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H. A., 7, 4.—Plin., 8, 1), was held sacred to Baal. One thing at least is certain, that in Africa these pious animals were in some degree connected with the worship of Ammon; and the coins of Juba, king of Mauritania, display on one side the head of Jupiter Ammon, and on the other an elephant. (Eckhel, Doctr. Num. Vet., vol. 4, p. 154.)—To the Sun-God, as monarch of the skies and supreme generator, was joined a female divinity, as the great goddess Kat' t;orov, as the queen of heaven, and the principle of secundated nature. This divinity makes her appearance under various forms and different names in almost all the religions of Asia. (Compare Nouveau Journal Asiatique, vol. 1 (1828), p. 11, seqq.—Creuzer's Symbolik, par Guignaut, vol. 2, p. 232.) At Carthage, as in Syria and Phoenicia, she appears to have borne the name of Astarte or Astaroth, which corresponds to the idea of sovereign of the heavens and the stars. Thus the Greeks called her, in their language, Urania, and the Romans the “Celestial Goddess.” This deity was worshipped in numerous temples at Carthage, along the coast of Africa, at Malta, and in the other isles of the Mediterranean, as also in Spain, near Gades; and her rites were no less voluptuous in their character than those of Mylitta at Babylon, of Anaitis in Armenia, and of Venus-Urania in Cyprus. (Munter, Rel. der Karthager p. 80, seqq.)—lmmediately after Baal and Astarte, was placed, among the national divinities of Carthage, Melkarth, the “king of the city,” the tutelary deity of the parent city of Tyre. (Münter, ibid., p. 36, seqq.) Wherever the Phoenicians penetrated, the altars that were raised in honour of this god, and the various traces of his worship, testify the high veneration which this people entertained for him. The Tyrian colonies regarded him as their common protector; they adored him as a kind of divine mediator; as a sort of sacred bond, uniting them one with another and with their common coun
. The symbol of the victorious course of the sun, and identical, in this respect, with the Grecian Hercules, he naturally became, for these hardy navigators, the celestial guide of their distant expeditions, and, consequently, the god of commerce. (Creuzer’s Synbolik, par Guigniaut, vol. 2, p. 172, n. 4.) In this way
was in some measure assimilated to another deity, Sumes, whose Phoenician name recalls the Som of Egypt. (Compare Bellermann, tiber Phanic. Munz, I, p. 25.) A similar alliance existed at Rome between Hercules and Mercury, both deities being considered as the gods of riches and abundance. Melkarth was, in effect, like the Grecian Hercules, the same with the sun. The Tyrians raised, in his temple at Gades, an altar to the year (Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg., p. 453), and it is in a point of view directly analogous, that Nonnus calls Hercules the conductor of the twelve months. (Dionys., 40, 338.) Every year they kindled at Carthage, as at Tyre, and probably in all the Phoenician colonies, a large pyre in honour of Melkarth, whence an eagle was let loose, as a symbol, like the Egyptian phoenix, of the sun, and of time renewing itself from its own ashes. This scene was transferred by the Greeks to Mount CEta, where Hercules, in consuming himself on the funeral pile, celebrates his apotheosis after the accomplishment of his twelve labours. (Dio. Chrysostom, Orat., 33.—Vol. 2, p. 23, ed. Reiske.) The worship of a Hercules, distinct from the one of Thebes, was continued, even to the last periods of paganism, in Carthage and in all the Phoenician cities.—Omitting the mention of other and less important divinities of the Carthaginians, we will conclude the present head with some general remarks on the religion of this people. The character of the Carthaginian religion, like that of the nation which professed it, was melancholy even to cruelty. Terror was the animating principle of this religion; a religion o after blood, and environed with the
