

HERMIonicus Sinus, a bay on the coast of Argolis, near Hermione. (Strab., 335.) It is now the Gulf of Castri.

HERModörus, a philosopher of Ephesus, who is said to have assisted, as interpreter, the Roman decemvirs in the composition of the ten tables of laws which had been collected in Greece. (Cic, Tusc., 5, 36.) “An ancient tradition mentions,” observes Niebuhr, “as an auxiliary to the Decemviri, in this code, Her

modorus, an Ephesian, the friend of the sage Heraclitus, whom his fellow-citizens had banished because he filled them with shame, and they desired to be all on an equality in profligacy of conduct. (Menag., ad Diog. Laert., 9, c. 2.) It cannot, indeed, be well explained, how this story could have been invented, for which nothing but a celebrated name could have given occasion, while that of Hermodorus appears to have been known to the Greeks themselves only by the saying of his friend. On this ground, the naming of the statue, which was inscribed as his at Rome, may pass for genuine. But if ever he lived there, honoured by, and usesul to, his contemporaries, the legislators, it does not therefore follow, that, by his council, many of the Greek laws were transferred to the Twelve Tables, which are lost to us. The Romans adhered too tenaciously to their own hereditary laws, to exchange them for any foreign institution; and the difference between them and the Grecians was so great, that the sage Hermodorus could not have suggested an imitation.” (Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. 2, p. 111, Walter's transl.) Her Mogo Nes, a celebrated sophist, a native of Tarsus, who flourished under M. Aurelius Antoninus. He was remarkable for the precocity of his intellect. At the age of fifteen he openly professed his art in the presence of the emperor, and excited his astonishment by the ability and eloquence which he displayed. This rapid growth, however, of the mental powers, was succeeded by as rapid a decline, and, at the age of twentyfive, he lost his memory to such a degree as to be incapable of pursuing his usual avocations. In this sad condition he lingered to an advanced age. It is said that, on opening his body after death, his heart was found of an enormous size, and covered with hair. He left a work on Rhetoric, which was introduced into the Grecian schools, and continued to be a tert-book in the rhetorical art until the decline of the latter. Two editions of the entire work were published, one in 1614, 8vo, by Laurentius, Colon. Allobrog. ; the other in 1799, 4to, by an anonymous editor (X. B. A.). There have been several editions of parts of the work, for which consult Hoffmann (Lez. Bibliogr., vol. 2, p. 355, seqq.).—II. A lawyer in the age of Constantine, who, together with Gregorius or Gregorianus, made a collection of the constitutions or edicts of the emperor. Gregorius comprehended in his collection the laws published from Hadrian to Constantine; Hermogenes compiled a supplement to the work. This collection, though made without public authority, was yet cited in courts of law. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 7, p. 215, seqq.) HERMolius, a young Macedonian nobleman, and one of the royal pages of Alexander the Great. In the heat of a boar-hunt on one occasion, he forgot his duty, and slew the animal, perhaps unfairly (for the laws of the chase have in all ages and climes been very arbitrary), certainly in such a way as to interfere with the royal sport. The page was, in consequence, deprived of his horse, and ordered to be flogged. Incensed at the indignity thus offered him, he resolved to efface it in the blood of his sovereign, and for this purpose formed a conspiracy with some of his brotherpages, as well as other individuals. The plot, however, was discovered, and the culprits were stoned to death. Hermolaus, in his defence, insisted that the tyranny and drunken revelries of Alexander were more §. could be tolerated by freemen. (Arrian, Erp. Al., 4, 13, seqq.) Heaworólis, or the city of Hermes (Mercury), the