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ment he had caused to be inflicted, by the authority of the senate, upon the accomplices of Catiline. The illustrious ex-consul put on mourning, and appeared in public, accompanied by the equites and many young patricians, demanding the protection of the people. Clodius, however, at the head of his armed adherents, insulted them repeatedly, and ventured even to besiege the senate house. Cicero, upon this, went into voluntary exile. His conduct, however, in this reverse of fortune, showed anything but the firmness of a man of true spirit. He wandered about Greece, bewailing his miserable condition, refusing the consolations which his friends attempted to administer, and shunning the public honours with which the Greek cities were eager to load him. (Ep. ad Att., lib. 3. —Ep. ad Fam., lib. 14.—Or. pro Sext., 22.—Pro Dom., 36.) He ultimately took refuge in Thessalonica with Plancus. Clodius, in the mean time, procured new decrees, in consequence of which Cicero's country seats were torn down, and a temple of Freedoun built on the site of his house at Rome. His wife and children were also exposed to ill usage from his imbittered persecutors. A favourable change, however, soon took place in the minds of his countrymen. The audacity of Clodius became insupportable to all : Pompey encouraged Cicero's friends to get him recalled to Rome, and the senate also declared that it would not attend to any business until the decree which ordered his banishment was revoked. Through the zeal of the consul Lentulus, and at the proposition of several tribunes, the decree of recall passed the assembly of the people in the following year, in spite of a bloody tumult, in which Cicero's brother Quintus was dangerously wounded; and the orator returned to his native country, after an absence of ten months, and was received with every mark of honour. The senate met him at the city gates, and his entry resembled a triumph. The attacks of Clodius, though they could now do no harm, were immediately renewed, until Cicero was freed from the insults of this turbulent demagogue by the hand of Milo, whom he afterward, in a public trial for the deed, unsuccessfully defended. (Vid. Milo.). Five years after his return from exile he received the government of Cilicia, in consequence of Pompey's law, which obliged those senators of consular or praetorian rank who had never held any foreign command, to divide the vacant provinces among them. . Cicero conducted a war, while in this office, with good success against the plundering tribes of the mountain districts of Cilicia, and was greeted by his soldiers with the title of Imerator. He resigned his command, and returned to taly, about the close of the year 703, intending to prefer his claim to a triumph; but the troubles which were just then commencing between Caesar and Pomy prevented him from obtaining one. His return #. was followed by earnest endeavours to reconcile Pompey with Caesar, and by very spirited behaviour when Caesar required his presence in the senate. But this independent temper was only transient; and at no period of his public life did he display such miserable vacillation as at the opening of the civil war. His conduct, in this respect, had been faulty enough before, for he then vacillated between the several members of the first triumvirate, defending Vatinius in order to please Caesar, and his bitter political enemy Gabinius to ingratiate himself it." Pompey. Now, however, we find him first accepting a commission from the republic; then courting Caesar; next, on Pompey's sailing for Greece, resolving to follow him thither; presently determining to stand neuter; then bent on retiring to the Pompeians in Sicily; and when, after all, he i. joined their camp in Greece, discovering such timidity and discontent as to draw from Pompey the bitter reproof, “cupio ad hostes Cicero *g: ut nos timeat.” (Macrobius, Sat., 2, 3.) x

After the battle of Pharsalia and the flight of Pompey, he refused to take the command of some troops then under the orders of Cato, but returned to Italy, which was governed by Antony, the representative of Caesar. His return was attended with several unpleasant circumstances, until the conqueror wrote to him, and soon after received him in the most friendly spirit. Cicero now devoted himself entirely to literature and philosophy. The state of his private affairs, however, involved him in great embarrassment. A large sum, which he had advanced to Pompey, had impoverished him, and he was forced to stand indebted to Atticus for present assistance. These difficulties led him to a step which it has been customary to regard with great severity; the divorce of his wife Terentia, though he was then in his 62d year, and his marriage with his rich ward Publilla, who was of an age disproportionate to his own. Yet, in reviewing this proceeding, we must not adopt the modern standard of propriety, forgetful