most gloomy and appalling images. When we vie the abstinences, the voluntary tortures, and, above all, the horrid sacrifices which it imposed as a duty on the living, we are not astonished that the dead should ap pear in some degree actual objects of envy. I silenced the most sacred sentiments of human nature; it degraded the minds of its votaries by superstitions in turn atrocious and dissolute; and we are naturally led to the inquiry, what moral influence such a religion could have exercised over the people who professed it. The portrait which antiquity has left us of the Cartha i. character is hence far from being a flattering one y turns imperious and servile, melancholy and cruel, inexorable and faithless, egotistical and, covetous, it would seem as if the spirit of their religion had conspired with the jealous aristocracy that weighed so heavily upon them, and with their purely commercial and industrious habits, to close their hearts to every generous emotion and every elevated thought. Their system of belief may have contained some noble ideas, but their practice of that system served effectually to obscure these. A goddess presided over their public councils (Appian, Bell. Pun., p. 81, ed. Tollii); but these councils or assemblies were held during the night, and history informs us respecting some of the terrible measures that were agitated therein. The god of the solar fire was the patron deity of both Carthage and Tyre, and gave an example of great enterprises and hardy labours; yet his brightness was often stained with blood, and every year human victims were immolated at his altars as at those of Baal. Wherever the Phoenicians, or the Carthaginians after them, carried their commerce and their arms, not only at particular periods, but in all critical conjunctures, their high-toned fanaticism renewed these sanguinary sacrifices. In vain did Gelon of Syracuse, with the authority which victory gave him; in vain did the Greeks established at Carthage, endeavour, by mild and pacific influence, to put an end to these inhuman rites (Timaeus, Tauromen. ap. Schol. in Pind., Pyth., 2, 3–Münter, Rel. der Karth., p. 25); the ancient barbarity constantly reappeared, and maintained itself even in Roman Carthage. At the commencement even of the third century of our era, traces of this frightful mode of worship were still found to be practised in secret. (Tertull., Apol., 9.) From the year of Rome 655, all human sacrifices had been prohibited ; but the emperors more than once found themselves under the necessity of making this prohibition a more binding one. Still, however, the evil was not completely eradicated; and we see, even at Rome, the worthless Elagabalus immolating children in the course of his magic ceremonies. (Dio Cass., 79, 12.—Creuzer's Symbolik, par Guigniaut, vol. 2, p. 252.)
3. Carthaginian Language and Literature.
An account of the language and literature of Carthage will come in more naturally when treating of the Phoenicians. To this latter head, therefore, we refer the reader.
4. History of Carthage.
The first period of the history of Carthage extends to the beginning of the war with Syracuse, from B.C. 878 to 480. Carthage extended its conquests in Af. rica and Sardinia, carried on a commercial war with the people of Marseille (Massilia) and the Etrurians, and concluded a commercial peace with Rome, B.C. 509. The Carthaginians then directed their chief attention to the conquest of Sicily, with which commences their second and most splendid period, extending to the o of their war with the Romans, B.C. 265. hen Xerxes undertook his campaign into Greece, the Carthaginians made a league with him, and the object of this arrangement was to crush at once both Sicily and Greece. The Carthaginians.