name of two towns of Egypt. The first was in the Delta, east of the Canopic branch of the Nile, and northeast of Andropolis. For distinction'sake, the epithet Muxpá (Parva) was added to its name. Ptolemy makes it the chief city of the nome in which Alexandrea was situate. (Mannert, Geog., *:: pt. 1, p. 598. Its position corresponds with that of the modern Demenhur. The second was termed Meyāān (Magna), or the great, and was situate in the Heptanomis, on the western bank of the Nile, opposite Antinoopolis. It is spoken of as a large city by Ammianus Marcellinus (22, 16). The inhabitants worshipped the Cynocephalus, or dog-headed deity Anubis. (Manwert, Geogr., vol. 10, pt. 2, p. 397.) The name of the place is now Ashmuneim. Her MUNDURI, the first of the Hermionic tribes in Germany. They were a great and powerful nation, and lay to the east and northeast of the Allemanni. Tacitus says, that in process of time they became allies to the Romans, who distinguished them above the other Germans by peculiar privileges. (Germ., c. 41.) Mannert makes them a branch of the great Suevic race. (Geogr., vol. 3, p. 201.) HERMus, a considerable river of Asia Minor, rising, according to Strabo (626), in Mount Dindymus, in Phrygia, and flowing through the northern part of Lydia until it falls into the AEgaean. Pliny, however, makes its source to have been near Dorylaeum in Phrygia. (Plin., 5, 31.) It received in its course the rivers Pactolus, Hyllus, called also Phrygius, and other less celebrated streams, and discharged itself into the sea between Phocaea and Smyrna. (Strab., l.c.— Herod., 1, 80–Arrian, Erp. Al., 5, 5.) The plains which this river watered were termed the plains of Hermus, and the gulf into which it discharged itself was anciently called the Hermaean Gulf; but when Theseus, according to some accounts, a person of distinction in Thessaly, migrated hither, and founded a town on this gulf called Smyrna after his wife (Wit. Hom., c. 2), the gulf was termed Smyrnaeus Sinus, or Gulf of Smyrna, a name which it still retains. The sands of the Hermus were said to be auriferous, a circumstance for which it was probably indebted to the Pactolus. (Virg., Georg., 2, 136.)—The modern name of this fine river is the Sarabat. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 1, p. 336.) Her Nici, a people of New Latium, bordering on the AEqui and Marsi. (Strabo, 231.) It was maintained by some authors, that they derived their name from the rocky nature of their country; herna, in the Sabine language, signifying a rock. (Serp., ad AEm., 7,682.) Others were of opinion, that they were so called from Hernicus, a Pelasgic chief; and Macrobius (Sat., 5, 18) thinks that Virgil alluded to that origin when he described this people as going to battle with one leg bare. The former etymology, however, is more probable, and would also lead us to infer that the Hernici, as well as the AEqui and Marsi, were descended from the Sabines, or generally from the Oscan race. There is nothing in the history of this petty nation which possesses any peculiar interest, or distinguishes them from their equally hardy and warlike neighbours. It is merely an account of the same ineffectual struggle to resist the systematic and overwhelming preponderance of Rome, and of the same final submission to her transcendent genius and fortune. It may be remarked, that it was upon the occasion of a debate on the division of some lands conquered from the Hernici, that the celebrated agrarian law was first brought forward (A.U.C. 268Liv., 2, 41.-Dion. Hal., 8, 69). The last effort made by this people to assert their independence was about the year 447 A.U.C.; but it was neither long nor vigorous, though resolved upon unanimously by a general council of all their cities. (Liv., 9, 43.-Cramer's Ancient Italy, vol. 2, p. 78, seqq.) Hero, I. a beautiful priestess of Venus at Sestus, attached to Leander, a youth of Abydos, who every night escaped from the vigilance of his family, and swam across the Hellespont, while Hero, in Sestus, directed his course by holding a burning torch on the top of a high tower. }. however, was at last drowned in a tempestuous night, as he attempted his

