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as follows: I. CastruM Novum, a town of Etruria, south of Centum Cellae, and situate on the coast. It is now Santa Marinella. D'Anville, however, makes it correspond to the modern Torre Chiarruccia.-II. CastruM IN U1, a place on the coast of Latium, between Antium and Ardea. (Virg., AEn., 6, 775.) According to Livy (1, 5), Inuus was the same with Pan.—III. Castrum Lucil, now Chalus in France, in the department of Upper Vienne. Here Richard I. of England died.—IV. Cast RUM SEDUNUM, now Sion in Switzerland. It was also called Civitas Sedunorum. (Casaub. ad Suet., Wit. Aug., c. 58.) Castulo, a town of Hispania Baetica, on the Baetis, west of Corduba. Now Caclona. (Plut., Wit. Sert. —Lip., 24. 41.) CAt AB Athsius, a great declivity, whence its name, Karafatués, separating Cyrenaica from Egypt. It is now called by the Arabs Akabet-assolom. Some ancient writers, and in particular Sallust, make this the point of separation between Asia and Africa. There was another Catabathmus in the Libyan nome, called parrus, as this was styled magnus. It lay southeast of Paraetonium. (Sallust, Jug., 17 et 19.-Plun., 5, 5.) CatapúPA, a name given by the Greek geographers to the smaller cataract of the Nile (Cataractes Minor), and intended to indicate the loud noise occasioned by the fall of the waters (kará and doirot, a heavy, crashing sound). It was situate in the Thebais, at Dodecaschoenus, to the south of Elephantina, and near Phile. (Cic., Som. Scap., c. 5.-Plin., 5, 9–Senec., Quest. Nat., 4, 2.) The ancients believed that the neighbouring inhabitants were deprived of hearing by the constant roar of the waters' (Ctc., l. c.) CatinA, a city of Sicily, on the eastern coast, at the base of Ætna, and a short distance below the river Acis and the Cyclopum Scopuli. It was founded by a colony from Chalcis in Euboea, five years after the settlement of Syracuse. Catana, like all the other colonies of Grecian origin, soon became independent of any foreign control, and, in consequence of the fertility of the surrounding country, attained to a considerable degree of prosperity. It does not appear, however, to have been at any time a populous, city; and hence Hiero of Syracuse was enabled without difficulty to transfer the inhabitants to Leontini. A new colony of Peloponnesians and Syracusans was established here by him, and the place called Ætna, from its proximity to the mountain. (Diod. Suc., 11,49.—Pund., Pyth., 1.) —After the death of Hiero, the new colonists were driven out by the Siculi, and the old inhabitants from Leontini then came, and, recovering possession of the place, changed its name again to Catana. We find Catana after this possessed for a short time by the Athenians, and subsequently falling into the hands of Dionysius of Syracuse. This tyrant, according to Diodorus Siculus (14, 15), sold the inhabitants as slaves, and gave the city to his mercenary troops, the Campani, to dwell in. It is probable, however, that he only sold those who were taken with arms in their hands, and that many of the old population remained, since Dionysius afterward persuaded these same Campani to migrate to the city of AEtna. (Diod. Sic., 14, 58.) Catana fell into the power of the Romans during the first Punic war. (Plin., 7, 60.) The modern name is Catania, and the distance from it to the summit of Ætna is reckoned thirty miles. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 9, pt. 2, p. 287.) CAtaoxia, a tract of country in the southern part of Cappadocia. The inhabitants were of Cilician origin. It answers now to the canton of Aladeuli, in the pachalic of Adana. (Compare Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 2, p. 222, seqq.) CAtaractes, I. a river of Pamphylia, falling into the sea near Attalia. It derived its ancient name from its impetuosity. Now Dodensoui.-II. A river

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of Asia Minor, the same with the Marsyas. (Compare Larcher, Hist, d'Hérodote, vol. 8, p. 104.—Table ographique, and the authorities there cited.) CAthA.A, a country of Asia, the precise situation of which is doubtful. Mannert places it northeast of the Malli, in the vicinity of the Hydraotes. The chief town was Sangala. Diodorus Siculus calls the people Catheri. Thevenot is supposed to allude to their descendants under the name of Cattry, that is, the Kuttry tribe or Rajpoots. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 5, p. 56.) CAtilina, L. Sergius a Roman of patrician rank, and the last of the gens Sergia. Of his father and grandfather little is known : the former would seem to have been in indigent circumstances, from the language of Quintus Cicero (de Petitione Consulatus, c. 2), who speaks of Catiline as having been born amid the poverty of his father (in patris egestate). The great-grandfather, M. Sergius Silus or Silo, distinguished himself greatly in the second Punic war, and was present in the battles of Ticinus, Trebia, Trasymenus, and Cannae. Pliny (7, 29) speaks of his exploits in a very animated strain.