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Rubeas; beyond this they styled it Cronium. (Plin., 4, 13.) These two names are easily explained by the Cymric language: mar there signifies “sea;" marw, “to die;” marusis, “death;” and crumn, “congealed,” “frozen :” in Gaelic, croin has the same force : Murchroinn is “the frozen sea.” (Adelung, alteste Gesch. der Teutschen, p. 48.—Toland's several pieces, pt. 1, p. 150.)—Ephorus, who lived about the same period, knew the Cimbri, and gives them the name of Celts; but in his geographical system, this very vague denomination designates at the same time a Gaul and an inhabitant of Western Europe. (Strabo, 203.) When, between the years 113 and 101 before our era, a deluge of Cimbri poured its desolating fury on Gaul, Spain, and Italy, the belief was general, that they came from the extremities of the West, from the frozen regions bordering on the Northern Ocean, from the Cimbric Chersonese, from the shores of the Cimbric Thetis. (Florus, 3, 3.-Polyan., 8, 10.—Ammian. Marcell., 31, 5.-Claudian, Bell. Get., v. 638.-Plut., Wit. Mar.) In the time of Augustus, the Cimbri occupied a portion of Jutland, and they acknowledged themselves to be the descendants of those who, in a preceding age, had committed so many ravages. Alarmed at the conquests of the Romans beyond the Rhine, and supposing that their object was to inflict vengeance upon them for the inroad of their ancestors, they sent an embassy to the emperor to supplicate for pardon. (Strabo, 292.) Strabo and Mela (3, 3) place these Cimbri to the north of the Elbe. Tacitus found them there in his own time. (Germ., c. 37.) Pliny gives a much more extensive signification to this name of Cimbri; he would seem to make it a generic term. He not only, for example, recognises the Cimbri of the present Jutland, but he speaks also of the Mediterranean Cimbri (4, 3) in the vicinity of the Rhine, comprehending, under this common appellation, various tribes which in other writers bear widely different names. These Cimbri, inhabiting Jutland and the countries round about, were generally regarded as Gauls, that is to say, as belonging to one of the two races which then held possession of Gaul., Cicero, in speaking of the great invasion of Cimbri, says in many places that Marius had conquered the Gauls. In like manner, Sallust (Bell. Jug., c. 114) makes Caepio, who was defeated by the Cimbri, to have been so by Gauls. Most of the subsequent writers hold the same lan#. finally, the Cimbric buckler of Marius bore the gure of a Gaul. To this we may add, that Ceso-rix, Boio-riz, &c., names of chieftains in the Cimbric army, are to all appearance Gallic appellations.—When we read the details of this terrible invasion, we are struck with the promptitude and facility with which the Cimbri and Belgae came to an understanding and arranged matters among themselves, while all the calamities of the inroad appear to have fallen on central and southern Gaul. Caesar informs us, that the Belgae vigorously sustained the first shock of the invaders, and arrested the torrent on their frontiers. This may all have been so ; but we see them almost immediately after entering into an agreement with each other. The Belga, cede to the invaders one of their fortresses, Aduaticum, in which to deposite their baggage; and the Cimbri, on their part, leave as a guard for their baggage, which contained all their riches, a body of only six thousand men, and continue on their way; they must have been well assured, then, of the fidelity of the Belgae. After the overthrow of the Cimbri in Italy, the garrison of Aduaticum still remain in possession of the fortress and its territory, and become a Belgic tribe. When the Cimbri wish to attack the province of Narbonne, they make an alliance with the Wolcao Tectosages, a Belgic colony, while their proposals are rejected by the other Gallic tribes. These facts, and many others that might be adduced, prove, that if there were a community of origin and language between the