usual course, and Hero, in despair, threw herself down from her tower and perished in the sea. Musaeus, a Greek poet of the fifth century of our era, made this story the subject of a pleasing little poem that has come down to us. (Wid. Musaeus III.) Ovid devotes two of his Heroides to this same theme. (Her., Ep., 18 et 19.) As regards the feat of Leander in swimming across the Hellespont nightly, consult remarks under the article Leander.—II. The name of two writers on mechanical subjects. (Wid. Heron.) HErodes, I. surnamed the Great and Ascalomita, second son of Antipater the Idumaean, was born B.C. 71, at Ascalon, in Judaea. At the age of twenty-five he was made by his father governor of Galilee, and distinguished himself by the suppression of a band of robbers, and the execution of their leader, with several of his comrades. He was summoned before the Sanhedrim for having done this by his own authority, and having put these men to death without a trial; but, through the strength of his party and the zeal of his friends, he escaped censure. He at first embraced the party of Brutus and Cassius; but, after their death, reconciled himself to Antony, who appointed him and Phasael tetrarchs of Judaea. In B.C. 40 the Parthians invaded Judaea, and placed Antigonus on the throne, making Hyrcanus and Phasael prisoners. Herod escaped to Rome, where, by the influence of Antony, he was appointed King of the Jews. But the Roman generals in Syria assisted him very feebly, and it was not till the end of the year 38 B.C. that Jerusalem was taken by Sossius. The commencement of Herod's reign dates from the following year. In the year 38 he had married Mariamne, the granddaughter of Hyrcanus, hoping to strengthen his power by this match with the Asmonasan family, which was very popular in Judaea. On ascending the throne Herod appointed Ananel of Babylon high-priest, to the exclusion of Aristobulus, the brother of Mariamne. But he soon found himself compelled, by the entreaties of Mariamne and the artifices of her mother Alexandra, to depose Ananel, and appoint Aristobulus in his place. Not long after, however, Aristobulus was secretly put to death by the command of Herod. Alexandra having informed Cleopatra of the murder, Herod was summoned to answer the accusation before Antony, whom he pacified by liberal bribes. When setting out to meet Antony, he had commanded his brother Joseph to put Mariamne to death in case he should be condemned, that she might not fall into Antony's power. Finding, on his return, that his brother had revealed this order to Mariamne, Herod put him to death. In the civil war between Octavius and Antony, Herod joined the latter, and undertook, at his command, a campaign against the Arabians, whom he defeated. After the battle of Actium, he went to meet Octavius at Rhodes; having first put to death Hyrcanus, who had been released by the Parthians, and had placed himself under Herod's protection some years before. He also imprisoned Mariamne and Alexandra, commanding their keepers to kill them upon receiving intelligence of his death. Octavius, however, received him kindly, and reinstated him in his kingdom. On his return, Mariamne reproached him with his intentions towards her, which she had again discovered. This led to an estrangement between Herod and his queen, which was artfully increased by his sister Salome; till, on one occasion, enraged at a new affront he had received from Mariamne, Herod assembled some of his friends and accused her of adultery. She was condemned and executed. After her death Herod suffered the deepest remorse, and shut himself up in Samaria, where he was seized with a sickness which nearly proved fatal. In the year 26 B.C. he put to death the sons of Babas, the last princes of the Asmonasan family. He now openly disregarded the Jewish law, and introduced Roman cus.