of the character of an age which reconciled actions even of moral turpitude with a reputation for honour and virtue. Terentia was a woman of a most imperious and violent temper, and (what is more to the purpose) had in no slight degree contributed to his present embarrassment by her extravagance in the management of his private affairs. By her he had two children, a son born the year before his consulship, and a daughter, whose loss he was now sated to experience. To Tullia he was tenderly attached, not only from the excellence of her disposition, but from her love of polite literature; and her death tore from him, as he so pathetically laments to Sulpicius, the only comfort which the course of public events had left him. (Ep. ad Fam., 4, 14.) His distress was increased by the unfeeling conduct of Publilia, whom he soon divorced for testifying joy at the death of her step-daughter. It was on this occasion that he wrote his treatise “On Consolation,” with a view to mitigate the anguish of his sufferings. His friends were assiduous in their attentions; and Caesar, who had treated him with the utmost kindness on his return from Egypt, signified the respect he bore his character by sending a letter of condolence from Spain, where the remains of the Pompeian party still engaged him. But no attentions, however considerate, could soften Cicero's vexation at seeing the country he had formerly saved by his exertions, now subjected to the tyranny of one master. His speeches, indeed, for Marcellus and Ligarius exhibit traces of inconsistency; but for the most part he retired from public business, and gave himself up to the composition of those works which, while they mitigated his political sorrows, have secured his literary celebrity. The assassination of Caesar, which took place in the following year, once more brought him on the stage of public affairs. He hoped to regain great political influence: but Antony took Caesar's place, and all that was left Cicero to do was to compose those admirable orations against him which are known by the name of Philippics, and are equally distinguished for eloquence and patriotism. His enmity towards Antony induced him to favour the young Octavius, although the pretended moderation of the latter by no means deceived him. With him originated all the energetic resolutions of the senate in favour of the war which the consuls and the young Caesar were conducting against Antony in the name of the republic; and for a time the prospect seemed to brighten. At last, however, Octavius having possessed himself of the consulship, and having formed an alliance with Antony and Lepidus, Cicero became convinced that liberty was at an end. At Tusculum, whither he had retired with his brother and nephew, he learned that Octavius had basely deserted him, and that his name, at Antony's demand, had been added to the list of the proscribed. He repaired, in a state of o to

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the seacoast, and embarked. Contrary winds, however, drove him back to the shore. At the request of his slaves he embarked a second time, but soon returned again to await his fate at his country-seat near Fortnias. “I will die,” said he, “in that country which I have so often saved.” Here, then, he was disposed to remain, and to meet his death; but his slaves, who were warmly attached to him, could not bear to see him thus sacrificed; and when the party of soldiers sent to murder him was advancing towards the villa, they almost forced him to put himself into his litter, and to allow them to carry him once more on board of the vessel, which was still lying at Caieta. But, as they were bearing the litter towards the sea, they were overtaken in the walks of his own grounds by the soldiers who were in search of him, and who were headed by one Herennius, a centurion, and by C. Popilius Laenas. Popilius was a native of Picenum, and had, on a former occasion, been successfully defended by Cicero, when brought to trial for some offence before the courts at Rome. As the assistance of advocates was given gratuitously, the connexion between them and their clients was esteemed very differently from what it is among us; and it was therefore an instance of peculiar atrocity, that Popilius offered his services to Antony to murder his patron, from no other motive than the hope of gaining his favour, by showing such readiness to destroy his greatest enemy. The slaves of Cicero, undismayed at the appearance of the soldiers, prepared to defend their master; but he refused to allow any blood to be shed on his account, and commanded them to set down the litter and await the issue in silence. He was obeyed; and when the soldiers came up, he stretched out his head with perfect calmness, and submitted his neck to the sword of Popilius. He died in his sixtyfourth year, B.C. 43. When the murder was accomlished, the soldiers cut off his two hands also, as the instruments with which