Cimbri and one of the races that dwelt in Gaul, it was more likely the race of which the Belgæ formed a part than any of the Gallic ones. A remark of Tacitus sheds a new light on the subject. He states, that the AEstii, a community dwelling in the vicinity of the Cimbri, on the shores of the jo. and in all probability belonging to the Cimbric race, spoke a language approximating closely to the insular Breton (“lingua Britannica propior,” Tac., Germ., c. 45). . Now we have seen that the language of the Bretons was also that of the Belgae and of the Armoric tribes.—All the ancient historians attribute to a Gallic army the invasion of Greece, in the years 279 and 280 B.C. Appian (Bell. Illyr., 4) calls these Gauls Cimbri.-Again, the Gallic nations, whether pure, or intermingled with Sarmatian and German tribes, were numerous on the northern bank of the lower Danube and in the vicinity: the most famous of all, that of the Bastarnae (Tac., Germ., c. 46.-Plin., 4, 12.—Liv., 34, 26.-Id., 30, 50, seqq.—Polyb., excerpt., leg. 62), intermingled probably with Sarmatians, dwelt between the Black Sea and the Carpathian Mountains. Mithradates, wishin to form a powerful league against Rome, .# himself to this powerful nation. “He sent,” says Justin (38, 3), “ambassadors to the Cimbri, Sarpatae, and Bastarnae.” It is evident, that the Cimbri of Jutland cannot here be meant, separated as they were from the King of Pontus by the whole extent of the Continent of Europe, but those Cimbri who dwelt in the vicinity of the Bastarnae and Sarmatae, and on whom had been reflected the glory gained by their brethren in Gaul and in Noricum. The existence of Cimbric nations, extending at various intervals from the lower Danube as far as the Elbe, would seem to establish the fact, that all the country between the Pontus Euxinus and the Ocean, following the courses of the rivers, was possessed by the race of the Cimbri anterior to the increase and development of the Germanic race.

Proofs drawn from National Traditions.

There are few persons at the present day who have not heard of those curious monuments, as well in prose as in verse, which compose the literature of the Welsh or Cymri, and which go back, almost without interruption, from the 16th to the 6th century of our era: a literature not less remarkable for the originality of its forms, than for the light which it throws upon the early history of the Cymri. Contested at first with the greatest obstinacy by a spirit of criticism alike superficial and contemptuous, the authenticity of these ancient records is now established beyond the possibility of doubt. (Consult Myryrian, *::::::: of Wales.— Turner, Authenticity of the ancient British poems, &c.) From the national traditions detailed in these early effusions, the following results may be established. 1. The duality of the two races is recognised by the Triads: the Gwyddelad (Gauls) who inhabit Alben are regarded as a stranger and hostile people. (Trioeddynys Prydain, n. 41.-Archaeol. of Wales, vol. 2.)—2. The identity of the Armorican Belgae with the Cymric Britons is also recognised; the Armorican tribes are there designated as deriving their origin from the primitive race of the Cymri, and holding communication with them by the aid of one and the same language. (Trioed., 5.)—3. The Triads make the race of the Cymri to have come from that part of the land of Haf (the country of summer or of the south) called Deffrobani, and where at present is Constantinople. (These words, “and where at present is Constantinople,” appear to be the addition of some copyist; still they are not without value, as being founded on the traditions of the country.) “They arrived at the foggy sea.” (the German Ocean), “and proceeded thence to Britain and the country of Lydau” (Armorica), “where

they settled.” (Trioedd., n. 4) The bard Taliessin simply says, that the Cymri came from Asia. (Welsh Archæol., vol. 1, p. 76.) The Triads and Druidic bards agree in many particulars respecting the settlement of the Cymri on their arrival in Western Europe. It was Hu, the powerful, who conducted them: a priest, a warrior, a legislator, and, after death, a god, he united in himself all the attributes requisite for the chief of a theocracy. Now we know that a part of the Gallic race was long subject to the theocratic government of the Druids. This name of Hu was not unknown to the Greeks and Romans, who give the appellation of Heus and Hesus to one of the deities of Druidism.—The Irish have also their national traditions, but so confused and evidently fabulous, that it would be improper to employ them on the present occasion. They contain, however, one thing which ought not to be omitted here, the mention of a people termed Bolg (Fir-Bolg), who came from the borders of the Rhine and conquered the south of Ireland. It is not difficult to recognise in these strangers a colony of the Belgic Cymri, though nothing probable is stated respecting their history or their settlement.— Ammianus Marcellinus (15, 9), or rather Timagenes, whom he appears to be quoting, gives an ancient tradition of the Gallic Druids concerning the origin of the nations of Gaul. This tradition stated, that a part of the Gallic population was indigenous, but that another part had come from far distant islands and countries beyond the Rhine, whence they had been driven by frequent wars and by inundations of the sea.—We find, then, in the traditional history of the Gauls, as well as in the testimony of foreign writers, and in the characters of the languages spoken throughout the country, the fact well established of the division of the Gallic family into two distinct branches or races.