toms, a conduct which increased the hatred of the people towards him, and he particularly shocked their prejudices by erecting a stately theatre and an amphitheatre in Jerusalem, in the latter of which he celebrated games in honour of Augustus. Ten men conspired against his life, but were detected and executed with the greatest cruelty. To secure himself against rebellion, he fortified Samaria, which he named Sebaste (equivalent to the Latin Augusta), and he built Caesarea and other cities and fortresses. In the year 17 B.C. he began to rebuild the temple at Jerusalem. The work was completed in eight years, but the decorations were not finished for many years after. (John, 2, 20.) Herod's power and territories continued to increase, but the latter part of his reign was disturbed by the most violent dissensions in his family, of which a minute account is given by Josephus. He died in March, B.C. 4, in the thirty-fourth year of his reign, and the seventieth of his age. Josephus relates, that, shortly before his death, he shut up many of the principal men of the Jewish nation in the Hippodrome, commanding his sister Salome to put them to death as soon as he expired, that he might not want mourners. They were released, however, by Salome upon Herod's death.-The birth of our Saviour took place in the last year of Herod's reign, four years earlier than the era from which the common system of chronology dates the years A.D. (Joseph., Ant. Jud., 14, 17, seqq.—Id. ib., 15, l, seqq.—Id. ib., 16, 1, seqq.—Id., Bell. Jud., 1, 17, &c.—Noldius, de Vita et Gestis Herodum, $ 7.) . It was Herod of whom Augustus said, after he had heard of the former's having put to death his own sons, Alexander and Aristobulus, that he would rather be Herod's hog (iv) than his son (viāv), punning upon the similarity of the two terms, and alluding at the same time to the aversion with which the hog was regarded by the Jews. (Macrob, Sat., 2, 4.)—II. Antipas, a son of Herod the Great, whom his father, in his first will, declared his successor in the kingdom, but to whom he afterward gave merely the office of tetrarch over Galilee and Peraa, while he appointed his other son Archelaus king of Judata. Antipas, after being confirmed in these terri. tories by Augustus, married the daughter of Aretas, king of Arabia. He divorced her, however, A.D. 33, that he might marry his sister-in-law Herodias, the wife of his brother Philip, who was still living. John the Baptist, exclaiming against this incest, was seized, and subsequently beheaded. Afterward, A.D. 39, Herodias, being jealous of the prosperity of her brother Agrippa, who, from a private person, had become King of Judaea, persuaded her husband Herod Antipas to visit Rome, and to desire the same dignity from Tiberius. Agrippa, being apprized of his design, wrote to the emperor, accusing Antipas of being implicated in the affair of Sejanus, upon which he was banished to Lugdunum, in Gaul. . This is that Antipas who, being at Jerusalem at the time of our Saviour's suffering, ridiculed Jesus, whom Pilate had sent to him, dressed him in mock attire, and sent him back to the Roman governor as a king whose ambition gave him no umbrage. The year of his death is unknown, though it is certain that he and Herodias ended their days in exile, according to Josephus, in Spain. (Noldius, de Vita et Gestis Herodum, $37.)—III. Agrippa, I. son of Aristobulus, and grandson of Herod the Great. (Wid. Agrippa V.)—IV. Agrippa, II. son of the preceding. (Wid. Agrippa VI.)—V. Atticus. (Wid. Atticus II.) Herodi ANUs, I. a Greek historian, who flourished during the first part of the third century of our era, and died about A.D. 240, at the age of seventy years. Few particulars of his life are known, and even his native place has not been clearly ascertained, though enerally supposed to have been Alexandrea. He led various foot. stations, both in the service

of the emperors and n that of the state. (Compare b. 1, c. 4 of his history.) The tone of moderation which everywhere shows itself in his writings, would seem to indicate that his life had been as peaceful as his character; and we may conjecture, from a remark which he makes at the commencement of his work, that it was at an advanced age, and in the bosom of a pleasing retreat, that, collecting together the reminiscences of a long life, and the valuable fruits of his experience, he wrote the history of those emperors whose reigns he had seen and whose persons he had approached. This history, divided into eight books, commences with the death of Marcus Koi..., and is carried down to the accession of Gordian III., embracing, from A.D. 180 to 238, a period of fifty-eight years, under seventeen princes who reigned either successively or conjointly. This period, though short, was