—The cruelty of CatIline's disposition, his undaunted resolution, and the depravity of his morals, fitted him for acting a distinguished part in the turbulent and bloody scenes of the period in which he lived. He embraced the interest of Sylla, in whose army he held the office of quaestor. That monster in his victory had in Catiline an able coadjutor, whose heart knew no sympathy and his lewdness no bounds. He rejoiced in the carnage and plunder of the proscribed, gratifying at one time his own private resentments by bringing his enemies to punishment, and executing at another the bloody mandates of the dictator himself. Many citizens of noble birth are said by Quintus Cicero (de Petit. Cons., c. 23) to have fallen by his hand; and, according to Plutarch (Wit. Syll., c. 32–Wit. Cic., c. 10), he had assassinated his own brother during the civil war, and now, to screen himself from prosecution, persuaded Sylla to put him down among the proscribed as a person still alive. He murdered too, with his own hands, his sister's husband, a Roman knight of a mild and peaceable character. (Q. Cic., de Petit. Cons., c. 3.) One of the most horrid actions, however, of which he was guilty, would seem to have been the killing of M. Marius Gratidianus, a near relation of the celebrated Marius. Sylla had put the name of this individual on the list of the proscribed, whereupon Catiline entered the dwelling of the unfortunate man, exhausted upon his person all the refinements of cruelty and insult, and having at last put an end to his existence, carried his bloody head in triumph through the streets of Rome, and brought it to Sylla as he sat on his tribunal in the forum. When this was done, the murderer washed his hands in the lustral water at the door of Apollo's temple, which stood in the immediate vicinity. (Seneca, de Ira, 3, 18.)—Catiline was peculiarly dangerous and formidable, as his power of dissimulation enabled him to throw a veil over his vices. Such was his art, that, while he was poisoning the minds of the Roman youth, he gained the friendship and esteem of the severe Catulus. Equally well qualified to deceive the good, to intimidate the weak, and to inspire his own boldness into his depraved associates, he evaded two accusations brought against him by Clodius, for criminal intercourse with a Vestal, and for monstrous extortions of which he had been guilty while proconsul in Africa (A.U.C. 687). He was suspected also of having murdered his first wife and his son. A confederacy of many young men of high birth and daring character, who saw no other means of extricating themselves from their enormous debts than by obtaining the highest offices of the state, having been formed, Catiline was placed at their head. This eminence he owed chiefly to his connexion with the old soldiers of Sylla, by means of whom he kept in o the towns 15

near Rome, and even Rome itself. At the same time he numbered among his adherents not only the worst and lowest of the riotous populace, but also many of the patricians and men of consular rank. Everything favoured his audacious scheme. Pompey was pursuing the victories which Lucullus had prepared for him, and the latter was but a feeble supporter of the patriots in the senate, who wished him, but in vain, to put himself at their head. Crassus, who had delivered Italy from the gladiators, was now striving with mad eagerness after power and riches, and, instead of opsing, countenanced the growing influence of Catio as a means of his own aggrandizement. Caesar, who was labouring to revive the party of Marius, spared Catiline, and, perhaps, even encouraged him. Only two Romans remained determined to uphold their falling country—Cato and Cicero; the latter of whom alone possessed the qualifications necessary for the task. The conspirators were now planning the elevation of Catiline and one of his accomplices to the consulship. When this was effected, they hoped to obtain possession of the public treasures and the property of the citizens, under various pretexts, and especially by means of proscription. It is not probable, however, that Catiline had promised them the liberty of burning and plundering Rome. Cicero had the courage to stand candidate for the consulship, in spite of the impending dan§. of the extent of which he was perfectly aware. either insults nor threats, nor even riots and attempts to assassinate him, deterred him from his purpose; and, being o by the rich citizens, he gained his election, B.C. 65. All that the party of Catiline could accomplish was the election of Caius Antonius, one of their accomplices, as colleague of Cicero. This failure, however, did not deprive Catiline of the hope of gaining the consulship the following year. For this purpose he redoubled the measures of terror, by means of which he had laid the foundation of