he had written his Philippic Orations; and the head and hands were carried to Kome, and exposed together at the Rostra. Men crowded to see the mournful sight, and testified by their tears the compassion and affection which his unworthy death, and his pure and amiable character, had so justly deserved. On the whole, antiquity may be challenged to produce an individual so virtuous, so perfectly amiable as Cicero. None interest more in their lives, none excite more painful emotions in their deaths. Others, it is true, may be found of loftier and more heroic character, who awe and subdue the mind by the grandeur of their views or the intensity of their exertions. But Cicero engages our affections by the integrity of his public conduct, the purity of his private life, the generosity, placability, and kindness of his heart, the playfulness of his temper, the warmth of his domestic attachments. In this respect his letters are invaluable. Here we see the man without disguise or affectation, especially in his letters to Atticus, to whom he unbosomed every thought, and talked with the same frankness as to himself. It must, however, be confessed, that the publication of this same correspondence has laid open the defects of his political character. Everything seemed to point out Cicero as the fittest person of the day to be a mediator beween contending factions. And yet, after the eventful period of his consulship, we see him resigning the high station in the republic which he himself might have filled, to the younger Cato, who, with only half his abilities, little foresight, and no address, possessed that first requisite for a statesman, firmness. Cicero, on the contrary, was irresolute, timid, and inconsistent. (Montesquieu, Grand, des Rom., c. 12.) He talked, indeed, largely of preserving a middle course (Ep. ad Att., 1, 19), but he was continually vacillating from one to the other extreme ; always too confident or too dejected; incorrigibly vain of success,

yet meanly panegyrizing the government of a usurpen. His foresight, sagacity, practical good sense, and singular tact in directing men's measures, were lost for want of that strength of mind which points them steadily to one object. He was never decided, never (as has sometimes been observed) took an important step without afterward repenting of it. Nor can we account for the firmness and resolution of his consulate, unless we discriminate between the ease of resisting a party and that of balancing contending interests. Boldness in opposition differs widely from steadiness in mediation; the latter implying a coolness of judgment, which a direct attack is so far from requiring, that it ever inspires minds naturally timid with unusual excitement.—Let us now pass to Cicero as a public speaker and writer. The orations he is known to have composed amount in all to about eighty, of which fifty-nine, either entire or in part, are preserved. All those pronounced by him during the five years intervening between his election to the quaestorship and edileship have perished, except that for M. Tullius, the exordium and narratio of which were brought to light by the discoveries of Maio, in the Ambrosian library at Milan. From the same quarter have been obtained many other reliques of the eloquence of Cicero, among the most important of which are, a large fragment of the oration for Scaurus, and detached portions of that delivered against Clodius for his profanation of the mysteries of the Bona Dea. Of all the lost orations, the two most regretted are, that in defence of Cornelius, and the speech delivered by him in the temple of Bellona, in quelling the disturbance excited by the law of Otho. This last is said to have been one of the most signal victories of eloquence over the turbulence of human passions, while to the former Cicero himself frequently alludes as among the most finished of his compositions. The oration for Marcellus is maintained by many to be a spurious performance. It would seem, however, after weighing all the arguments adduced by modern critics, that a part is actually genuine, but that much has been subsequently interpolated by some rhetorician or declaimer. Of the rhetorical works of Cicero, the most admired and finished is the dialogue De Oratore, of which Cicero himself highly approved, and which his friends were accustomed to regard as one of the happiest of his productions. In the Oratoria Partitiones, the subject is the art of arranging and distributing the parts of an oration so as to adapt them in the best manner to their proper end, that of moving and persuading an audience. In the dialogue on famous orators, entitled Brutus, he gives a short character of all who had ever flourished in Greece or Rome, with any considerable reputation for eloquence, down to his own time. It was intended as a fourth and supplemental book to the treatise De Oratore. The Orator, addressed to Brutus, and written at his solicitation, was intended