ited by a jealous aristocracy. Her territories were der the command of Cimon, carried on the war vig also increased by the conquest of Tegea in Arcadia. orously, defeated the Persian fleets, and plundered Athens only rose to importance in the century prece- the maritime provinces of the Persian empire. During ding the Persian wars; but even in this period her this period the power of Athens rapidly increased; she power was not more than a match for the little states possessed a succession of distinguished statesmen, of Megaris and Egina. The city was long harassed Themistocles, Aristides, Cimon, and Pericles, who all by intestine commotions till the time of Solon, B.C. contributed to the advancement of her power, though 594, who was chosen by his fellow-citizens to frame differing in their political views. Her maritime greata new constitution and a new code of laws, to which ness was founded by Themistocles, her revenues were much of the future greatness of Athens must be as- increased by Pericles, and her general prosperity, in cribed. We have already seen that the kingly form connexion with other causes, tended to produce a of government was prevalent in the Heroic Age. But, greater degree of refinement than existed in any other during the period that elapsed between the Trojan part of Greece. Literature was cultivated, and the war and the Persian invasion, hereditary political pow-arts of architecture and sculpture, which were employer was abolished in almost all the Greek states, with ed to ornament the city,were carried to a degree of exthe exception of Sparta, and a republican form of cellence that has never since been surpassed. While government established in its stead. In studying Athens was advancing in power, Sparta had to mainthe history of the Greeks, we must bear in mind tain a war against the Messenians, who again revolted, that almost every city formed an independent state, and were joined by a great number of the Spartan slaves and that, with the exception of Athens and Sparta, (B.C. 464-455). But, though Sparta made no efforts which exacted obedience from the other towns of At- during this period to restrain the Athenian power, it tica and Laconia respectively, there was hardly any was not because she wanted the will, but the means. state which possessed more than a few miles of terri- These, however, were soon furnished by the Athenitory. Frequent wars between each other were the ans themselves, who began to treat the allied states almost unavoidable consequence of the existence of with great tyranny, and to regard them as subjects, so many small states nearly equal in power. The not as independent states in alliance. The tribute evils which arose from this state of things were partly was raised from 460 to 600 talents, the treasury was remedied by the influence of the Amphictyonic coun- removed from Delos to Athens, and the decision cil, and by the religious games and festivals which of all important suits was referred to the Athenian were held at stated periods in different parts of Greece, courts. When any state withdrew from the alliance, and during the celebration of which no wars were car- its citizens were considered by the Athenians as rebried on. In the sixth century before the Christian els, and immediately reduced to subjection. The era Greece rapidly advanced in knowledge and civili- dependant states, anxious to throw off the Athenian zation. Literature and the fine arts were already cul- dominion, entreated the assistance of Sparta, and tivated in Athens under the auspices of Pisistratus thus, in conjunction with other causes, arose the war and his sons; and the products of remote countries between Sparta and Athens, which lasted for twentywere introduced into Greece by the merchants of Cor-seven years (B. C. 431-404), and is usually known inth and Ægina. as the Peloponnesian war. It terminated by again 3. From the Commencement of the Persian Wars to the Soon after the conclusion of this war, Sparta engaged placing Sparta at the head of the Grecian states. Death of Philip of Macedon, B.C. 336. in a contest with the Persian empire, which lasted This was the most splendid period of Grecian histo- from B.C. 400 to 394. The splendid successes which ry. The Greeks, in their resistance to the Persians, Agesilaus, the Spartan king, obtained over the Persian and the part they took in the burning of Sardis, B.C. troops in Asia Minor, and the manifest weakness of the 499, drew upon them the vengeance of Darius. After Persian empire, which had been already shown by the the reduction of the Asiatic Greeks, a Persian army retreat of the ten thousand Greeks from the heart of was sent into Attica, but was entirely defeated at the Persian empire, appear to have induced Agesilaus Marathon, B.C. 490, by the Athenians under Miltia-to entertain the design of overthrowing the Persian des. Ten years afterward the whole power of the monarchy; but he was obliged to return to his native Persian empire was directed against Greece; an im- country to defend it against a powerful confederacy, mense army, led in person by Xerxes, advanced as far which had been formed by the Corinthians, Thebans, as Attica, and received the submission of almost all Argives, Athenians, and Thessalians, for the purpose the Grecian states, with the exception of Athens and of throwing off the Spartan dominion. The confederSparta. But this expedition also failed; the Persian ates were not, however, successful in their atteinpt; fleet was destroyed in the battles of Artemisium and and the Spartan supremacy was again secured for a Salamis; and the land forces were entirely defeated brief period by a general peace, made B.C. 387, usuin the following year, B.C. 479, at Platea in Boeotia.ally known by the name of the peace of Antalcidas. Sparta had, previous to the Persian invasion, been Ten years afterward the rupture between Thebes and regarded by the other Greeks as the first power in Sparta began, which led to a general war in Greece, Greece, and accordingly she obtained the supreme and for a short time placed Thebes at the head of the command of the army and fleet in the Persian war. Grecian states. The greatness of Thebes was princiBut, during the course of this war, the Athenians had pally owing to the wisdom and valour of two of her made greater sacrifices and had shown a greater de-citizens, Pelopidas and Epaminondas. After the gree of courage and patriotism. After the battle of death of Epaminondas at the battle of Mantinea, B.C. Platea a confederacy was formed by the Grecian 362, Thebes again sunk to its former obscurity. The states for carrying on the war against the Persians. Spartan supremacy was however destroyed by this Sparta was at first placed at the head of it; but the war, and her power still more humbled by the restoraallies, disgusted with the tyranny of Pausanias, the tion of Messenia to independence, B.C. 369. From Spartan commander, gave the supremacy to Athens. the conclusion of this war to the reign of Philip of The allies, who consisted of the inhabitants of the isl-Macedon Greece remained without any ruling pow