his power. Meanwhile he had lost some of the most important members of his conspiracy. Antony had been prevailed upon or compelled by Cicero to remain neutral. Caesar and Crassus had resolved to do the same. Piso had been killed in Spain. Italy, however, was destitute of troops. The veterans of Sylla only waited the signal to take up arms. This signal was now given by Catiline. The centurion Manlius appeared among them, and formed a camp in Etruria. Cicero was on the watch, and a fortunate accident disclosed to him the counsels of the conspirators. One of them, Curius, was on intimate terms with a woman of doubtful reputation, Fulvia by name, and had acquainted her with their plans. Through this woman Cicero learned that two knights had undertaken to assassinate him at his house. On the day which they had fixed for the execution of their plan, they found his doors barred and guarded. Still Cicero delayed to make public the circumstances of a conspiracy, the progress and resources of which he wished first to ascertain. He contented himself with warning his fel. low-citizens, in general terms, of the impending daner. But when the insurrection of Manlius was made fox. he procured the passage of the celebrated decree, “that the consuls should take care that the reo received no detriment.” By a decree of this ind, the consuls or other magistrates named therein were, in accordance with the custom of the state, armed with the supreme civil and military authority. It was exceedingly difficult to seize the person of one who had soldiers at his command, both in and out of Rome; still more difficult would it be to prove his guilt before those who were accomplices with him, or, at least, were willing to make use of his plans to serve their own interests. He had to choose between two evils—a revolution within the city, or a civil war: he referred the latter. Catiline had the boldness to take is seat in the senate, known as he was to be the ene

my of the Roman state. Cicero then rose and delivered that bold oration against him, which was the means of saving Rome by driving Catiline from the city. The conspirators who remained, Lentulus, Cethegus, and other infamous scnators, engaged to head the insurrection in Rome as soon as Catiline appeared at the gates. According to Cicero and Sallust, it was the intention of the conspirators to set the city on fire, and massacre the inhabitants. At any rate, these horrid consequences might have easily followed from the circumstances of the case, without any previous resolution. Lentulus, Cethegus, and the other conspirators, in the mean while, were carrying on their criminal plots. They applied to the ambassadors of the Allobroges to transfer the war to the frontiers of Italy itself. These, however, revealed the plot, and their disclosures led to others still more important. The correspondence of the conspirators with their leader was intercepted. The senate had now a notorious crime to punish. As the circumstances of the case did not allow of a minute observance of form in the proceedings against the conspirators, the laws relating thereto were disregarded, as had been done in former instances of less pressing danger. Caesar spoke against immediate execution, but Cicero and Cato prevailed. Five of the conspirators were put to death. Caius Antonius was then appointed to march against Catiline, but, on the eve of battle, under pretence of being disabled by the gout, he gave the command to his lieutenant Petreius. The battle was fought at Pistoria (now Pistoia) in Etruria, and ended in the complete overthrow of the insurgents. Catiline, on finding that all was lost, resolved to die sword in hand. His followers imitated his example.— The history of Catiline's conspiracy has been written by Sallust. The conspiracy of Catiline, as described by this historian and Cicero, is considered by some persons to contain many improbabilities. It is incredible, say they, that a man like Catiline, unconnected with the regular popular party, should have seriously hoped to effect a revolution; nor can it be believed that any of the nobility would have submitted themselves to the guidance of such a leader. Even if he had succeeded in setting fire to the city and destroying the principal senators, the praetor of the nearest province would presently have marched against hun, and would have crushed him with little difficulty. But they who argue thus, forget that Catiline was a patrician of noble family; that he had been praetor; and that he was considered by Cicero as his most dangerous competitor for the consulship when he was candidate for that office. He had been known in Sylla's proscription as a man who scrupled at nothing; and there was a large party in Rome to whom such a character was the greatest recommendation, and who would gladly follow any one that possessed it. That this party was inconsiderable in point of political power, is true; and they accordingly hoped