however, were defeated at Himera by Gelon, king of Syracuse, and obliged to sue for peace, and to abstain from offering human sacrifices. In the war with Hiero, the next king, the Carthaginians conquered the cities Selinus, Himera, and Agrigentum. Dionysius the elder obtained a temporary peace. But, after Timoleon had delivered Syracuse and Sicily from the yoke of tyranny, the Carthaginians were peculiarly unfortunate. Contagious diseases and frequent mutinies reduced the strength of the city. When Sicily suffered under the tyranny of Agathocles, Carthage engaged in a war with him, and was soon attacked and severely pressed by the usurper. After the death of Agathocles, Carthage once more took part in the commerce of Sicily, when difficulties broke out there with their auxiliaries the Mamertines. The Romans took advantage of these troubles to expel the Carthaginians from Sicily, although they had previously received assistance from them in the war against Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, in Sicily and Lower Italy. Here begins the third period of Carthaginian history, embracing the thrice-repeated struggle for dominion between Rome and Carthage, in the interval between 264 and 146 B.C. The first Punic war continued 23 years. The fleets and armies of Carthage were vanquished. By the peace (B.C. 241) the Carthaginians lost all their possessions in Sicily. Upon this, the mercenary forces, whose wages could not be paid by the exhausted treasury of the city, took up arms. Hamilcar Barcas conquered them, and restored the Carthaginian power in Africa. Notwithstanding the peace with Carthage, the Romans took possession of Sardinia in 228, where the mercenary troops of Carthage had revolted. Hamilcar, who was at the head of the democratic party, now undertook the conquest of Spain, whose rich mines tempted his countrymen. For the success of this enterprise, within 17 years, Carthage was indebted to the family of Barcas, which could boast of the glorious names of Hamilcar, Hasdrubal, and Hannibal. To secure the possession of this acquisition, Hasdrubal founded New Carthage (Carthagena), the most powerful of all the Carthaginian colonies. The second Punic war (from 218 to 201 B.C.), notwithstanding the abilities of the general, ended with the subjugation of Carthage. Hannibal, neglected by his countrymen, and weakened by a victory that cost him so much blood, was obliged to leave Italy, in order to hasten to the assistance of Carthage, which was threatened by the Romans. The battle of Zama resulted in favour of the Romans. Scipio
anted the city peace under the severest conditions. §. ceded Spain, delivered up all her ships except ten, paid 10,000 talents (about $10,000,000), and promised to engage in no war without the consent of the Romans. Besides this, Masinissa, the ally of Rome and implacable enemy of Carthage, was placed on the Numidian throne. This king, under the protection of Rome, deprived the Carthaginians of the best part of their possessions, and destroyed their trade in the interior of Africa. The third war with the Romans was a desperate contest. The disarmed Carthaginians were obliged to demolish part of their own walls. Then, taking up arms anew, they sought for death or life. After three years, the younger Scipio ended this war by the destruction of the city, B.C. 146. Only 5000 persons are said to have been found within its walls. It was 23 miles in circumference ; and when it was set on fire by the Romans, it burned incessantly for 17 days. After the overthrow of Carthage Utica became powerful. Caesar planted a small colony on the ruins of Carthage. Augustus sent 3000 men thither, and built a city at a small distance from the spot on which ancient Carthage stood, thus avoiding the ill effects of the imprecations which had been pronounced by the Romans, according to custom, at the time of its destruction, against those who should
rebuild it. This new city of Carthage was conquered from the Romans by the arms of Genseric, A.D. 439, and it was for more than a century the seat of the Vandal empire in Africa. It was at last destroyed by the Saracens, during the califate of Abdel Melek, towards the end of the 7th century, and few traces of it now remain except an aqueduct. According to Livy, Carthage was twelve miles from Tunetum or Tunis, a distance which still subsists between that city and a fragment of the western wall of Carthage. (Heeren, Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 270, seqq.—Encyclop. Americ., vol. 2, p. 543, seqq.)