ands and coasts of the Ægean Sea, were to furnish con- er. It is only necessary here to mention the part tributions in money and ships, and the delicate task of which Philip took in the sacred war, which lastassessing the amount which each state was to pay was ed ten years (B.C. 356–346), in which he appeared assigned to Aristides. The yearly contribution was as the defender of the Amphictyonic council, and settled at 460 talents, about $485,500, and Delos was which terminated by the conquest of the Phocians. chosen as the common treasury. The Athenians, un- The Athenians, urged on by Demosthenes, made an al

liance with the Thebans for the purpose of resisting | the ancient Dardania in its vicinity. Homer's epithet Philip; but their defeat at Charonea, B.C. 388, se- of harús, "broad," applied to so narrow a strait (Il, cured for the Macedonian king the supremacy of 7, 86.-Compare Il., 17, 432.-Od., 24, 82.-EsGreece. In the same year a congress of Grecian states was held at Corinth, in which Philip was chosen generalissimo of the Greeks in a projected war against the Persian empire; but his assassination in B.C. 336 caused this enterprise to devolve on his son Alexander. 4. From the Accession of Alexander the Great to the Roman Conquest, B.C. 146.

chyl., Pers., 880), has given rise to much discussion, and is one of those points which have a bearing on the long-agitated question respecting the site of Troy. Hobhouse undertakes to explain the seeming inconsistency of Homer's term, by showing that the Hel lespont should be considered as extending down to the promontory of Lectum, the northern boundary of Eolia, and that the whole line of coast to this point The conquests of Alexander extended the Grecian from Abydus, was considered by Strabo as being the influence over the greater part of Asia west of the In-shores of the Hellespont, not of the Ægean. (Jourdus. After his death the dominion of the East was ney, Let. 42.-Vol. 2, p. 206, seqq., Am. ed.) The contested by his generals, and two powerful empires same writer observes, with regard to the breadth of were permanently established; that of the Ptolemies the Hellespont, that it nowhere seems to be less than in Egypt and the Seleucidæ in Syria. The dominions a mile across; and yet the ancient measurements give of the early Syrian kings embraced the greater part of only seven stadia, or eight hundred and seventy-five pawestern Asia; but their empire was soon divided into ces. Walpole, on the other hand, as cited by Clarke various independent kingdoms, such as that of Bactria, (Travels, vol. 3, p. 91, in notis, Eng. ed.), assigns to Pergamus, &c., in all of which the Greek language the epithet harus the meaning of "salt," or "brackwas spoken, not merely at court, but to a considera-sh," referring, in support of this conjecture, to Arisble extent in the cities. From the death of Alexander totle (Meteorol., 2, 3.-Op., ed. Duval, vol. 1, p. 556, to the Roman conquest, Macedon remained the ruling D. et E.), who uses it three times in this sense, and to power in Greece. The Etolian and Achæan leagues Hesychius. (Compare Herod., 2, 108, and Schweigh., were formed, the former B.C. 284, the latter B.C. ad loc.) This, however, is at best a very forced ex281, for the purpose of resisting the Macedonian planation. Homer appears to consider the Hellespont kings. Macedonia was conquered by the Romans rather as a mighty river than a winding arm of the sea; B.Č. 197, and the Greek states declared independent. and hence harús, “broad,” becomes no inappropriThis, however, was merely nominal; they only ex- ate term, more especially if we take into the connexchanged the rule of the Macedonian kings for that of ion the analogous epithets of ayappoos (“ rapidly-flowthe Roman people; and in B.C. 146, Greece was re-ing"), and arεipwv ("boundless"), which are elseduced to the form of a Roman province, called Achaia, where applied by him to the same Hellespont. (Il., though certain cities, such as Athens, Delphi, &c., 2, 845.