General Conclusions.

1. The Aquitani and Ligures, though inhabitants of Gaul, were not of Gallic blood, but belonged to the Iberian stock.

2. The nations of Gallic blood were divided into two branches, the Galli and the Cymri. The relationship of these two branches to each other is confirmed by their idioms, their manners and customs, and their national characters in general. It becomes still more apparent, however, when we compare with them the other communities that dwelt in their vicinity, namely, the Iberians, the Italians, and the Germans. And yet there exists a sufficient diversity in their respective manners, idioms, and moral characters, to authorize us to trace a line of demarcation between these two branches, which is warranted also as well by their national traditions as by the testimony of history.

3. The origin of the Gallic race belongs to the East. Their language, their traditions, their history, in fine, point to Asia as the cradle of their nation. (Thierry, Histoire des Gaulois, vol. 1, Introd., p. xii.lxviii) At what period, however, they left their parent-home and commenced their migration to the West, is beyond the reach of positive history. On this point we are left in a great measure to our own conjectures, although Linguistic, or the science of comparative philology, furnishes us with aids to the prosecution of this inquiry, by no means unimportant in their character. One thing, at least, is certain, from an attentive examination of the Celtic language, that the race who spoke this tongue came first into the West, and in all probability was the first too that separated from the parent stock. This circumstance, perhaps, may serve to explain why the Celtic idioms, along with the greatest richness in Indo-European radicals, display a less complete system of grammatical forms than most other branches of the same great family of languages; whether it be that, at the time of the Celtic separation from home, these grammatical forms had not yet reached their full number and de

velopment, or, what is more probable, that a longer pe. riod of separation, than in the case of other races, has exercised a more injurious effect. Whichever of the two be the correct opinion, it is nevertheless apparent, that the analogies between the Celtic and Sanscrit carry us back to a period the earliest that we can reach by the aid of comparative philology, and furnish us hence with most important data for ascertaining, to what degree of development the mother-tongue itself had attained before the separation in question took place. Thus, for example, an examination of the Celtic idioms appears conclusively to show, that, at the time when this separation took place, the mother-tongue possessed already an entire system of euphonic laws, which the Sanscrit has preserved the best of any IndoEuropean tongue, and which it has, in fact, preserved so well, that certain anomalies of the Celtic still find their explanation in the euphonic rules of the sacred language of India. (Pictet, de l'Affinité des Langues Celtiques arec le Sanscrit, p. 172.)

General History of Gaul.

The history of Gaul divides itself naturally into four periods. The first of these comprises the movements of the Gallic tribes while yet in their Nomadic state. None of the races of the West ever passed through a more agitated or brilliant career. Their course embraced Europe, Asia, and Africa; their name is recorded with terror in the annals of almost every nation. They burned Rome; they wrested Macedonia from the veteran legions of Alexander; they forced Thermopylae and pillaged Delphi; they then proceeded to pitch their tents on the plains of the Troad, in the public places of Miletus, on the borders of the Sangarius, and those of the Nile; they besieged Carthage, menaced Memphis, and numbered among their tributaries the most powerful monarchs of the East; they founded in upper Italy a powerful empire, and in the bosom of Phrygia they reared another empire, that of Galatia, which for a long time exercised its sway over the whole of Lower Asia.-During the second period, that of their sedentary state, we see the gradual development of social, religious, and political institutions, conformable to their peculiar character as a people; institutions original in their nature; a civilization full of movement and of life, of which Transalpine Gaul offers the purest and most complete model. One might say, in following the animated scenes of this picture, that the theocracy of India, the feudal system of the middle ages, and the Athenian democracy, had met on the same soil for the purpose of contending with each other and reigning by turns. Soon this civilization undergoes a change; foreign elements are introduced, brought in by commerce, by the relations of neighbourhood, by reaction from subjugated nations. Hence arose multiplied and often whimsical combinations. In Italy it is the Roman influence that exerts itself on the manners and institutions of the Gauls; in the south of Gaul it is that of the Massiliots; while in Phrygia we have a most singular compound of Gallic, Grecian, and Phrygian civilization.—To this succeeds the third period in the history of the Gallic race, that of national struggles and subjugation. By a singular coincidence, it is always by the Roman sword that the power of the Gallic tribes is destined to fall; in proportion as the Roman dominion extends, that of the Gauls recedes and declines. It would seem, indeed, that the victors and the vanquished, in the battle on the banks of the Allia, followed each other over the whole earth to decide the ancient quarrel of the Capitol. In Italy, the Cisalpine Gauls were reduced, but only after two centuries of obstinate resistance. When the rest of Asia had submitted to the yoke, the Galatae still defended against Rome the independence of the East. Gaul eventually fell, but through complete * after