to effect their designs by fire and assassination rather than by open force. But if Catiline could have once made himself master of the city, no one can doubt but that he would have found a majority in the Comitia ready, either from fear or sympathy in his projects, to elect him consul or dictator; and, when once invested with the title of a legal magistrate, and in possession of the seat of government, he would probably have persuaded a very great part of the community to remain neutral, while his own active supporters, the profligate oung nobility, the needy plebeians, the discontented }. allies, and the restless veterans of Sylla's armies, would have enabled him to defy the efforts of any neighbouring praetor who might have been disposed to attack him. He might have held the government as easily as Cinna had done; and, although Pompey might have imitated successfully the conduct of Sylla, in returning from Asia to revenge the cause of the aristocracy, yet the chance of resisting him was not so hopeless as to dismay a set of desperate conspirators, who, in their calculations, would have been well contented if the probability of their failure was only a little greater than that of their success. (Sall., Bell. Cat.—Cic., Or. in Cat., 1, &c.— Id., pro Muraen., c. 25.-Encyclop. Amer., vol. 3, p. 3, seqq.—Encyclop. Metropol., Div. 3, vol. 2, p. 176, not.)

CATIllus or CAtilus. Vid. Tibur. CAtius, M. a fictitious name in Horace (Serm., 2, 4), under which the poet alludes to an entire class of persons, who abused the genuine doctrines of Epicurus, and made a large portion of human felicity consist in the pleasures of the table. According to Manso (Schriften und Abhandlungen, p. 59), Catius appears to have had for his prototype one Malius, a Roman knight, famed for his acquaintance with the precepts of the culinary art. (Consult Heindorf, ad Horat., l.c.) —The scholiast cited by Cruquius makes Catius to have been an Epicurean, and to have written on “the Nature of Things,” and “the Sovereign Good.” With this account Acron and Porphyrion agree. Cicero, moreover, speaks of the Epicurean Catius, from Insubria, as of a writer who had died only a short time previous. (Cic., Ep. ad Fam., 15, 16.-Compare Quintil, 10, 1.) Still, however, the explanation we have given suits better the spirit of Horace's satire ; and, besides, Catius had died some time before, and was almost entirely forgotten. (Heindorf, l.c.) Cato, a surname of the Porcian family, rendered illustrious by M. Porcius Cato, a celebrated Roman, surnamed Censorius, in allusion to the severity with which he discharged the office of censor, and hence commonly styled, at the present day, “Cato the Censor.” Other surnames were, Priscus, “the old,” and Major, “the elder,” both alluding to his having preceded, in the order of time, the younger Cato, who committed suicide at Utica. The subject of the present sketch was born 232 B.C., at Tusculum, of plebeian parents. His family were in very moderate circumstances, and little, if anything, was known of it, until he himself made the name a conspicuous one. His father left him a small farm in the Sabine territory, and here the first years of his youth were spent. The state of public affairs, however, soon compelled him to take up arms for the defence of his country. The second Punic war had broken out, and Hannibal had invaded Italy. Cato, therefore, served his first campaign at the age of seventeen, under Fabius Maximus, when he besieged the city of Capua. Five years after this he fought under the same commander at the siege of Tarentum, and, after the capture of this place, became acquainted with the Pythagorean Nearchus, who initiated him into the principles of that system of philosophy, with which, in practice, he had already become familiar. The war being ended, Cato returned to his farm. Near this there stood a cottage belonging to Manius Curius Dentatus, who had repeatedly triumphed over the Sabines and Samnites, and had at length driven Pyrrhus from Italy. Cato was accustomed frequently to walk over to the humble abode of this renowned commander, where he was struck with admiration at the frugality of its owner, and the skilful management of the farm which was attached to it. Hence it became his great object to emulate his illustrious neighbour, and adopt him as his model. Having made an estimate of his i. lands, slaves, and expenses, he applied himself to husbandry with new ardour, and retrenched all superfluity. In the morning he went to the small towns in the vicinity to plead and defend the causes of those who applied to him for assistance. Thence he returned to his fields; where, with a plain cloak over his shoulders in winter, and almost naked in summer, he laboured with his servants till they had concluded their tasks, after