-Il., 24, 545.) Casaubon, in his commentary were allowed to have the rank of free towns. The on Athenæus, adduces the passage quoted above by history of Greece, from this period, forms part of the Walpole, together with one or two others, likewise Roman empire. It was overrun by the Goths in from Aristotle, in favour of harus meaning "salt;" A.D. 267, and again in A.D. 398, under Alaric; and, and a critic in the Edinburgh Review (vol. 21, p. 136), after being occupied by the Crusaders and Venetians, whom Blomfield quaintly designates as censor quiat last fell into the hands of the Turks, on the con- dam semidoctus," seeks to advocate the same opinion. quest of Constantinople; from whom, with the excep- It has few if any advocates, however, at the present tion of Macedonia, Thessaly, and Epirus, it is now day. (Consult Blomf., Gloss. ad Esch., Pers., 880.) again liberated. (Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 12, p. 426, -Some scholars suppose, that when Homer speaks of seqq.) the "broad Hellespont," he actually means the northern part of the Ægean. Thus, Heyne observes, "Homer always places the camp on the Hellespont, in the more extensive signification of that term, as meaning the northern part of the Ægean Sea (Il., 18, 150; 24, 346.-Od., 24, 82.-Il., 7, 86, &c.), and hence should be derived the explanation of the epithets harus and areípwv." (Beschreib., der Eb. von Troja, p. 250.)

HELLE, a daughter of Athamas and Nephele, sister to Phrixus. She and her brother Phrixus, in order to avoid the cruel persecution of their stepmother Ino, fled from Thessaly on the back of a golden fleeced ram, which transported them through the air. They proceeded safely till they came to the sea between the promontory of Sigæum and the Chersonese, into which Helle fell, and it was named from her Hellespontus-Whether the denomination Hellespont was derived (Helle's Sea). Phrixus proceeded on his way to Colchis. (Vid. Athamas, Argonautæ, Phrixus.) The tomb of Helle was placed, according to Herodotus, on the shores of the Chersonese, near Cardia. (Herod., 7, 58.)

HELLEN, the fabled son of Deucalion and Pyrrha, and progenitor of the Hellenic race. (Vid. Hellas, 1, History of Greece, from the earliest times to the Trojan war.)

HELLENES ("Eλλnves), the general name of the Grecian race. It was first borne by the tribes that came in from the north, at an early period, and eventually spread themselves over the whole of Greece. Their original seat was, according to Aristotle (Meteor., 1, 14), near Dodona, in Epirus; but they first appeared in the south of Thessaly, about B.C. 1384, according to the common chronology. (Vid. Hellas, ◊ 1, History of Greece, from the earliest times to the Trojan war.)

from 'E22ás, Greece at large (Pind., Pyth., 7, 7.— Id. ibid., 10, 29), or from 'Eλλás, the province or city (Strab., 431), or from Helle, according to the popular legend, cannot now be ascertained. Stephanus of Byzantium (p. 232, ed. Berkel) says the earlier name of the Hellespont was the Borysthenes (Bopvotevns). (Compare Ritter, Vorhalle, p. 174.) Perhaps a careful investigation of the subject would lead to the conclusion, that Homer gives the name of Hellespont to the whole Propontis. (Classical Journal, vol. 16, p. 64.)-The Hellespont is celebrated for the love and death of Leander. (Vid. Hero, and Leander, and the remarks under the latter article). It is famed also for the bridge of boats which Xerxes built over it when he invaded Greece. (Vid. remarks under the article Abydus, I.)