a century of partial conflicts and nine years of general war under Caesar. In fine, the names of Caractacus and Galgacus shed a splendour on the last and ineffectual efforts of British freedom. It is everywhere an unequal conflict between ardent and undisciplined valour on the one hand, and cool and steady perseverance on the other.—The fourth period comprehends the organization of Gaul into a Roman province, and the gradual assimilation of transalpine manners to the customs and institutions of Italy; a work commenced by Augustus and completed by Claudius. (Thierry, Hustoire des Gaulois, vol. 1, Introd., p. vi., seqq.) Gallia CisalpinA, Gaul this side of the Alps, with reference to Rome, a name given to the northern part of Italy, as occupied by the Gallic tribes which had poured over the Alps into this extensive tract of country. Livy assigns to these migrations of the Gauls as early a date as the reign of Tarquinius Priscus, that is, about 600 B.C. Having securely established themselves in their new possessions, they proceeded to make farther inroads into various parts of Italy, and thus came into contact with the forces of Rome. More than two hundred years had elapsed from the time of their first invasion, when they totally defeated the Roman army on the banks of the Allia, and became masters of Rome itself. The defence of the Capitol and the exploits of Camillus (Liv., 5, 47, seqq.), or, raher, if Polybius be correct (2, 18), the gold of the vanquished, and the dangers which threatened the Gauls at home, preserved the state. From that time, the Gauls, though they continued, by frequent incursions, to threaten, and even ravage, the territory of Rome, could make no impression on that power. Though leagued with the Samnites and Etruscans, they were almost always unsuccessful. Defeated at Sentium in Umbria, near the Lake Vadimonis in Etruria, and in a still more decisive action near the port of Telamo in the same province (Polyb., 2, 19, seqq.), they soon found themselves forced to contend, not for conquest, but for existence. The same ill success, however, attended their efforts in their own territory. The progress of the Roman arms was irresistible; the Gauls were beaten back from the Adriatic to the Po, from the Po to the Alps, and soon beheld Roman colonies established and flourishing in many of the towns which had so lately been theirs. Notwithstanding these successive disasters, their spirit, though curbed, was still unsubdued; and when the enterprise of Hannibal afforded them an opportunity of retrieving their losses and wreaking their vengeance on the foe, they eagerly embraced it. It is to their zealous co-operation that Polybius ascribes in a great degree the primary success of that expedition. By the efficient aid which they afforded Hannibal, he was enabled to commence operations immediately aster he had set foot in Italy, and to follow up his early success with promptitude and vigour. (Polybius, 3, 66.) As long as that great commander maintained his ground and gave employment to all the forces of the enemy, the Gauls remained uninolested, and enjoyed their former freedom, without being much burdened by a war which was waged at a considerable distance from their borders. But when the tide of success had again changed in favour of Rome, and the defeat of Hasdrubal, together with other disasters, had paralyzed the efforts of Carthage, they once more saw their frontiers menaced; Gaul still offered some resistance, even after that humbled power had been obliged to sue for peace ; but it was weak and unavailing; and about twelve years after the termination of the second Punic war, it was brought under entire subjection, and became a Roman province. (Carli, Antichita Italiche, vol. 2, p. 5.) Under this denomination it continued to receive various accessions of territory, as the Romans extended their dominions towards the Alps, till it comprised the whole of that portion of Italy which lies between those mountains