a most eventful one in the annals of the empire, on account of the numerous and violent changes in the persons who held the sovereign power, and also with respect to the domestic and foreign wars, the depravity of manners, and the public calarnities which characterized the age. The series of emperors which the history of Herodian embraces, comprises Commodus, Pertinax, Julian, Niger and Albinus, Severus, Caracalla and Geta, Macrinus, Heliogabalus, Alexander Severus, Maximinus, the two Gordiani, and Balbinus. We perceive from this the importance of Herodian's work, forming, as it does, a grave and almost solitary chronicle of this portion of Roman history; for the writers of the Augustan history, who lived long after him, hardly do more than copy his narrative, and, when they deviate from him, merit, in general, a far less degree of confidence This is a testimony rendered in his favour even by Julius Capitolinus himself, who (Wit. Albin., c. 12) invites his readers, if desirous of more lengthened details, to seek for them in Marius Maximus or Herodian, who, adds he, are equally distinguished by their accuracy and fidelity. And yet it is on the authority of the same Capitolinus that many modern critics have grounded their charge against Herodian, of having been too partial to Maximinus, and too severe on Alexander Severus. (Jul. Cap., Vit. Mar., c. 13.) From this charge, however, Herodian has been successfully defended by Isaac Casaubon and the Abbé de Mongault—The style of Herodian is plain and unaffected, and his narrative in general seems written in a spirit of sincerity, but it has no claims to philosophy or critical art. The harangues which he has inserted in his narrative are elegant, but they want simplicity. His greatest fault is having neglected chronology.—Among the editions of Herodian may be mentioned that of Irmisch, Lips., 1789, 5 vols. 8vo, and that of Bekker, Berol., 1826, 8vo. The former is remarkable for its excessive load of commentary ; the latter, which contains merely the text and various readings, presents the latest and best text of the historian.—Politian gave to the world in 1490 a Latin version of Herodian, remarkable for its elegance rather than fidelity, and ded: icated it to Innocent VIII. He was liberally rewarded by the pontiff. (Politian, Epist., 8, 1–5.) It is ascertained, however, now, that he merely corrected the version of Omnibonus Vincentius. (Consult Tiraboschi, vol. 6, pt. 2, p. 339. – Heeren, Gesch. der Class. Lit. in Mittelalter., vol. 2, p. 301, seq., Gotting., 1822–Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 4, p. 192.— Biogr. Univ., vol. 20, p. 273, seqq.)—II. A grammarian of Alexandrea, often confounded with the historian above mentioned. He was a son of the celebrated Apollonius Dyscolus, and flourished in the second century of the Christian era. He dedicated to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius his general grammar, of which we have only some unpublished and abridged extracts remaining. We have also some fragments of other works; and Pierson has given in his edition of

Maeris a treatise of the same writer on the choice of words, entitled Philetaerus. The treatise published by Valckenaer, at the end of his Ammonius, on barbarisms and solecisms, and the name of the author of which that scholar did not know, was discovered by Willoison to have been written by this same Herodian. Other minor productions of his are given by the lastmentioned scholar, in his Anecdota, and by Hermann in his treatise De Emendanda ratione G. G.-Consult the remarks of Hase, as given by Schöll (Hist. Lit. Gr, vol. 5, p. 25). HE Rodótus, I. a celebrated Greek historian, born at Halicarnassus, B.C. 484. (Larcher, Vie d'Herod., . 1.-Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, vol. 1, p. 29, 2d ed.) e was of Dorian extraction, and of a distinguished family. (Suidas, s. v. 'Hpóð.) Panyasis, an eminent poet, whom some ranked next to Homer (Suidas, s. v. IIavváa.), while others place him after Hesiod and Antimachus, was his uncle either by the mother's or father's side. Herodotus is regarded by many as the father of profane history, and Cicero (Leg., 1, 1) calls him “historia patrem :” by this, however, nothing more must be meant, than that he is the first profane historian whose work is distinguished for its finished form, and has come down to us entire. Thus Cicero himself, on another occasion, speaks of him as the first “qui princeps genus hoc (scribendi) ornavit” (De Orat., 2, 13); while Dionysius of Halicarnassus has given us a list of many historical writers who preceded him. (Consult Creuzer, Fragm. Hist. Antiq. Heidelh., 1826, 8vo.) The facts of his life are sew and doubtful, except so far as we can collect them from his own works. Not liking the government of Lygdamis, who was tyrant of Halicarnassus, Herodotus retired for a season to the island of Samos, where he is said to have cultivated the Ionic dialect of the Greek, which was the language there prevalent. Before he was thirty years of age he joined in an attempt, which proved successful, to expel Lygdamis. But the banishment of the tyrant did not give tranquillity to Halicarnassus, and Herodotus, who himself had become an object of dislike, again left his native country, and joined, as it is said, a colony which the Athenians sent to Thurium in Southern Italy, B.C. 443. He is said to have died in Thurium, and to have been buried in the Agora.