which he sat down along with them at table, eating the same bread and drinking the same wine. Valerius Flaccus, a noble and powerful Roman, occupied an estate in the neighbourhood of Cato's residence. A witness of the virtues and talents displayed by him, he persuaded the young Cato to remove to Rome, and promised to assist him by his influence and patronage. Cato came accordingly to the capital, with an obscure name, and with no other resources but his own talents and the aid of the generous Flaccus; but by the purity of his morals, the austere energy of his character, his knowledge of the laws, his fluency of elocution, and the great ability that marked his early forensic career, he soon won for himself a distinguished name. It was in the camp, however, rather than at the bar, that he strove to raise himself to eminence. At the age of thirty he went as military tribune to Sicily. The next year he was chosen quaestor, and was attached to the army which Scipio Africanus was to carry into Africa, at which period there commenced between him and that commander a rivalry and hatred which lasted until death. Cato, who had returned to Rome, accused Scipio of extravagance; and, though he failed in supporting his charge, yet his zeal for the public good gained him great influence over the minds of the people. Five years subsequent to this, after having been already aedile, he was chosen praetor, and the province of Sardinia fell to him by lot. His austere self-control, his integrity and justice, while discharging this office, brought him into direct and most favourable contrast with those who had preceded him. Here too it was that he became acquainted with the poet Ennius, who was then serving among the Calabrian levies attached to the army. From Ennius he acquired the Greek language, and, on his departure from the island, he took the bard along with him to Rome. He was finally elected consul, B.C. 193, and his colleague in office was Valerius Flaccus, his carly friend. While consul he strenuously but fruitlessly opposed the abolition of the famous Oppian Law (vid. Oppia Lez), and soon after this set out for Spain, which had attempted to shake off the Roman yoke. With newly-raised troops, which he soon converted into an excellent army, he quickly reduced that province to submission, and obtained the honours of a triumph at Rome, though there is but too much reason to believe that he had justly exposed himself, in the eyes of a candid historian, if such a one could then have been found among his countrymen, to the charge of perfidious conduct and cruelty. Hardly had Cato descended from the triumphal chariot, when, laying aside the consular robe and assuming the garb of the lieutenant, he accompanied, as such, the Roman commander Sempronius into Thrace. He afterward placed himself under the orders of Manius Acilius, the consul, to fight against Antiochus, and carry the war into Thessaly. By a bold march he seized upon Callidromus, one of the rockiest summits of Thermopylae, and thus decided the issue of the conflict. For this signal service, the consul, in the excess of his enthusiasm, embraced him in the presence of the whole army, and exclaimed that it was neither in his power, nor in that of the Roman people, to award him a recompense commensurate with his deserts. Acilius immediately after this sent him to Rome to communicate the tidings of the victory. Seven years subsequently he obtained the office of censor, notwithstanding the powerful opposition of a large part of the nobility, who dreaded to have so severe an inspector of public morals, at a time when luxury, the result of their Asiatic conquests, had driven out many of the earlier virtues of the Roman people. He fulfilled this trust with inflexible rigour. Some of his acts, it is true, would seem to have proceeded from that pugnacious bitterness which must be contracted by a man engaged in constant strife and inflictions:

thus, for example, he took away his horse from Lucius Scipio, and expelled Manilius from the senate for saluting his wife at what Cato deemed an improper time. Still, however, most of his proceedings when censor indicate a man who aimed, by every method, at keeping up the true spirit of earlier days. Hence, though his measures, while holding this office, caused him some obloquy and opposition, they met in the end with the highest applause, and, when he resigned the censorship, the people erected a statue to him in the temple of Health, with an honourable inscription, testifying his faithful discharge of the duties of his osfice. Cato's attachment to the old Roman morals was still more plainly seen in his opposition to Carneades and his colleagues, when he persuaded the senate to send back these philosophers, without delay, to their own schools, through fear lest the Roman youth should lose their martial character in the pursuit of Grecian learning. The whole political career of Cato was one continued warfare. He was continually accusing others, or made the subject of accusation himself. Livy, although full of admiration for his character, still does not seek to deny, that Cato was suspected of having excited the accusation brought against Scipio Africanus, which compelled that illustrious man to retire from the capital. He was also the means of the condemnation of Scipio Asiaticus, who would have been dragged to prison had not Tiberius Gracchus generously interfered. As for Cato himself, he was fifty times accused and as often acquitted. He was eighty-five years of age when he saw himself compelled to answer the last accusation brought against him, and the exordium of his speech on that occasion was marked by a peculiar and touching simplicity: “It is a hard thing, Romans, to give an account of one's conduct before the men of an age different from that in which one has himself lived.”