5. Circulating Medium and Revenue of Carthage.
The precious metals were probably early used in Carthage, as a medium of exchange as well as an article of luxury; but whether the state stamped coin for the use of the community is a question still undecided. That gold and silver coin was in circulation we cannot doubt; the dispute is about the existence of real Carthaginian coins. But we read of a substitute that the Carthaginians had for gold and silver, which renders it probable that the precious metal in circulation was often inadequate to the wants of the community. It is likely that the conquest of Spain materially supplied this deficiency. Several writers speak of a leather circulating medium : this was a piece of leather with a state-stamp on it, probably denoting its value. In this leather a small piece of metal was enclosed, the precise nature of which, whether it was a compound, or had some peculiar nark upon it, we cannot now ascertain. The best account of this substitute, which we may presume was not used beyond the city, is found in a dialogue on wealth in AEschines Socraticus (2, 24, p. 78, ed. Fischer.—Compare Aristid., Orat. Plat., 2, p. 241– Salmas., de Us., p. 463). The revenue of Carthage was derived from various sources: that from the agricultural colonies within the African territory of Carthage, consisted of a tax paid in raw commodities. The duties on imported goods, both in the metropolis and the colonies, were another abundant source of public income. We learn from Aristotle (Polit., 3, 5), that there were treaties between the Carthaginians and Etrurians, by which the commodities that might be carried by each nation into the ports of the other were accurately described: this is an indication of commercial restrictions, mutual jealousies, and high duties. The produce of the mines of Spain, which at that time were rich in gold, silver, and iron, must be added to the public revenues of the state. The richest mines were in the neighbourhood of New Carthage. It is probable that they were worked by slaves, both native and imported, while they were in the possession of the Carthaginians, as they were afterward when the Romans were masters of Spain. In times of difficulty Carthage occasionally applied for loans to foreign countries. In the Punic war, the impoverished republic asked as a favour from the rich Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, the loan of 2000 talents, which the prudent Greek declined. It cannot be considered that this was one of the ordinary sources of revenue, because the only profit that could arise from it would be the use of the money and the non-payment of the interest and principal ; and this kind of profit would necessarily cease, as in the case of some modern states, when the character of the borrower was known. (Heeren, Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 148–Long's Anc. Geogr., p. 98.)
6. Naval Commerce, and Naval and Military force of Carthage.
The district of Byzacium, in the province called Africa Propria by the Romans, and the island of Sardinia, were the grain countries of Carthage : this commercial town derived its supply of bread from remote
parts, like Athens, Corinth, and other large cities of Greece. Sicily was much frequented by the Punic merchants; and the rich emporium of Syracuse, in times of peace, saw its port crowded with African vessels. Oil and wine were imported from Sicily; both of these articles were produced in Africa, but it is probable that the supply was insufficient. Strabo (836) speaks of a contraband trade carried on by Carthage with the Cyrenaeans, through the port of Charax; the Punic merchant brought wine, and received in exchange the precious silphium. The treaties with Rome reserved in Polybius, and the remarks of Aristotle in
s Politica, prove the active commerce of the Carthaginians and their jealousy of foreign rivals. The Etrurians, who had built towns in Campania, were probably rather pirates than merchants: they procured the wares which they had to exchange for other commodities by robbing vessels on the sea, or the towns of the coast. The Carthaginians, as has already been remarked, had commercial treaties with the Etrurians, who, from the nature of their profession, could furnish them with most of the articles that the Mediterranean produced. In return, their African friends gave them slaves, precious stones, ivory, and gold, the produce of the vast continent behind their city. Malta, and the small adjoining island of Gaulus (Gozo), were Carthaginian possessions: cloth for wearing apparel was manufactured in Malta, and probably from a native cotton. The wax of Corsica was also an article of commerce : the natives of the island were prized for making excellent servants. (Diod. Suc., 5, 13.) The little island of AEthalia or Ilva, now Elba, has furnished iron ore from the remotest historical period; the foreign trader and the merchant of Carthage purchased the ore when it was smelted, and deposited it in the hands of their countrymen for farther improvement. Majorca and Minorca exchanged mules and fruit for wine and female slaves; the latter article these rude islanders were always ready to purchase. The precious metals of Spain have been frequently alluded to ; some of the mines appear to have been public property, while in other cases the merchant procured gold-dust from the natives by an exchange of commodities. There is no impossibility involved in supposing that the Phoenicians or