and the rivers Magra and Rubicon. It was sometimes known by the name of Gallia Togata (Mela, 2, 4.—Plin., 3, 14), to distinguish it from Transalpine Gaul, to which the name of Gallia Comata was applied. (Cic., Phil., 8, 9.) This latter name refers to the Gallic custom of wearing the hair long. The epithet Togata alludes to the circumstance of the rights of citizenship having been conferred on the natives of the country. The towns of Cisalpine Gaul obtained the privileges of Latin cities, and, consequently, the right of wearing the Roman toga, by a law of Pompeius Strabo (Ascon. com. in Or, in Pison., p. 490), about 665 A.U.C.—According to Polybius, Cisalpine Gaul was included in the figure of a triangle, which had the Alps and Apennines for two of its sides, and the Adriatic, as far as the city of Sena Gallica, for the base. This is, however, but a rough sketch, which requires a more accurate delineation. The following limits will be found sufficiently correct to answer every purpose. The river Orgus, Orca, will define the frontier of Cisalpine Gaul to the northwest, as far as its junction with the Po, which river will then serve as a boundary on the side of Liguria, till it receives the Tidone on its right bank. Along this small stream we may trace the western limit, up to its source in the Apennines, and the southern along that chain to the river Rubicon. To the north, a line drawn nearly parallel with the Alps across the great Italian lakes will serve to separate Gaul from Rhaetia and other Alpine districts. The Athesis, Adige, from the point where it meets that line, and subsequently the Po, will distinguish it on the east and south from Venetia, and the Adriatic will close the last side of this irregular figure. The character which is given us of this portion of Italy by the writers of antiquity is that of the most fertile and productive country imaginable. Po: lybius describes it as abounding in wine, corn, and every kind of grain. Innumerable herds of swine, both for public and private supply, were bred in its forests; and such was the abundance of provisions of every kind, that travellers when at an inn did not find it necessary to agree on the price of any article which they required, but paid so much for the whole amount of what was furnished them; and this charge, at the highest, did not exceed half a Roman as. (Polyb., 2, 15.) As a proof of the richness of this country, Strabo remarks, that it surpassed all the rest of Italy in the number of large and opulent towns which it contained. The wool grown here was of the finest and softest quality; and so abundant was the supply of wine, that the wooden vessels in which it was commonly stowed were of the size of houses. (Straho, 218.) Lastly, Cicero styles it the flower of Italy, the support of the empire of the Roman people, the or nament of its dignity. (Phil., 3, 5.—Cramer's A*cient Italy, vol. 1, p. 40, seqq.) GallièNus, Publius Licinius, son of the Emperor Valerian, was made Ctesar, and colleague to his father, A.D. 253. He defeated, in a great battle near Mediolanum (Milan), the Alemanni and other northern tribes, which had made an irruption into Upper Italy, and gave evidence on that occasion of his personal bravery and abilities. He was also well-informed in literature, and was both an orator and a poet. When Valerian was taken prisoner by the Persians, A.D. 260, Gallienus took the reins of government, and was acknowledged as Augustus. He appears to have given himself up to debauchery and the company of profligate persons, nego lecting the interests of the empire, and taking no pains to effect the release of his father from his hard captivity, in which he died. The barbarians attacked the empire on every side, revolts broke out in various prov. inces, where several commanders assumed the title of emperor, while Gallienus was loitering at Rome with his favourites. Yet now and then he seemed to awaken from his torpor, at the news of the advance of the invaders; and, putting himself at the head of the legions, he defeated Ingenus, who had usurped the imperial title in Illyricum. But he disgraced his victory by horrible cruelties. Meantime Probus, Aurelianus, and other able commanders, were strenuously supporting the honour of the Roman arms in the East, where Odenatus, prince of Palmyra, acted as a useful ally to the Romans against the Persians. Usurpers arose in Egypt, in the Gauls, in Thrace, in almost every province of the empire, from which circumstance this period has been styled the reign of the thirty tyrants. At last Aureolus, a man of obscure birth, some say a Dacian shepherd originally, but a brave soldier, was proclaimed emperor by the troops in Illyricum, entered Italy, took possession of Mediolanum, and even marched against Rome while Gallienus was absent. Gallienus returned quickly, repulsed Aureolus, and defeated him in a great battle, near the Addua, after which the usurper shut himself up in Mediolanum. Here he was besieged by Gallienus; but, during the siege, the emperor was murdered by some conspirators. (Aurel. Vict., c. 33.-Eutrop., 9, 8.- Zonaras, 12, 24, seqq.)