—The last act of Cato's public life was his embassy to Carthage, to settle the dispute between the Carthaginians and King Massinissa. This voyage of his is rendered famous in history, since to it has been attributed the destruction of Carthage. In fact, struck by the rapid recovery of this city from the loss it had sustained, Cato ever af. ter ended every speech of his with the well-known words, “Praeterea censco Carthaginem esse delendam” (“I am also of opinion that Carthage ought to be destroyed”). Whatever we may think of his patriotism in this, we certainly cannot admire his political sagacity, since the ruin of Carthage, by removing all dread of a once powerful rival, only tended to accelerate the downfall of Roman freedom itself. Cato died a year after his return from this embassy, in the eightyfifth year of his age.—Although frugal of the public revenues, he does not appear to have been indifferent to riches, nor to have neglected the ordinary means of acquiring them ; nay, if Plutarch speaks truly, some of the modes to which he had recourse for increasing his resources were anything but reputable. Towards the end of his life he was fond of indulging in a cheerful glass, and of inviting daily some of his neighbours to sup with him at his villa; and the conversation on these occasions turned, not, as one might have supposed, chiefly on rural affairs, but on the praises of great and excellent men among the Romans. He was twice married, and had a son by each of his wives. His conduct as a husband and father was equally exemplary–Cato may be taken as a specimen of the Sabino-Samnite character. If his life be regarded as that of a mere private man, it offers only acerbity and rigour: it presents, however, a wholly different aspect if one contemplates him as the representative of the early Italian popular character. Many features of this same character strikingly resemble the modern. Who does not, in Cato's vehement bitterness, retrace a leading feature of the modern Italian, so vehement and implacable when his feelings are once irritated Who knows not that in Italy is most frequently to

be found the strange combination of grovelling cupidity and boundless indifference towards external goods : As to what regards the first point, we need not, as in other cases, betake ourselves to Plutarch's collection of anecdotes; we can judge of it from Cato's own work on husbandry and household economy. At the very outset of the book, he sees nothing to find fault with in a respectable man's endeavouring to enrich himself by trade ; for profit and gain appear to him an important object of life; only he looks upon the mercantile profession as too hazardous in its nature.—While we recognise with pleasure, even in Cato's generation, the old Sabine discipline in the simplicity of life, rural employments, and social cheerfulness of the Roman country nobleman, yet we perceive with horror that the treatment of slaves, even in ancient Italy and according to old Roman manners, was still more degrading to humanity than in Greece. Cato bought slaves like hounds or foals, when they were young, in order to sell them again when grown up; he treated them exactly like hounds or foals; used them well, because they had a money value, but otherwise viewed them merely as live-stock, not as persons. This, however, we find less surprising, since, even in his warlike undertakings, Cato opposed rigour and cruelty, as genuine Roman policy, to Scipio's mildness. His advice, however, to the farmer, as to the mode in which old and sickly slaves are to be disposed of, shows an utter want of good feeling. He classes them with old and worn-out iron implements, and recommends them to be sold : “Ferramenta retera, serrum senem, serpum morbosum, et si quid aloud supersit vendat.” (R. R., 2, p. 12, ed. Bip )—Among the literary abours of Cato, the first that deserves mention is the treatise De Re Rustica (“On Agriculture”). It appears to have come down to us in a mutilated state, since Pliny and other writers allude to subjects as treated of by Cato, and to opinions as delivered by him in this book, which are nowhere to be found in any part of the work now extant. In its present state, it is