the Carthaginians visited the northern shores of Europe; but, as direct evidence is wanting, it is not necessary to assume that the tin and the amber which they sold to the world were brought by their own ships from the Scilly islands (Cassiterides) or the coast of the Baltic. The trading towns established on the shores of Mauritania seem to have been intended to form a commercial connexion with central Africa: the carriers of the desert would bring the products of Soudan to the small island of Cerne, the most southern of the colonies established by Hanno. The Carthaginians supplied them from the stores in Cerne with earthen vessels, trinkets, and ornaments of various kinds. There was also a fishery on this coast, according to the book of wonders ascribed to Aristotle (c. 148). The fish was salted and carried to Carthage, where it commanded a high price. As regards the discovery-voyage of Hanno, we feel some curiosity to know whether it was useful in establishing a trade on the gold coast of Africa; and our admiration of the extensive knowledge of Herodotus is increased, by finding in his history the only extant information on this obscure subject. In the fourth book (c. 146), he tells us, on the authority of some Carthaginians, that merchants from that renowned trading town, after passing through the straits, visited a remote place on the Libyan coast, where they procured gold from the natives by barter. When they landed at the spot which the natives frequented, it was their practice to lay their wares on the shore and return to their vessel after raising a smoke. The inhabitants, seeing this, would come down to the coast,
place a quantity of gold near the commodities, and retire. The Carthaginians then would leave the ship, and examine what the natives had left in exchange : if it was sufficient, they would take the gold, leaving their own merchandise in its stead; if they were not satisfied, they gave the gold-possessors an opportunity of adding to the deposite of precious metals by retiring again to their ship. This was repeated till the bargain was closed, and, it is added, neither party ever wronged the other. This story of the Carthaginians must not be considered as a mere fiction: it may have received some slight alterations, but the outline of it bears the marks of truth. A modern traveller (Höst), quoted by Heeren (Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 182), describes in a similar way the mode of exchanging commodities between the people of Morocco and the negroes on the borders of Negroland. A caravan goes once a year from Sus, one of the four divisions of the empire of Morocco, across the terrific waste of the western Sahara: tobacco, salt, wool, with woollen and silken cloths, are the articles which they carry. Gold-dust, negroes, and ostrich-feathers are given in exchange by the blacks. The Moors do not enter the Negroland, but meet the blacks at a place on the frontiers, and conclude the bargain without speaking a word. The mutual ignorance of each other's language renders this the only mode of conducting their mercantile transactions.—Carthage, in time of war, maintained a large army and navy; nay, even when she was not engaged in foreign struggles, her distant colonies required the residence of a garrison and the occasional visits of a navy. The writers on the Punic wars have left us information on the military and naval force of the republic, which is in general satisfactory. The principal dockyard was in the city of Carthage. (Appian, Bell. Pun., 96.) There were two ports or havens, an out. er one, intended for merchant ships, and an inner basin, which was separated from the other by a double wall. A small but elevated island in the centre of the inner haven commanded a view of the sea. The admiral of the navy resided here. Two hundred and twenty ships of war were generally laid up in this dockyard, with all the necessary stores for fitting them out on a short notice. In the wars with Syracuse, the ships of Carthage were only triremes (Diod. Sc., 2, 16), but they afterward built vessels of a much larger size, in imitation of the Macedonian Greeks. The war-ships of the Romans and the Carthaginians in the first Punic war (Polyh, 1, 2) carried nearly five hundred men : each Roman vessel contained one hundred and twenty soldiers and three hundred seamen. The Carthaginian ships had about the same number of men on board. In one engagement the Carthaginians collected a fleet of three hundred and fifty ships, manned, according to the computation of Polybius himself, by more than one hundred and fifty thousand sailors and soldiers. We find extravagant and apparently improbable estimates of numbers in all the Carthaginian wars in Sicily, and in their sea-fights with the Romans. The sailors or rowers were slaves, purchased by the state for this service : the complement of a quinquereme was about three hundred slaves and one hundred and twenty fighters. In ancient naval tactics, to move in any direction with celerity, to break through the enemy's line, and to disable or sink his ships, were the evolutions on which victory depended. Sometimes a number of ships were wedged together, and the soldiers fought on the decks as if it were a land battle, but with this important difference, that an escape was not so easy. The slaughter in their naval engagements was prodigious, sometimes amounting to ten, twenty, or even thirty thousand men. The sea-fights described by Thucydides and