Gallina RIA Sylva, a wood in Campania, near Liternum, that furnished timber for the fleet with which Sextus Pompeius infested the coasts of the Mediterranean. (Strabo, 243.) Juvenal mentions the spot as a noted haunt of robbers and assassins. (Sat., 3, 305.) Cicero leads us to suppose that this wood lay on the road from Sinuessa to Naples. (Ad Fam., 9, 23.) It is now called Pineta di Castel Volturno. (Pratilli della Via Appia, p. 183.)

GALLog RAEc1A or §... an extensive country of Asia Minor, occupied by a horde of Gauls. This re#. being merely a dismembered portion of ancient

hrygia, it will only be necessary here, in inquiring into its former history, to account for its being occupied by the Gauls or Gallo-Greci, from whom its new appellations were derived. . We collect from Polybius and Livy (the latter of whom, however, only copies from the former), that this Asiatic colony was, in }. but a detachment of those vast hordes which had wandered from Gaul under the conduct of Brennus, and with which that leader had invaded Greece. On their arrival in Dardania, a dispute arose between some of the chiefs and the principal commander, when the discontented troops, to the number of 20,000, determined to abandon the main body, and seek their fortunes elsewhere, under the direction of Leonorius and Lutarius. They traversed the plains of Thrace, and, encamping near Byzantium, were for a time the bane and terror of the citizens, by the devastations they committed, and the galling tribute they imposed. At length, however, tempted by the beautiful aspect of the shores of Asia, and the reputed wealth and fertility of that country, they were easily induced to listen to the offers of Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, for entering into his service. They accordingly crossed the Bosporus, and having joined the troops of Nicomedes, were of great assistance to him in his wars with Ziboetes. They now obtained a firm footing in Asia Minor; and, though not more than 20,000 men, and of these not more than one half furnished with arms, they spread alarm and consternation o the peninsula, and compelled whole provinces and even empires to pay them tribute. They even proceeded to divide the o, of Asia Minor among their three tribes, allotting to each a portion on which it was to levy impositions. The Hellespont was assigned to the Trocmi, AEolis and Ionia to the Tolistoboii, and the interior of the peninsula to the Tectosages. The settled abode, however, of the three tribes was in the country between the Sangarius and Halys, which they had seized, without resistance or difficulty, from the unwarlike Phrygians. As their numbers increased, they became more formidable, and also more imperious in their exactions; so that at