merely the loose, unconnected journal of a plain farmer, expressed with rude, sometimes with almost oracular, brevity; and it wants all those elegant topics of embellishment and illustration which the subject might have so naturally suggested. It consists solely of the dryest rules of agriculture, and some receipts for making various kinds of cakes and wine. Servius says, it is addressed to the author's son, but there is no such address now extant. The most remarkable feature in this work of Cato's is its total want of arrangement. It is divided, indeed, into chapters, but the author apparently had never taken the trouble of reducing his precepts to any sort of method, or of following any general plan. The hundred and sixty-two chapters, of which this work consists, seem so many rules committed to writing, as the daily labours of the field suggested. He gives directions about the vineyard, then goes to his corn-fields, and returns again to the vineyard. His treatise, therefore, was evidently not intended as a regular and wellcomposed book, but merely as a journal of incidental observations. That this was its utmost pretension, is farther evinced by the brevity of the precepts, and the deficiency of all illustrations or embellishment. Of the style, he of course would be little careful, as his Memoranda were intended for the use only of his family and slaves. It is therefore always simple, and sometimes rude, but it is not ill-adapted to the subject, and suits our notions of the severe manners of its author and the character of the ancient Romans.—Besides this book on agriculture, Cato left behind him various works, which have almost entirely perished. He left a hundred and fifty orations (Cicero, Brutus, c. 17), which were existing in the time of Cicero, though almost entirely neglected, and a book on military discipline (Vegetius, 1, S), both of which, if now extant,

would be highly interesting, as proceeding from one who was equally distinguished in the camp and forum. A good many of his orations were in dissuasion or favour of particular laws and measures of state. By his readiness and pertinacity, and his bitterness in speaking, he completely wore out his adversaries (Liv., 39, 40), and earned the reputation of being, if not the most eloquent, at least the most stubborn, speaker among the Romans. Both Cicero and Livy have expressed themselves very fully on the subject of Cato's orations. The former admits that his “ language is antiquated, and some of his phrases harsh and inelegant: but only change that,” he continues, “which it was not in his power to change—add number and cadence—give an easier turn to his sentences, and regulate the structure and connexion of his words, and you will find no one who can claim the preference to Cato.” Livy principally speaks of the facility, asperity, and freedom of his tongue.—Of the book on military discipline, a good deal has been incorporated into the work of Vegetius; and Cicero's orations may console us for the want of those of Cato. But the loss of the seven books, De Originubus, which he commenced in his vigorous old age, and finished Just before his death, must ever be deeply deplored by the historian and antiquary. Cato is said to have begun to inquire into the history, antiquities, and language of the Roman people, with a view to counteract the influence of the Greek taste introduced by the Scipios. The first book of the valuable work, De Originbus, as we are informed by Cornelius Nepos, in his short life of Cato, contained the exploits of the kings of Rome. Cato was the first author who attempted to fix the era of the foundation of Rome, which he calculated in his Origines, and determined to have been in the first year of the 7th Olympiad, which is also the estimate sollowed by Dionysius of Halicarnassus. The second and third books treated of the origin of the different states of Italy, whence the whole work has received the name of Origines. The fourth and fifth books comprehended the history of the first and second Punic wars; and in the two remaining books, the author disSussed the other wars of the Romans till the time of Servius Galba, who overthrew the Lusitanians. The whole work exhibited great industry and learning, and, had it descended to us, would unquestionably have thrown much light upon the early periods of Roman history and the antiquities of the different states of Ita*: Dionysius of Hålicarnassus, himself a sedulous inquirer into antiquities, bears ample testimony to the *search and accuracy of that part which treats of the *gin of the ancient Italian cities.—Cato was the * of his countrymen who wrote on the subject of "dicine. This was done in a work entitled “Com*arius quo medetur Filio, Servis, Familiaribus.” "his book of domestic medicine, duck, pigeons, *nd hare were the food he chiefly recommended to

o: *ck. His remedies were principally extracted o herbs; and colewort or cabbage was his favour£ cure.