-Herodotus presents himself to our consideration in two points; as a traveller and observer, and as an historian. The extent of his travels may be ascertained pretty clearly from his History; but the order in which he visited each place, and the time of visiting, cannot be determined. The story of his reading his work at the Olympic games, on which occasion he is said to have received universal applause, and to have had the names of the nine Muses given to the nine books of his History, has been well discussed by Dahlmann, and we may perhaps say disproved. (Herodot., aus scinem Buche, sein Leben, Altona, 1823.) The story is founded upon a small piece by Lucian, entitled “Herodotus or Aétion,” which apparently was not intended by the writer himself as an historical truth; and, in addition to this, Herodotus was only about twenty-eight years old (Suid., s. v. 60 vkvěijng) when he is said to have read to the assembled Greeks at Olympia a work which was the result of most extensive travelling and research, and which bears in every part of it evident marks of the hand of a man of mature age. The Olympic recitation is not even alluded to by Plutarch, in his treatise on the “Malignity of Herodotus.” At a later period Herodotus read his History, as we are informed by Plutarch and Eusebius, at the Panathenaean festival at Athens, and the Athenians are said to have presented him with the sum of ten talents for the manner in which he had spoken of the deeds of their nation. The account of this second recitation may be true.—With a simplicity which characterizes his whole work, Herodotus makes no display of the great extent of his travels. He frequently

avoids saying in express terms that he was at a place, but he uses words which are as conclusive as any positive statement. He describes a thing as standing behind the door (2, 182), or on the right hand as you enter a temple (1, 51); or he was told something by a person in a particular place (2,28); or he uses other words equally significant. In Africa he visited Egypt, from the coast of the Mediterranean to Elephantine, the southern extremity of the country (2,29); and he travelled westward as far as Cyrene (2, 32, 181), and probably farther. In Asia he visited Tyre, Babylon, Ecbatana (1,98), and probably Susa (5, 52, seqq.; 6, 119). He also travelled to various parts of Asia Minor, and probably went as far as Colchis (2, 104). In Europe he visited a large part of the country along the Black Sea, between the mouths of the Danube and the Crimea, and went some distance into the interior. He seems to have examined the line of the march of Xerxes from the Hellespont to Attica, and certainly had seen numerous places on this route. He was well acquainted with Athens (1,98; 5, 77), and also with Delphi, Dodona, Olympia, Delos, and many other places in Greece. That he had visited some parts of Southern Italy is clear from his work (4, 99; 5, 44). The mention of these places is sufficient to show that he must have seen many more. So wide and varied a field of observation has rarely been presented to a traveller, and still more rarely to any historian, either of ancient or modern times; and, if we cannot affirm that the author undertook his travels with a view to collect materials for his great work, a supposition which is far from improbable, it is certain that, without such advantages, he could never have written it, and that his travels must have suggested much inquiry, and supplied many valuable facts, which asterward found a place in his History. The nine books of Herodotus contain a great variety of matter, the unity of which is not perceived till the whole work has been thoroughly examined; and for this reason, on a first perusal, the History is seldom well understood. But the subject of his History was conceived by the author both clearly and comprehensively. His aim was to combine a general history of the Greeks and the barbarians (that is, those not Greeks) with the history of the wars between the Greeks and Persians. Accordingly, in the execution of his main task, he traces the course of events from the time when the Lydian