HELLOPIA, a district of Euboea, in which Histiæa was situated. (Strab., 445.-Compare Herodot., 8, 23.) HELORUS, I. a river of Sicily, near the southern exHELLESPONTUS, now the Dardanelles, a narrow strait tremity of the island, now the Abiso. It is mentionbetween Asia and Europe, near the Propontis, which re-ed by several of the ancient poets, on account of the ceived its name, it is said, from Helle, who was drowned there in her voyage to Colchis. (Vid. Helle.) Its modern name of Dardanelles is supposed to come from

remarkably fertile country through which it flows, (Virg., En., 3, 659.-Ovid, Fast., 4, 487, &c.) Sil ius Italicus (14, 270) gives it the epithet of clamosus,

From this it is evident that they were considered as belonging properly to the state, which to a certain degree permitted them to be possessed by, and apportioned them out to, individuals, reserving to itself the power of enfranchising them. But to sell them out of the country was not in the power even of the state; and, to the best of our knowledge, such an event never occurred. It is, upon the whole, most probable, that individuals had no power to sell them at all, as they belonged chiefly to the landed property, and this was unalienable. On these lands they had certain fixed dwell

referring either to the noise of its waters in the numer-liberate them, nor sell them beyond the borders." ous caverns found along its banks, or to the laments occasioned by its inundations of the neighbourhood. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 10, pt. 2, p. 340.)-II. A town of Sicily, near the mouth of the river Helorus. (Steph. Byz., s. v. "Ehwpoc.) Pliny speaks of it, however, as a mere castle or fortified post, with a good fishery attached to it. But it was, in truth, a very ancient city, and very probably a place of some importance before the arrival of the Greeks. The adjacent country was very fertile and beautiful. Hence Ovid (l. c.) speaks of the "Helorian Tempe," and Diodorus Siculus (13, 19) of the 'Elúpov πedíov, “Helorian plain." Comings of their own, and particular services and payments pare also Virgil (l. c.), “ Præpingue solum stagnantis Helori." The remains of this city are called Muri Ucci.

66

HELOS, I. a town of Laconia, on the left bank of the Eurotas, and not far from the mouth of that river. It was said to have owed its origin to Helius, the son of Perseus. The inhabitants of this town, having revolted against the Dorians and Heraclidæ, were reduced to slavery, and called Helots, which name was afterward extended to the various people who were held in bondage by the Spartans. (Pausan., 3, 20.) Ephorus, as cited by Strabo (364), makes Agis to have reduced the Helots to subjection; but Pausanias (3, 2) speaks of a much later reduction of the place. To reconcile the statements of these two writers, we must suppose, that, at the subjugation of Helos by Agis, about 200 years before, some of the inhabitants had been suffered to remain, and that, at the time mentioned by Pausanias, they were finally destroyed or removed. Helos itself remained to the time of Thucydides (4, 54) and of Xenophon (Hist. Gr., 6, 5, 32): perhaps a fortress on the coast. (Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, 2d ed., p. 405, note z.) Polybius says (5, 19, 8; 20, 12), that the district of Helos was the most extensive and fertile part of Laconia; but the coast was marshy. In Strabo's time Helos was only a village, and some years later Pausanias informs us it was in ruins. In Lapie's map the vestiges of Helos are placed at Tsyli, about five miles from the Eurotas, and Sir W. Gell observes that the marsh of Helos is to the east of the mouth of that river. (Gell's Itin. of the Morea, p. 233.-Cramer's Ancient Greece, vol. 3, p. 193, seqq.)