length even the kings of Syria thought it prudent to comply with their demands. Attalus, king of Pergamus, was the only sovereign who had the resolution to refuse at length to submit to this ignominious extortion. He met the barbarians in the field, and, seconded by the bravery of his troops, obtained a victory over these Gallo-Graeci, as they were now called, from their intermixture with the Greeks of Phrygia and Bithynia. (Liv., 38, 16.) Prusias, king of Bithynia, not long after, cut to pieces another body of Gauls, and freed the Hellespont from their depredations. (Polyb., 5, 111.) These, however, were only partial advantages, and the Gauls remained the terror and tyrants of Asia Minor, so says, at least, the Roman historian, till the war with Antiochus brought the Roman armies into Asia. The victory of Magnesia having driven that monarch across the range of Taurus, there remained the Gallo-Graeci only between the Romans and the entire possession of the peninsula. There wanted but a slight pretext to justify an invasion of these barbarous hordes in their own fastnesses. It was asserted that they had aided Antiochus in the campaign which had just terminated; and on this pretence war was declared against them, and the consul Manlius was ordered to march into their country, and reduce them by sorce of arms. That general, being joined by Attalus, brother of Eumenes, king of Pergamus, with a select body of troops, defeated the Tolistoboii and Trocmi with prodigious slaughter, and by a victory over the Tectosages, no less decisive than the former, terminated the war; the small remnant of the Gauls being content to sue for peace on any conditions. The Roman senate, satisfied with having broken the power of the Gallo-Graeci, allowed thern to retain possession of their country, on condition of giving no offence to Eumenes, king of Pergamns, who might be considered as their lieutenant in Asia, and forsaking their former wandering and marauding habits. Previously, as Strabo informs us, the whole of Galatia had been divided into four parts, each governed by a separate chief named tetrarch. Each tetrarch had under him a judge and military commander, who appointed two lieutenants. These collectively had the power of assembling the general council, which met in a spot called Drynemetum, and consisted of 300 members. This assembly decided only criminal cases: all other business was transacted by the tetrarchs and judges. Subsequently the number of tetrarchs was reduced to three, and finally to one. The latter change was made by the Romans in favour of Deiotarus, who had rendered their arms essential service in the Mithradatic war (Appian, Bell. Mithr., 114), and who is so often mentioned by Cicero in terms of the greatest esteem and friendship. (Wid. Deiotarus.) On his death, which took place at an advanced age, part of his principality was annexed to Paphlagonia and Pontus under Polemo; and part to the dominions of Amyntas, chief of Lycaonia. On the demise of the latter, the whole of Galatia came into the possession of the Romans, and formed one province of their vast empire. (Strab., 566–Plin., 5, 32.)—Though intermixed with Greeks, the Galataeans retained throughout their original tongue, since we are assured by St. Jerome that in his day they spoke the same language as the Treviri in Gaul. (Prolegom, in Epist, ad Galatas.) Neither did they entirely lose their original simplicity of manners; for Cicero, in his defence of Deiotarus (c. 9), praises him as an extensive cultivator and breeder of cattle. Less effeminate also and debased by superstition than the natives of Phrygia, they were more ready to embrace the tidings of salvation brought to them by the great Apostle of the Gentiles. The ecclesiastical notices assign sixteen bishoprics to Galatia, under two divisions; one called Galatia Consularis, the other Salutaris. (Hieroc., p. 696.)—No ancient geographer has laid down **** the limits of Gallo-Graecia. It is known generally, that to the west it bordered upon Phrygia Epictetus, and a portion of Bithynia, north of the Sangarius: on the north it ranged along the Bithynian and Paphlagonian chains, till it met the Halys, which separated it from Cappadocia towards the east: on the south it was contiguous to Lycaonia and part of Pisidia, till it met again the Phrygian frontier, somewhere between the sources of the Sangarius and Alander on the north. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 79, seqq.) Gallus, I. Caius or Cnaeus Sulpitius, was consul B.C. 166. His name is honourably connected with the history of ancient science, since he may be regarded as the first individual among the Romans that turned his attention to astronomical studies. Livy states, that, when a tribune in the army of Paulus AEmilius in Macedon, he soretold an eclipse of the moon, first to the consul, and then, with his leave, to the Roman army. The eclipse took place on the evening before the great battle of Pydna, and the Romans, being prepared for it, were under no alarm, while their opponents were terrified, and deemed it an omen of the fall of their king Perses. (Liv., 44, 37.—Compare Cic., de Senect., 16.) The date of this eclipse was 168 B.C. Now as the tables of Hipparchus only began with 162 B.C., Gallus must have availed himself of some (probably Oriental) mode earlier than that of Hipparchus, but which has not come down to us. A passage in Pliny (2, 19) would seem to have reference to a work composed by Gallus, which may have been a treatise on eclipses, and such, indeed, is the opinion of Hardouin (Ad Plin., l.c.). Cicero praises the astronomical knowledge of Gallus (de Senect., 16), and Livy, Valerius Maximus, and Frontinus have not for. gotten his name. He is said to have repudiated his wife because she appeared on one occasion in public without a veil. (Val. Maz., 6, 3, 10.)—II. Cornelius, a distinguished Roman, ranked among the chief of the Latin elegiac writers, and compared by Quintilian with Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid. He was born of poor and ignoble parents, A.U.C. 685. Forum Julii is said to have been the place of his birth (Chron. Euseb.), but there were two towns of that name within the boundaries of the Roman empire. The one, since called Friuli, lay within the district of that name; the other (now Frejus, in Provence) was situate on the southern coast of the Roman province of Gallia Narbonensis. Some writers have fixed on the former as the birthplace of Gallus (Hist. Lit. Aquileiensis, lib. 1, 8. —Liruti, Notiz. dell' Vite ed Opere de Let. de Friuli, vol. 1, p. 2.—Tiraboschi, vol. 1, . l, lib. 3, 1), but a greater number have maintained that he was a native of Frejus. (Hist. Litt. de la France, parles Benedictins. —Fuhrmann, Handbuch, &c., p. 286.-Harles, Introd. in Not. Lit. Rom., vol. 1, } 333.-Müller, Einleitung, vol. 2, p. 232.) The Eusebian chronicle is the authority which places his birth at Forum Julii; but, owing to a corruption in some of the manuscripts of that chronicle, Forum Livii being substituted in its room, a few writers have supposed that he was born at that town, now Forli, in the Romagna. (Flarius Blondus, Ital, Illustrata.-Morgagni, Opusc. Miscell.) From the obscurity of his birth and of his original situation, little is known concerning the early years of Gallus. He is first mentioned in history as accompanying Octavius when he marched to Rome, after the battle of Modena, to demand the consulship. He had soon so far ingratiated himself with this leader, that we find him among the number of his advisers after the battle of Philippi, and counselling him, along with Maecenas, to write in gentle terms to the senate, with assurances that he would offer no violence to the city, but would regulate all things with clemency and moderation. On the partition of the lands which followed the defeat of Brutus, Gallus was appointed to collect, from the cantons on the banks of the Po, a tribute