kingdom of Croesus sell before the arms of Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy (B.C. 546), to the capture of Sestus (B.C. 478), an event which crowned the triumph of the Greeks over the Persians. The great subject of his work, which is comprised within the space of 68 years, not more than the ordinary terin of human life, advances, with a regular progress and truly dramatic development, from the first weak and divided efforts of the Greeks to resist Asiatic numbers, to their union as a nation, and their final triumph in the memorable battles of Thermopylae, Salamis, and Plataea. But with this subject, which has a complete unity, well maintained from its commencement to its close, the author has interwoven, conformably to his general purpose, and by way of occasional digression, sketches of the various people and countries which he had visited in his wide-extended travels. The more we contemplate the difficulty of thus combining a kind of universal history with a substantial and distinct narrative, the more we admire, not the art of the historian (for such, in the proper sense of the term, he could not well possess), but that happy power of bringing together and arranging his materials, which was the result of the fulness of his information, the distinctness of his knowledge, and the clear conception of his subject

These numerous digressions are among the most valuaable parts of his work; and, if they had been omitted or lost, barren indeed would have been our investigation into the field of ancient history, over which the labcur of one man now throws a clear and steady light.—The style of Herodotus is simple, pleasing, and generally perspicuous; often highly poetical both in expression and sentiment. But it bears evident marks of belonging to a period when prose composition had not yet become a subject of art. His sentences are often illconstructed and hang loosely together; but his clear comprehension of his own meaning, and the sterling worth of his matter, have saved him from the reproach of diffuseness and incoherence. His acquirements were apparently the result of his own experience. In physical knowledge he was certainly behind the science of his day. He had, no doubt, reflected on political questions; but he seems to have formed his opinions mainly from what he himself had observed. To pure philosophical speculations he had no inclination, and there is not a trace of such in his writings. He had a strong religious feeling bordering on superstition, though even here he could clearly distinguish the gross and absurd from that which was decorous. He seems to have viewed the manners and customs of all nations in a more truly philosophical way than many so-called philosophers, considering them as various forms of social existence under which happiness might be found. He treats with decent respect the religious observances of every nation; a decisive proof, if any were wanting, of his great good sense.—That Herodotus was not duly appreciated by all his countrymen, and that in modern times his wonderful stories have been the subject of merriment to the half-learned, who measure his experience by their own ignorance, we merely notice, without thinking it necessary to say more. The incidental confirmations of his veracity, which have been accumulating of late years on all sides, and our more exact knowledge of the countries which he visited, enable us to appreciate him better than many of the Greeks themselves could do; and it cannot now be denied, that a sound and comprehensive study of antiquity must be based upon a thorough knowledge of the work of Herodotus.-Plutarch accused Herodotus of partiality, and composed a treatise on what he termed the “malignity” of this writer (trepi rāc ‘HpodóTou kakombeiac), taxing him with injustice towards the Thebans, Corinthians, and Greeks in general; but the whole affair is a weak and frivolous one. The historian has also found two new antagonists in more recent times. MM. Chahan de Cirbied and F. Martin, authors of a work entitled “Recherches Curieuses sur l'historie ancienne de l'Asie,” drawn from Oriental manuscripts in the “Bibliothèque du Roi” (Paris, 1806), oppose to him the testimony of Mar-Ibas-Cadina, a Syrian, and the secretary of Walasarces, king of Armenia. This writer pretends to have found in the archives of Nineveh a Greek translation, made by order of Alexander the Great, of a Chaldean work of very remote antiquity. The history of MarIbas-Cadina no longer exists, but it was the source whence Moses of Chorene in the fifth century, and John Catholicos in the tenth, drew the materials for their respective works. This attack, however, on the credibility of the Greek writer, is undeserving of any serious consideration, more especially as the French editors themselves, just mentioned, confess that MarIbas-Cadina deals largely in fable.—A life of Homer is commonly ascribed to Herodotus, and appears in most editions of his history; but it is now deemed supposititious. The three best editions of Herodotus are, that of Wesseling, Amst., 1763, fol. ; that of Schweighaeuser, Argent, 1816, 6 vols. 8vo; and that of Bähr, Lips., 1830–35, 4 vols. 8vo. The edition of Schweighaeuser has a “Lexicon Herodoteum,” forming a seventh volume, which is a useful aid to students, though far from being complete. Some time after the appearance of Schweighaeuser's Herodotus, Gaisford collated anew the Sancroft MS. (one of the best manuscripts of the historian), and published an 4 H