to complete the two works just mentioned. It enlarges on the favourite topic of Cicero, which had already been partially discussed in the treatise De Oratore, the character of the perfect orator, and seeks to confirm his favourite proposition, that perfection in oratory requires an extensive acquaintance with every art. It is on the merits of this work in particular that Cicero, in a letter to a friend, asserts his perfect willingness that his reputation should be staked. The Topica are a compend of the Topica of Aristotle. The treatise De optimo genere Oratorum was originally intended as a preface to a translation of the celebrated orations of Demosphenes and AEschines De Corona. The work De Inventione was a youthful performance, and that addressed to Herennius, according to the best authorities, never proceeded from his pen. In all Cicero's rhetorical works, except, perhaps, the Orator, he professes to have digested the principles of the Aristotelic and Isocratean schools into one finished system, selecting what was best in each, and, as occasion might offer, adding remarks and precepts of his own. The subject is considered in three distinct lights, with reference to the case, the speaker, and the speech. The case, as respects its nature, is definite or indefinite ; with reference to the hearer, it is judicial, deliberative, or descriptive ; as regards the opponent, the division is fourfold; according as the fact, its nature, its quality, or its propriety is called in question. The art of the speaker is directed to five points; the discovery of persuasives (whether ethical, pathetic, or argumentative), arrangement, diction, memory, delivery. And the speech itself consists of six parts; introduction (or exordium), statement of the case, division of the subject, proof, refutation, and conclusion or peroration. Cicero's laudatory orations are among his happiest esforts. Nothing can exceed the taste and beauty of those for the Manilian Law, for Marcellus, for Ligarius, for Archias, and the ninth Philippic, which is principally in praise of Servius Sulpicius. But it is in judicial eloquence, particularly on subjects of a lively cast, as in his speeches for Caelius and Muraena, and against Caecilius, that his talents are displayed to the best advantage. To both kinds his amiable and pleasant turn of mind imparts inexpressible grace and delicacy; historical allusions, philosophical sentiments, descriptions full of life and nature, and polite raillery, succeed each other in the most agreeable manner, without appearance of artifice or effort. Of this nature are his pictures of the confusion of the Catilinarian conspirators on detection (Or. in Cat., 3, 3); of the death of Metellus (Or. pro Cal., 10); of Sulpicius undertaking the embassy to Antony (Philipp., 9, 3); the character he draws of Catiline (Or, pro Cael., 6); and his fine sketch of old Appius frowning on his degenerate descendant Clodia (ib., 6). But, by the invention of a style which adapts itself with singular felicity to every class of subjects, whether lofty or familiar, philosophical or forensic, Cicero answers more exactly to his own definition of a perfect orator (Orat., 29), than by his plausibility, pathos, and vivacity. Among many excellences possessed by Cicero's oratorical diction, the greatest is its suitableness to the genius of the Latin tongue; though the diffuseness thence necessarily resulting has exposed it both in his own days, and since his time, to the criticisms of those, who have affected to condemn its Asiatic character, in comparison with the simplicity of Attic writers, and the strength of Demosthenes. Greek, however, is celebrated for copiousness in its vocabulary and perspicuity in its phrases, and the consequent sa. cility of expressing the most novel or abstruse ideas with precision and elegance. Hence the Attic style of eloquence was plain and simple, because simplicity and plainness were not incompatible with clearness, energy, and harmony. But it was a singular want of judgment, an ignorance of the very principles of composition, which induced Brutus, Calvus, Sallust, and others, to imitate this terse and severe beauty in their own defective language, and even to pronounce the opposite kind of diction deficient in taste and purity. In Greek, indeed, the words fall, as it were, naturally into a distinct and harmonious order; and, from the exuberant richness of the materials, less is left to the ingenuity of the artist. But the Latin language is comparatively weak, scanty, and unmusical, and requires considerable skill and management to render it expressive and graceful. Simplicity in Latin is scarcely separable from baldness; and justly as Terence is celebrated for chaste and unadorned diction, }. even he, compared with Attic writers, is flat and eavy. (Quintil., 10, 1.) Again, the perfection of strength is clearness united to brevity, but to this combination Latin is utterly unequal. From the vagueness and uncertainty of meaning which characterize