which had been imposed on the inhabitants in place of depriving them of their lands. When the young triumvir became the undisputed master of the western half of the Roman empire, he raised Gallus to the highest honours of the state; and when he meditated the appropriation of the eastern half likewise, he invested him with an important military cominand. After the battle of Actium, he was opposed to Antony in person on the invasion of Egypt; and while Augustus took possession of Pelusium, its eastern key, Gallus was employed to make himself master of Paraetonium, which was considered its western barrier. Gallus proved eminently successful in this enterprise. He thwarted all the attempts of Antony to shake the fidelity of the soldiers, many of whom had at one time served under that leader; and by a skilful stratagem he surprised and destroyed a number of vessels which belonged to his adversary. When Augustus, having at length encamped near Alexandrea, received intelligence that Antony had laid violent hands on himself, he despatched Proculeius to the city, in order, if possible, to save the treasures and get Cleopatra alive into his power. But she refused to confer with this emissary otherwise than from within the monument she had constructed, Proculeius standing without the gate, which was strongly barred. Having heard her proposals and observed the situation of the place, Proculeius returned and made his report to Augustus. It was then that Gallus undertook to perform a part still more perfidious and despicable. He advanced to the gate of the monument, and contrived to lengthen out a conference with the queen, till Proculeius, in the mean while, having fixed his scaling-ladders to the walls, entered the tower by one of the windows, and then descended to the gate where Cleopatra was discoursin

with his coadjutor. She immediately turned roun

from Gallus, and, seeing that she was thus surprised, attempted to stab herself, but Proculeius wrested the dagger from her hands.--Egypt having been reduced to complete submission, its conqueror directed his whole attention towards the administration of its internal affairs. Its importance as the granary from which Italy derived the chief supplies of corn, its wealth, its population, and the levity of its inhabitants, all contributed to render this recent acquisition a subject of much care and solicitude to Augustus. He considered it inexpedient to allow any native assembly or council to meet. He even thought it dangerous to permit any authority to be exercised over this realm by the Roman senate; and he accordingly took into his own hands the whole administration, which, on his return to Rome, he determined to devolve on a viceroy, supported by a great military force stationed in different parts of the kingdom. Gallus was the person whom he first invested with this prefecture; and his long-tried fidelity, his attachment to his master, and his talent for conciliation, gave every prospect of a government which would be exercised with advantage to the prince who trusted him, and the people who were confided to his care; and so long as he acted under the direction of Augustus, he manifested no defect either in capacity or zeal. He opened new conduits from the Nile, and caused the old channels to be cleared; he restored the vigour of the laws, protected commerce, and encouraged arts; and he founded another Alexandrean library, the former magnificent collection of books having been in part destroyed by fire in the time of Julius Caesar. By these means Egypt for a while enjoyed, under the government of Gallus, a prosperity and happiness to which she had long been a stranger during the sway of the Ptolemies. But the termination of the rule of this first prefect of Egypt did not correspond with its auspicious commencement. Elated with power, he soon forgot the respect that was due to his benefactor. He ascribed everything to his own merit, erecting statues to himself

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