(Pliny, 20, 9.) The recipes, indeed, *ined in his work on agriculture, show that his medical knowledge did not exceed that which usually exists anong a semi-barbarous race, and only ex. o to the most ordinary simples which nature as*-Aulus Gellius (7, 10) mentions Cato's Libri !..." Epistolucarum; and Cicero his Apopho (De Officiis, 1, 29), the first example, prob. . that class of works which, under the appellaF. 4:4, became so fashionable and prevalent in i. he only other work of Cato's which we .*mention is the Carmen de Morious. This, . was not written in verse, as might be sup:* the title. Precepts, imprecations, or prayna. M. set formulae whatever, were called Carmiefton *d, however, by the title, some critics have *y assigned to the censor the Distichu de

Moribus, now generally attributed to Dionysius Cato, who lived, according to Scaliger, in the age of Commodus and Septimius Severus. (Plut., Wit. Cat. May-Biogh. Univ., vol. 7, p. 399, seqq.—Dunlop's Roman Literature, vol. 2, p. 16, seqq.)—The pretended fragments of the Origines, published by the Dominican, Nanni, better known by the name of Annius Viterbiensis, and inserted in his Antiquitates Variae, printed at Rome in 1498, are spurious, and the imposition was detected soon after their appearance. The few remains first collected by Riccobonus, and published at the end of his Treatise on History (Basle, 1759), are believed to be genuine. They have been enlarged by Ausonius Popma, and added by him, with notes, to the other writings of Cato, published at Leyden in 1590.-The best edition of the work on Agriculture is contained in Gesner's Scriptores Rei Rusticap, 2 vols. 4to, Lips., 1735–II. Marcus, son of Cato the Censor, by his first wife. He distinguished himself greatly in the battle of Pydna, against Perses, king of Macedonia, and received high eulogiums from Paulus AFImilius, the Roman commander on that occasion, whose daughter Tertia he afterward married. He died while filling the office of praetor. (Plut, Wit. Cat. Maj., c. 20 et 24.)—III. Salonius, or, as Plutarch calls him, Saloninus (Xazovivos), son of Cato the Censor, by his second wife. This second wife was the daughter of one Salonius, who had been Cato's secretary, and was, at the time of the marriage, a member of his retinue. Salonius, like his half-brother Marcus, died when praetor. He left, however, a son mamed Marcus, who attained to the consulship, and wha was the father of Cato the younger, commonly called Uticensis. (Plut., Wit. Cat. Maj., c. 27.)—IV. Walerius, a celebrated grammarian in the time of Sylla. He was deprived of all his patrimony during the excesses of the civil war, and then directed his attention to literary pursuits. He wrote a poem entitled Dira: in Battarum, “Imprecations on Battarus.” It was directed against the individual who had profited by his disgrace, to appropriate to himself all the property of the former. Suetonius, who has preserved some account of him, mentions two other poems of his, the one entitled Lydia, the other Diana, and also a third work, probably in prose, called Indignatio, in which he gives an account of his misfortunes. These three works are lost. (Schüll," Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 1, p. 152.)—W. Dionysius, a writer supposed to have flourished in the age of Commodus and Septimius Severus, and who is regarded as the author of the Disticha de Moribus. (Compare Scaliger, Lect. Auson., 232–Cannegieter, Rescrip. Borhorn. de Catone., c. 18.—Bahr, Gesch. Rom. Litt., vol. 1, p. 154.)—VI. Marcus, surnamed Uticensis, from his death at Utica, was great-grandson to the censor of the same name, and born B.C. 93. A short time after his birth he lost both his parents, and was brought up in the mansion of Livius Drusus, his uncle on the mother's side. Even in early life Cato displayed a maturity of judgment and an inflexible firmness of character far above his years; and Sarpedon, his instructer, being accustomed to take him frequently to the residence of Sylla, who had been his father's friend, the young Cato, then but fourteen years of age, struck with horror at the bloody scenes that were passing around him, asked his preceptor for a sword that he might slay the tyrant. His affectionate disposition was clearly displayed in his strong attachment to Caepio, his brother by the mother's side, as may be seen by a reference to the pages of Plutarch. Being appointed to the priesthood of Apollo, he changed his residence, and took his share of his father's estate; but, though the fortune which he thus received was a considerable one, his manner of living was simpler and more frugal than ever. He formed a particular connexion with Antipater of Tyre, the stoic philosopher, made himself

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