were prescribed to them. They paid as rent a fixed measure of corn; not, however, like the Perioci, to the state, but to their masters. As this quantity had been definitively settled at a very early period (to raise the amount being forbidden under heavy imprecations), the Helots were the persons who profited by a good, and lost by a bad, harvest, which must have been to them an encouragement to industry and good husbandry; a motive which would have been wanting if the profit and loss had merely affected the landlords. And by this means, as is proved by the accounts respecting the Spartan agriculture, a careful management of the cultivation of the soil was kept up. By means of the rich produce of the lands, and in part by plunder obtained in war, they collected a considerable property, to the attainment of which almost every access was closed to the Spartans. The cultivation of the land, however, was not the only duty of the Helots; they also attended upon their masters at the public meals, who, according to the Lacedæmonian principle of a community of property, mutually lent them to one another. (Xen., Rep. Lac., 6, 3.-Aristot., Pol., 2, 2, 5.) A large number of them was also employed by the state in public works. In the field the Helots never served as Hoplita, except in extraordinary cases; and then it was the general practice afterward to give them their liberty. (Compare Thucyd., 7, 19, and 4, 80.) On other occasions they attended the regular army as light-armed troops (hoi); and that their numbers were very considerable may be seen from the battle of Platea, in which 5000 Spartans were attended by 35,000 Helots. Although they did not share the honour of the heavy-armed soldiers, they HELOTE (Eirai), and HELŌTES (Ei2wreç), the were in turn exposed to a less degree of danger. For, Helots or bondsmen of the Spartans. The common while the former, in close rank, received the onset of account, observes Müller (Dorians, vol. 2, p. 30, Eng. the enemy with spear and shield, the Helots, armed trans. Vol. 2, p. 33, German work), of the origin of only with their sling and javelin, were in a moment this class is, that the inhabitants of the maritime town either before or behind the ranks, as Tyrtæus accurateof Helos were reduced by Sparta to this state of deg-ly describes the relative duties of the light-armed solradation, after an insurrection against the Dorians al-dier (yúuvnc) and the Hoplite. Sparta, in her better ready established in power. This explanation, how-days, is never recorded to have unnecessarily sacrificed ever, rests merely on an etymology, and that by no means probable, since such a Gentile name as Elaws (which seems to be the more ancient form) cannot by any method of formation have been derived from "Eλoc. The word Elaws is probably a derivative from "Eλw in a passive sense, and consequently means "a prisoner." This derivation was known in ancient times. (Compare Schol., Plat., Alcib., 1, p. 78, and Lennep, Etymol., p. 257.) Perhaps the word signifies those who were taken after having resisted to the uttermost. It appears to me, however, that they were an aboriginal race, which was subdued at a very early period, and which immediately passed over as slaves to the Doric conquerors. In speaking of the condition of the Helots, we will consider their political rights and their personal treatment under different heads, though in fact the two subjects are very nearly connected. The first were doubtless exactly defined by law and custom, though the expressions made use of by ancient authors are frequently vague and ambiguous. They were," says Ephorus (ap. Strab., 365), " in a certain point of view, public slaves. Their possessor could neither

the lives of her Helots. A certain number of them was allotted to each Spartan (Herodot., 9, 28.—Thucyd., 3, 8); at the battle of Platea this number was seven. Those who were assigned to a single master were probably called άuniTTарes. Of these, however, one in particular was the servant (Vɛpáñwv) of his master, as in the story of the blind Spartan, who was conducted by his Helot into the thickest of the battle of Thermopyle, and, while the latter fled, fell with the other heroes. (Herod., 7, 229.) It appears that the other Helots were in the field placed more immediately under the command of the king than the rest of the army. (Herod., 6, 80 et 81.) In the fleet they composed the large mass of the sailors (Xen., Hist. Gr., 7, 1, 12), in which service at Athens the inferior citizens and slaves were employed. It is a matter of much greater difficulty to form a clear notion of the treatment of the Helots, and of their manner of life; for the rhetorical spirit with which later historians have embellished their philanthropic views, joined to our own ignorance, has been productive of much confusion and misconception. Myron of Priene, in his romance