its separate words, to be perspicuous it must be full. What Livy, and much more Tacitus, have gained in energy, they have lost in perspicuity and elegance. Latin, in short, is not a philosophical language; not a language in which a deep thinker is likely to express himself with purity or neatness. Now Cicero rather made a language than a style, yet not so much by the invention as by the combination of words. Some terms, indeed, his philosophical subjects compelled him to coin ; but his great art lies in the application of existing materials, in converting the very disadvantages of the language into beauties, in enriching it with circumlocutions and metaphors, in pruning it of harsh and uncouth expressions, in systematizing the structure of a sentence. This is that copia dicendi which gained Cicero the high testimony of Caesar to his inventive powers (De Clar., Or., 72), and which, we may add, constitutes him the greatest master of composition the world has ever scen. If the comparison be not thought sanciful, he may be assimilated to a skilful landscape-gardener, who gives depth and richwess to narrow and confined premises, by taste and variety in the disposition of his trees and walks.—We come next to Cicero's philosophical writings, after a brief enumeration of which we will offer a few remarks on the character of his philosophy itself. The treatise De Legibus has reached us in an imperfect state, only three books remaining, and these disfigured by numer. ous chasms that cannot be supplied. It traces the philosophic principles of jurisprudence to their remotest sources, sets forth a body of laws conformable to Cicero's idea of a well-regulated state, and is supposed to have treated in the books that are lost of the executive power of the magistrates and the rights of Roman citizens. The treatise De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum is written after the manner of Aristotle, and discusses the chief good and ill of man; in it Cicero explains the several opinions entertained on this subject by the sages of antiquity. The Academica Quarstiones relate to the Academic Philosophy, whose tenets Cicero himself had embraced. It is an account and defence of the doctrines of the Academy. In the Tusculanae Disputationes, five books are devoted to as many different questions of philosophy, bearing the most strongly on the practice of life, and involving topics the most essential to human happiness. The Paradora contain a defence of six paradoxes of the Stoics. The work De Natura Deorum embraces a full examination of the various theories of heathen antiquity on the nature of the gods, to which the treatise De Divinatione may be regarded as a supplement. The essay De Officus, on moral duties, has not unaptly been styled the heathen Whole Duty of Man; nor have the dialogues De Senectute and De Amicitia been incorrectly regarded as among the most highly finished and pleasing performances of which any language can boast. We have to lament the loss of the treatises De Consolatione (that which we have under this title being a patched-up imposture of Sigonius), De Gloria, and the one entitled Hortensius, in which last Cicero undertook the defence of learning and philosophy, and left to his illustrious competitor the task of arraigning them. It was this book which first led St. Augustin to the study of Christian philosophy and the doctrines of Christianity. The treatise De Republica has been in part rescued from the destroying hand of time by the labours of Maio. Except the works on Invention and De Oratore, this was the earliest of Cicero's literary productions. It was given to the world A.U.C. 700, just before its author set out for his proconsular government in Cilicia. He was then in his fifty-third year. The object and spirit of the work were highly patriotic. He wished to bring the constitution back to its first principles by an impression expositive of its theory; to inflame his contemporaries with the love of virtue, by portraying the character

of their ancestors in its primeval purity and beauty; and while he was raising a monument to all future ages of what Rome had been, to inculcate upon his own times what it ought still to be. We know it to have been his original purpose to make it a very voluminous work; for he expressly tells his brother (Ep. ad Q. Frat., 3, 5) that it was to be extended to nine books. Ernesti thinks that they were all given to the world (Ep. ad Att., 6, 1, in notis), although Cicero, in a letter to Atticus, on which that learned and accurate scholar makes this very remark, speaks of them as his sir pledges or sureties for his good behaviour. —Cicero, as a philosopher, belongs, upon the whole, to the New Academy. It has been disputed whether he was really attached to this system, or had merely resorted to it as being the best adapted for furnishing him with oratorical arguments suited to all occasions. At