edition from the Oxford press, in 1824; but the result of the collation has added nothing of any value to Schweighaeuser's text. The edition of Bahr is, perhaps, the most useful of the three. It contains an ex cellent body of notes, many of them selected from the writings of Creuzer, especially from his “Commentationes Herodoteae,” and refers constantly to the most recent speculations of the German scholars on the different topics discussed by Herodotus. There is also a French translation of the history by Larcher, Paris, 1802, 9 vols. 8vo, of great fidelity, and highly esteemed for its very valuable commentary. Very important aid may likewise be obtained by the student from Rennell's and Niebuhr's respective dissertations on the geography of Herodotus. A reprint of the former appeared from the London press in 1830, 2 vols. 8vo; and a translation of the latter from the German was published at Oxford, 1830, 8vo. (Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 12, p. 163, seqq.—Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 2, p. 140, seqq.)—II. The author of an ancient glossary on Hippocrates, supposed by some to have been the same with Herodotus of Tarsus (No. 1 II.). Others think that the glossary in question is merely intended as a collection of words found in the history of Herodotus of Halicarnassus, and that it has been incorporated with the works of Hippocrates for no other reason than because this physician wrote in the Ionic dialect, and many terms occur both in his works and in the history of Herodotus. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 5, p. 6.)—III. A physician of Tarsus, of the empiric school, and successor to Menodotus of Nicomedia. A work of his, entitled “The Physician,” is mentioned by Galen (Sect. 2, Comment. in vi. Epid. Hippocr. text., 42). Heröes ("Hpoec), the plural of Heros ("Hoor), a name given by the Greeks to a class of persons sup: posed to be intermediate between gods and men, and usually of divine descent on at least one shie. Such were worshipped with divine honours by those cities and races of men which claimed them as their fathers or ancestors. This divine origin, however, was not essential: thus Philippus of Crotona, who fell in the battle against the Phoenicians and Egesta-ans, was made a hero for his beauty; a heróum or shrine was built on the spot where he was buried, and sacrifices were offered to him. (Herod., 5, 47.) At a later age, Aratus and Brasidas were worshipped as heroes at Sicyon and Amphipolis respectively; and the Athenians slain at Marathon received similar honours. Concerning these last, legends were current, which show that a supernatural and mythological character was really ascribed to them, and they, probably, were the latest of the Greeks to whom such a character was attributed. The Heroic Age, properly so called, appears, however, to have terminated with the immediate descendants of the Greeks who returned from Troy, and to have extended backward for an uncertain length of time, estimated by Thirlwol at six generations, or about 200 years. This is the fourth or Heroic Age of Hesiod, in which Jupier “made the divine brood of heroes, better and bravor than the third or brazen race.” (op., et D., 157.) These were the princes and warriors of mythologica'history, such as Theseus, Perseus, and those who fought at the sieges of Thebes and Troy. In Homer, the word Hero occurs frequently, but in quite a lifferent sense: it is or. collectively to the whole body of fighters, Argeii, Danai, and Achaei, without reference to individuals of peculiar merit; and, indeed, often appears to be used for little more than an expletive, when he, or the man, or the warrior, would have done equally well. Indeed, the application of the word is not even limited to warriors, but is extended to heralds, wise counsellors, kings, &c. It has been suggested, with considerable plausibility, that the word originally denoted the members of those roving bands who in the earliest times overran Grooms from

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