on the Messenian war, drew a very dark picture of yet were not these Helots, who in many districts lived Sparta, and endeavoured at the end to rouse the feel-entirely alone, united by despair for the sake of comings of his readers by a description of the fate which mon protection, and did they not every year kindle a the conquered underwent. "The Helots," says he most bloody and determined war throughout the whole (ap. Athen., 14, p. 657, D.), "perform for the Spartans of Laconia? Such are the inextricable difficulties in every ignominious service. They are compelled to which we are involved by giving credit to the received wear a cap of dog's skin (xvvn), to have a covering of accounts: the solution of which is, in my opinion, to sheep's skin (diquépa), and are severely beaten every be found in the speech of Megillus the Spartan, in the year without having committed any fault, in order that laws of Plato, who is there celebrating the manner of they may never forget they are slaves. In addition to inuring his countrymen to hardships. "There is also this, those among them who, either by their stature among us," he says, "what is called the crypteia or their beauty, raise themselves above the condition (крUπTɛiα), the pain of undergoing which is scarcely of a slave, are condemned to death, and the masters credible. It consists in going barefoot on stones, in who do not destroy the most manly of them are liable enduring the privations of the camp, performing meto purishment." The partiality and ignorance of this nial offices without a servant, and wandering night and writer are evident from his very first statement. The day throughout the whole country." The same is Helots wore the leathern cap with a broad band, and more clearly expressed in another passage (6, p. 763, the covering of sheep's skin, simply because it was the B.), where the philosopher settles, that in his state original dress of the natives, which, moreover, the Ar- sixty agronomi or phylarchs should each choose twelve cadians had retained from ancient usage. (Sophocles, young men from the age of twenty-five to thirty, and Inachus, ap. Schol., Aristoph., av. 1203.-Valck., ad send them as guards in succession through the several Theocrit. Adoniaz., p. 345.) Laertes, the father of districts, in order to inspect the fortresses, roads, and Ulysses, when he assumed the character of a peasant, public buildings in the country; for which purpose is also represented as wearing a cap of goat's skin. they should have power to make free use of the (Od., 24, 230.) The truth is, that the ancients made slaves. During this time they were to live sparingly, a distinction between town and country costume to minister to their own wants, and range through the Hence, when the tyrants of Sicyon wished to accustom whole country in arms without intermission, both in the unemployed people, whose numbers they dreaded, winter and summer. These persons were to be called to a country life, they forced them to wear the kат- кρуπтоí оr ȧyopavóμot. Can it be supposed that Plawvákn, which had underneath a lining of fur. (Pollux, to would have here used the name of crypteia, if it 7, 4, 68.) Thus also Theognis describes the country- signified a secret murder of the Helots, or, rather, if men of Megara as clothed with dressed skins, and there were not an exact agreement in essentials bedwelling around the town like frightened deer. The tween the institution which he proposed and that in diphthera of the Helots, therefore, signified nothing existence at Sparta, although the latter was perhaps more humiliating and degrading than their employment one of greater hardship and severity? The youth of in agricultural labour. Now, since Myron purposely Sparta were also sent out under certain officers, partly misrepresented this circumstance, it is very probable for the purpose of training them to hardships, partly of that his other objections are founded in error; nor can inspecting the territory of Sparta, which was of conmisrepresentations of this political state, which was siderable extent, and who kept, we may suppose, a unknown to the later Greeks, and particularly to wri- strict watch upon the Helots, who, living by themters, have been uncommon. Plutarch, for example, selves, and entirely separated from their masters, must relates that the Helots were compelled to intoxicate have been for that reason more formidable to Sparta. themselves, and to perform indecent dances, as a We must allow that oppression and severity were not warning to the Spartan youth; but common sense is sufficiently provided against; only the aim of the cusopposed to so absurd a mode of education. Is it pos- tom was wholly different; though perhaps it was recksible that the Spartans should have so degraded the oned by Thucydides (4, 80) among those institutions men whom they appointed as tutors over their chil- which, as he says, were established for the purpose of dren? Female Helots also discharged the office of keeping a watch over the Helots. It is hardly neces nurse in the royal palaces, and doubtless obtained all sary to remark, that this established institution of the the affection with which the attendants of early youth crypteia was in no way connected with those measures were honoured in ancient times. It is, however, cer- to which Sparta thought herself compelled in hazardtain that the Doric laws did not bind servants to strict ous circumstances to resort. Thucydides leaves us temperance; and hence examples of drunkenness to guess the fate of the 2000 Helots, who, after havamong them might have served as a means of recom- ing been destined for the field, suddenly disappeared, mending sobriety. It was also an established regula. It was the curse of this bondage (which Plato terms tion, that the national songs and dances of Sparta were the hardest in Greece), that the slaves abandoned their forbidden to the Helots, who, on the other hand, had masters when they stood in greatest need of their assome extravagant and lascivious dances peculiar to sistance; and hence the Spartans were even compelled themselves, which may have given rise to the above to stipulate in treaties for aid against their own subreport. But are we not labouring in vain to soften the jects. (Thucyd., 1, 118.-Id., 5, 14.-Compare Arisbad impression of Myron's account, since the fearful tot., Pol., 2, 6, 2).-A more favourable side of the word crypteia is of itself sufficient to show the un-Spartan system of bondage is, that a legal way to libhappy fate of the Helots and the cruelty of their mas-erty and citizenship stood open to the Helots. The ters? By this word is generally understood a chase of the Helots, annually undertaken at a fixed time by the youth of Sparta, who either assassinated them by night, or massacred them formally in open day, in order to lessen their numbers and weaken their power. Isocrates speaks of this institution in a very confused manner, and from mere report. Aristotle, however, as well as Heraclides of Pontus, attribute it to Lycurgus, and represent it as a war which the Ephori themselves, on entering upon their yearly office, proclaimed against the Helots. Thus it was a regularly legalized massacre, and the more barbarous as its periodical arrival could be foreseen by its unhappy victims. And