first its adoption was subsidiary to his other plans. But, towards the conclusion of his life, when he no longer maintained the place he was wont to hold in the Senate or the Forum, and when philosophy formed the occupation “with which,” to quote his own words, “life was just tolerable, and without which it would have been intolerable,” he doubtless became convinced that the principles of the New Academy, illustrated as they had been by Carneades and Philo, formed the soundest system which had descended to mankind from the schools of Athens. The attachment, however, of Cicero to the Academic philosophy was free from the exclusive spirit of sectarianism, and hence it did not prevent his extracting from other systems what he found in them conformable to virtue and reason. His ethical principles, in particular, appear eclectic, having been in a great measure formed from the opinions of the Stoics. Of most of the Greek sects he aks with respect and esteem. For the Epicureans alone he seems (notwithstanding his friendship for Atticus) to have entertained a decided aversion and contempt. The general purpose of Cicero's philosophical works was rather to give a history of the ancient Foy, than dogmatically to inculcate opinions of is own. It was his great aim to explain to his fellow-citizens, in their own language, whatever the sages of Greece had taught on the most important subjects, in order to enlarge their minds and reform their morals. In theoretic investigation, in the development of abstract ideas, in the analysis of qualities and perceptions, Cicero cannot be regarded as an inventor or profound original thinker, and cannot be ranked with Plato and Aristotle. His peculiar merit, as a philosophical writer, lay in his luminous and popular exposition of the leading principles and disputes of the ancient schools; and no works transmitted from antiquity present so concise and comprehensive a view of the opinions of the Greek philosophers. The most obvious peculiarity of Cicero's philosophical writings is their form of dialogue. The idea was borrowed from Plato and Xenophon ; but the nature of Cicero's dialogue is as different from that of the two Athenians, as was his object in writing. With them, the Socratic mode of argument could hardly be displayed in any other shape; whereas Cicero's aim was to excite interest, and he availed himself of this mode of composition for the life and variety, the ease, perspicuity, and vigour which it gave to his discussions. Nor does Cicero discover less skill in the execution of these dialogues, than address in their design. In the dignity of his speakers, their high tone of mutual courtesy, the harmony of his groups, and the delicate relief of his contrasts, he is inimitable. The majesty and splendour of his introductions, the eloquence with which both sides of a question are successively displayed, the clearness and terseness of his statements on abstract points, his exquisite allusions to the scene or time of the supposed conversation, his again,in praise of philosophy, and, lastly, the mel48

ody and fulness of his style, unite to throw a charm around these productions which has been felt in every age.—Cicero's Epistles, about 1000 in all, are comprised in thirty-six books, sixteen of which are addressed to Atticus, three to his brother Quintus, one to Brutus, and sixteen to his different friends; and they form a history of his life from his sortieth year. Among those addressed to his friends, some occur from É. Metellus, Plancus, Caelius, and others. For the preservation of this most valuable department of Cicero's writings, we are indebted to Tyro, the author's freedman, though we possess at the present day only a part of those originally published. The most interesting by far are the letters to Atticus, for they not only throw great light on the history of the times, but also give us a full insight into the private character of Cicero himself, who was accustomed at all times to unbosom his thoughts most freely to this friend of his. The authenticity of the correspondence with Brutus has been much disputed by modern scholars, and the general opinion is adverse to these letters being genuine.— His poetical and historical works have suffered a heavy fate. The latter class, consisting of his commentary on his consulship, and his history of his own times, are altogether lost. Of the former, which comprised the heroic poems Alcyones, Limon, Marius, his own consulate, the elegy of Tamelastis, translations of Homer and Aratus, Epigrams, &c., but little remains except some fragments of the Phaenomena and Diosemeia of Aratus. It may, however, be questioned, whether literature has suffered much by these losses. We are far, indeed, from speaking contemptuously of the poetic powers of one who o so much fancy, so much taste, and so fine an ear. But his poems were principally composed in his youth; and afterward, when his powers were more mature, his occupations did not allow even his active mind the time necessary for polishing a language still more rugged in metre than it was in prose. His contemporary history, on the other hand, can hardly have conveyed more explicit, and certainly would have contained less faithful, information than his private correspondence; while, with all the penetration he assuredly possessed, it may be doubted, if his diffuse and graceful style of thought and composition was adapted for the depth of reflection and condensation of meaning, which are the chief excellences of historical composition.—The editions of the separate works of Cicero are too numerous to be mentioned here. The best editions of the entire works are: that of Ernesti, Hal., 1774, 8 vols. 8vo; that of Olivet, Paris, 1740, 9 vols. 4to; that of Schütz, Lips., 1814–20, 19 vols. (in 27) 12mo; and that of Nobbe, Lips., 1827, 1 vol. 4to, or 10 vols. 12mo, (Plut., in Vit.—Enc. Metropol., div. 3, vol. 2, p. 279, seqq.— Biog. Univ., vol. 8, p. 530, seqq.—Encyclop. Am., vol. 3, p. 190, seqq.—Dunlop, Rom. Lit., vol. 2, p. 275, seqq.—Bähr, Gesch. Röm. Lat., vol. 1, p. 487, seqq.)—II. Marcus, only son of the orator, and to whom the latter addressed his work De Officiis. He took part in the civil contest at an early age, and served under both Pompey and Brutus. After the battle of Philippi he retired to Sicily and joined the younger Pompey. Subsequently, however, he took advantage of the act of amnesty that was passed, and returned to Italy, where he lived some time in a private situation. Augustus, on attaining to sovereign power, made him his colleague in the consulship, and it was to Marcus Cicero, in his quality of consul, that he wrote an account of the victory at Actium and the conquest of Egypt. Marcus had the satisfaction of executing the decree which ordered all the statues and monuments that had been erected to Antony to be thrown down. After his consulship he was appointed governor of Syria, from which period history is silent respecting him. He died at an advanced age, and was notorious for dissipated and intemperate habits He appears to have inherited little, if anything, of his father's virtue, patriotism, and talent. (Cuc., Ep. ad Att., 1, 2–ld, Ep. ad Fam., 13, 11.-Plut., Wit. Cic. ertr.—Id., Wit. Brut., &c.)—III. Quintus, brother of the orator, and brother-in-law of Atticus. After having been praetor A.U.C. 692, he obtained the government of Asia. He was subsequently a lieutenant of Caesar's in Britain, and only left that commander to accompany his brother Marcus Tullius, as lieutenant, into Cilicia. After the battle of Pharsalia, in which he took part on the side of Pompey, he was proscribed by the triumvirate, and put to death by the emissaries of Antony. He had a marked talent for poetry, and had planned a poem on the invasion of Britain by Caesar. He also composed several tragedies, imitated or else translated from the Greek, but which have not reached us. Eighteen lines of his are preserved in the Corpus Poetarum of Maittaire. He was the author of the piece entitled “de Petitione Consulatus,” usually printed along with Cicero's letters to him. It is addressed by Quintus to his brother when the latter was a candidate for the consulship, and gives advice with regard to the measures he should pursue to attain his object, particularly inculcating the best means to gain private friends and acquire general popularity. (Corrad. Quast., p. 278, ed. Lips.—Biogr. Univ., vol. 8, p. 550.-Dunlop, Roman Literature, vol. 2, p. 495.) CocòNes, a people on the coast of Thrace, near the spot where Maronea stood in a later age. Homer has placed here the scene of Ulysses' first disaster. Ismarus was the name of their city, which the poet supposes that chieftain to have taken and plundered; but the natives coming down from the interior in great force, he was driven off with severe loss of both men and ships. (Od., 1,40, seqq.) Ismarus is known to later writers only as a mountain celebrated sor its wine, which indeed Homer himself alludes to in another passage. (Od., 1, 197.) Cilicio- a country of Asia Minor, on the seacoast, south of Cappadocia and Lycaonia, and to the east of Pisidia and Pamphilia. Herodotus says (7,91), that the people of this country were anciently called Hypachaei and that the appellation of Cilicians was subsequently derived from Cilix, son of Agenor, a Phoenician. This passage seems to point to a Phoenician or Syrian origin for the race, a supposition strengthened by the fact of the early commercial habits of the people of Cilicia. This country, though tributary to the Persian king, was nominally under the government of its native princes, with whom Syennesis appears to have been a common name. (Consult Herod., 1, 74–Id., 5, 118–Xen., Anab., 1, 2.) Cilicia, more especially that part which consisted of plains, was a wealthy country; since we are informed by Herodotus (3, 90) that it yielded to Darius a revenue of 500 talents, equal to that