many intermediate steps seem to prove the existence of a regular mode of transition from the one rank to the other. The Helots who were esteemed worthy of an especial confidence were called apyɛio; the ȧpérai were probably released from all service. The dεorоσLovavtal, who served in the fleets, resembled probably the freedmen of Attica, who were called the outdwellers (oi xwpis oiKovvtes). When they received their liberty, they also obtained permission to dwell where they wished (Thucyd., 5, 34.—Id., 4, 80), and probably, at the same time, a portion of land was granted them without the lot of their former masters. After they had been in possession of liberty for some

the feat, a new race on the part of new competitors took place. If any of the contending parties, through fear of extinguishing the torch by too violent a motion, relaxed his pace, the spectators used to strike him with the palms of their hands, in order to urge him on. (Pausan., 1, 30.-Schol. ad Aristoph., Ran., 131.) There are several beautiful allusions to this torch-race in the ancient writers, who usually compare it to the changing scenes and vicissitudes of life, the generations of men succeeding one another, and the passage from life to death. The most striking of these occurs in Lucretius (2, 75, seqq.-Compare Plato, Leg., 6, p. 776).

time, they appear to have been called Neodamodes | failed, he made way for the third. If none performed (Thucyd., 7, 58), the number of whom soon came near to that of the citizens. (Plut., Vit. Ages., 6.) The Mothones or Mothaces were Helots, who, being brought up together with the young Spartans, obtained freedom without the rights of citizenship. (Athenæus, 6, p. 271 E.)-The number of the Helots may be determined with sufficient accuracy from the account of the army at Platea. We find that there were present in this battle 5000 Spartans, 35,000 Helots, and 10,000 Perioeci. The whole number of Spartans that bore arms amounted on another occasion to 8000, which, according to the same proportion, would give 56,000 for the number of Helots capable of bearing arms, and for the whole population about 224,000. If, HEPHÆSTIADES, a name applied to the Lipari Islthen, the state of Sparta possessed 9000 lots (кλñpot), ands, from the Volcanic character of the group. The there were twenty male Helots to each, and there re-appellation is a Greek one, and comes from "Hoαiσros mained 44,000 for the service of the state and of in- (Hephæstus), the Greek name for Vulcan, the god of dividuals. (Müller, Dorians, vol. 2, p. 30, seqq., Eng. fire. (Plin., 3, 9.-Vid. Lipara, Strongyle, and Æotrans.-vol. 2, p. 33, German work.) liæ Insulæ.)

HELVETII, a nation of Gaul, conquered by Cæsar. Their country is generally supposed to have answered to modern Switzerland; but ancient Helvetia was of less extent than modern Switzerland, being bounded on the north by the Rhenus and Lacus Brigantinus, or Lake of Constance; on the south by the Rhodanus and the Lacus Lemanus, or Lake of Geneva; and on the west by Mons Jura. (Cas., B. G., 1, &c.—Tacit., Hist., 1, 67 et 69.)