of Mysia and Lydia together, besides 360 white horses. Xenophon also (Anab., 1, 2) describes it as a broad and beautiful plain, well watered, and abounding in wine and all kinds of trees, and yielding barley, millet, and other grain. In a military point of view, the importance of Cilicia was also very great, since it was surrounded by lofty mountains, presenting only one or two passes, and these easily secured by a small force against the largest armies. Had the Persians known how to defend these, the younger Cyrus would never have reached the Euphrates, nor would Alexander have been able to penetrate to the plains of Issus, which witnessed the overthrow of Darius. (Arrian, Erp. Al., 2, 4.) At a later period we learn from Cicero, during his command there, what importance the Romans attached to the province of Cilicia, when it became necessary to cover Asia against the growing power of the Parthians. (Ep. ad Att., 5, 20.) As a maritime country, too, Cilicia makes a considerable figure in history, since it furnished

numerous fleets to the Persian monarchs, as well as to the Syrian and Egyptian successors of Alexander. But it was more especially from the formidable character of her piratical navy that Cilicia has obtained a name in the seafaring annals of antiquity. Some idea of the alarm inspired by these daring rovers can be formed from the language of Cicero, however exaggerated we may suppose it to be for a political purpose. (Or, pro Leg. Manil., 11.) The selection, too, which the Roman people made of Pompey, and the unusual powers confided to him, prove the importance of the contest. In less than 50 days, however, Pompey reduced the whole province either by force or the terror of his arms. More than 20,000 pirates are said to have fallen into his hands: these he settled in the interior, or removed to some distant countries, and thus entirely purged the shores of Asia of these nests of robbers. In the course of this war the Romans are said to have captured 378 ships, and burned 1300, conquered 120 towns and castles, and to have slain 10,000 of the enemy.—Cilicia was divided into Campestris and Trachéa. The former was the larger and more easterly portion, and derived its name from its champaign character. Trachéa, on the other hand, was so called from its rugged aspect (Tpareia, “rough”). It was nearly all occupied by the broad ridge of Taurus, which leaves scarcely any room for level land towards the sea. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 315, seqq.) Cilix, a son of Agenor, who gave his name to Cilicia, according to Herodotus. (Consult remarks under the article Cilicia.-Herodot., 7, 91.) Cilla, a town of Troas, in the immediate vicinity of Adramyttium. (Hom., Il., 1, 37.-Strab., 6.12.) Cimber, L. Tillius, one of the conspirators against Caesar. He was a man notorious for his drunkenness and low violence (Seneca, Ep. 83—Id., de Ira, 3, 30), and he had been throughout the civil war a violent partisan of Caesar's, who appointed him a short time before his assassination to the province of Bithynia. (Appian, Bell. Cir., 3, 2.—Cic., Ep. ad Fam., 12, 13.) Cimber was the one who gave the signal agreed upon with his associates for commencing the attack, by taking hold of Caesar's robe, and pulling it down from his shoulders. (Plut., Vit. Caes.) CIMBri, a people of Germany, who invaded the Roman empire with a large army, and were conquered by Marius and Catulus. (For an account of the war, consult the article Teutones.) The Cimbri are generally thought to have had for their original seat the Cimbric Chersonese, or modern Jutland. It would seem, however, that there is some curious connexion between their name and that of the ancient Cimmerii, a point which may have some bearing on the question respecting the origin of the Germanic race. (Consult remarks under the article Cimmerii, and compare Mannert, Geschichte der alten Deutschen, p. 11, and Pfister, Gesch. der Teutschen, vol. 1, p. 40.) Adelung, however, opposes this idea. (Mithradates, vol. 2, p. 143.) CIMíNus, I. a range of hills in Etruria, lying to the south of Salpinum.—II. A lake at the foot of Mons Ciminus, now Lago di Vico, or Ronciglione. (Strabo, 225.) The Ciminian forest, whose almost impenetrable shades served for a time as a barrier to Etruria against the attacks of Rome, is described as covering the adjacent country to a considerable extent. (Liv., 9, 36.—Front. Strat., 1, 2.-Plin., 2, 96.) CIMMERii, a nomadic race of Upper Asia, who appear to have originally inhabited a part of what is now called Tartary. According to Herodotus (I, 15), they were driven from their primitive seats by the Scythians, and moved down, in consequence, upon Asia Minor. which they invaded and ravaged during the reign of Ardys, king of Lydia, the successor of Gyges. Strabo, however, places the incursion of the Cimmerians in

the time of Homer, or a little before the birth of the

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