HEPHÆSTION, I. a grammarian of Alexandrea, one of the preceptors of the Emperor Verus (Capitol., Vit. Ver., c. 2), and who consequently flourished about the middle of the second century. He has left us a Treatise on Greek metres, entitled 'Eyxεipídiov жερì μÉTpov, containing a large portion of all that we are acquainted with on this subject. The best edition is that of Gaisford, Oxon., 1810, 8vo. The English edi tor has joined to it the Chrestomathia of Proclus.-II. A native of Thebes, whose age is uncertain. He wrote on astrological subjects. We have some parts of a work of his on the names and powers of the signs of the Zodiac ('Αποτελεσματικὰ περὶ τῆς ιδ' μορίων όνομaoíaç kaì dvváμews). We have also some hexame. ters by him on the signs under which certain countries or certain cities are situated. They are part of a work entitled Περὶ τῶν καταρχῶν. The fragments on the signs of the zodiac are given by Camerarius in his astrological collection; the hexameters by Iriarte, Cat. Cod. MSS. Gr. Bibl. Matrit., vol. 1, p. 244. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 7, p. 47, seqq.)-III. A native of Macedonia, and intimate friend of Alexander the Great. He accompanied the latter in his eastern expedition, and held an important command under him. Alexander, in speaking of the intimacy that subsisted between them, used to say that Craterus was the friend of the king, but Hephaestion the friend of Alexander. After a long succession of faithful and arduous services, Hephaestion was seized with a fever at Ecbata na, B.C. 324, and died on the seventh day of his illness. His malady has been ascribed by some writers to excessive drinking; but the hardships which he had HENIŎCHI, a people of Asiatic Sarmatia, near Col- undergone only a short time previous, and the conchis, who were said to have been descended from tinual change of climate, would be sufficient of themAmphytus and Telchius, the charioteers (víoxo) of selves to break down his strength. Alexander was Castor and Pollux. (Mela, 1, 19.-Id., 6, 5.-Strab., presiding at the games on the seventh day of Hephas490.) This account is, of course, a mere fable, ari-tion's illness, and the stadium was full of spectators, sing out of some accidental resemblance between the true name of this people and the Greek term vioxo. The Heniochi are mentioned by the ancient writers as bold and skilful pirates. (Plin., 6, 4.-Mela, l. c.— Vell. Paterc., 2, 40.—Amm. Marcell., 22, 15.-Solin., c. 15.)

HELVII, a people of Gaul, north of the Arecomici, on the western bank of the Rhodanus. The mountain range of Cebenna (Cevennes) separated them from the Arverni. Their territory answers to what is now the Diocese of Viviers, and some traces of their capital, | Alba Augusta, exist at the present day in the village of Alps. (Cas., B. G., 7, 7, seqq.-Lemaire, Ind. Geogr., ad Cæs., s. v.)

HENETI, a people of Paphlagonia, along the coast of the Euxine, of whom there was an old tradition that they had migrated to the north of Italy, near the mouths of the Padus or Po, where they became the forefathers of the Veneti. (Scymn., Ch., v. 388, seq. -Strab., 543-Id., 608.) Virgil makes Antenor to have led the colony from Asia, after the destruction of Troy, and to have settled near the little river Timavus, which flows into the head waters of the Adriatic. The whole legend, however, is purely fabulous. The Heneti never came to Italy, and the Veneti in the latter country were of northern, perhaps German, descent. (Vid. Veneti.) The whole question respecting the Heneti is discussed by Heyne. (Excurs., ad En., 1, 242.-Excurs., vii., de Timav. fluv.)

HEPHÆSTIA, I. one of the two principal towns in the island of Lemnos, the other being Myrina. (Herod., 7, 140.-Steph. Byz., s. v. 'Hoaioría).-II. A festival at Athens, celebrated annually, in honour of Vulcan ("HoαOTOS). On this occasion there was a race with torches, called άyov λauradovxos, from the altar of Prometheus in the Academia to the city gates. The competitors were young men, three in number, one of whom being chosen by lot to take his turn first, took a lighted torch in his hand and began his course. If the torch was extinguished before he arrived at the goal, he made way for the second competitor, and gave up the torch to him. If the second in like manner

when a messenger brought intelligence that Hephaestion's malady had assumed a very alarming character. The monarch hurried away, but his friend was dead before he arrived.-The following passage from Arrian affords some curious information on this subject, and shows also from what a mass of contradictory matter the historian had to select his facts." Various writers have given various accounts of Alexander's sorrow on the occasion of Hephaestion's death. All agree that it was excessive; but his actions are differently described, as the writers were biased by affection or hostility to Hephaestion, or even to Alexander. Some, who have described his conduct as frantic and outrageous, regard all his extravagant deeds and words on the loss of his dearest friend as honourable to his feelings, while others deem them degrading, and unworthy of a king and of Alexander. Some write, that for the remainder of that day he lay lamenting upon the body of his friend, which he would not quit until he was