Polybius, particularly in the first book, are minute, and, we believe, generally faithful accounts by the two great historians of antiquity. The command of the #. was usually separated from that of the land force, but we find instances in which a single person possessed the direction of both. The military force of Carthage consisted principally of hired troops, col: lected from all the nations with which the state had commercial connexions. Only a small part of the citizens of Carthage could be employed in military service. The mercantile occupations of the majority would not allow them to neglect their business for foreign conquests, or the defence of remote possesisions. It was found to be a more economical plan, to make a bargain with nations who had nothing to dispose of but their bodies, and with this saleable commodity to provide for the defence of their colonies or to acquire new possessions. But the distinguished families of Carthage served in the armies of the state, and from this class all the commanders were chosen. In times of danger, all the citizens would necessarily arm themselves to repel an attack on the metropolis; but we are now speaking of the ordinary constitution of a Carthaginian army, and this neither admitted nor required a large number of Carthaginian citizens. A Punic army was like a congregration of nations: the half-naked savage of Gaul stood by the side of the wild Iberian; the cunning Ligurian, from the Alpine or Apennine mountains, met with the Lotophagi of Libya; and the Nasamones, the explorers and guides in the great desert, half-bred Greeks, runaways, and slaves, found themselves mingled in this strange assembly. Troops of Carthaginian and Liby-Phoenician origin were in the centre of the army: on the flank the numerous Nomadic tribes of western Africa wheeled about on unsaddled horses guided by a bridle of rushes. The Balearic slingers formed the vanguard, and the elephants of AEthiopia, with their black conductors, were the moveable castles that protected the front lines. According to Polybius (1, 6), it was considered politic to form an army of such materials, that difference of language might prevent union between several nations, and remove all danger of a general conspiracy: but there are disadvantages also, which arise from the want of a medium of communication, and these were developed in the later periods of the republic. When Xerxes led the nations of Asia against the Greeks of the land of Hellas, a Carthaginian armament was despatched to subjugate the western colonies in Sicily. The muster-roll of the Asiatic force (Herodot., 7, 61, seqq.) contained the names of all the nations in his extensive empire, and even some beyond it, who served for money. The Punic army was composed of the tribes of the western world and of the African desert, and the two armies combined would have exhibited specimens of nearly all the tribes of men that were then known. We become intimately acquainted with the nature of a Carthaginian army from the extant narrative of Polybius. In the opinion of this soldier and historian, the cavalry of Numidia formed the strongest part of the army, and to their quick evolutions, their sudden retreat, and their rapid return to the charge, he attributes the success of Hannibal in his great victories. (Polyb., 3, 12.) Another cause may be assigned for the losses of the Romans, without at all impeaching the opinion of Polybius on the Numidian cavalry. The Romans frequently had two consuls at the head of their armies, and when both happened to be together in the field, they commanded alternately, day by day. At the fatal battle of Cannae, the ignorance and presumption of Warro were associated with the better judgment and calm valour of AEmilius; the single unshackled energy of the great Hannibal was more than a match for this unfortunate combination. We can readily admit the possibility of the large armaments which the rich commercial city of Carthage is said to have equipped, but we perhaps shall find it necessary to detract something
from the numerical estimates of Diodorus, which he took from the careless and credulous Ephorus, or from Timaeus (Polyb., 12, exc. 8), whose authority is not much better. To form some idea of the naval and military force of Carthage, even in time of peace, we must recollect that their foreign trading ports were maintained by garrisons, and that, in the short interval of peace, it was necessary to support a force sufficient to meet the probable danger of war. Three hundred elephants were kept in the citadel of Carthage, which contained, also, stalls for four thousand horses, with accommodations for their riders, and for forty thousand foot soldiers besides. (Heeren, Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 250, seqq.—Long's Anc. Geogr., p. 98, seqq.)
6. Inland Commerce of Carthage.
Writers who have discussed the commercial relations of Carthage, seem scarcely to have supposed the existence of an extensive caravan-trade with central Africa and other parts of the continent. But if we compare the position of the modern towns of Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers, with that of Carthage, and consider the nature of their commerce at the present day, we cannot doubt that similar circumstances would, in ancient times, produce corresponding results. This probability is increased and strengthened by a few passages in the works of Herodotus. The commodities of Central Africa, of the desert, and of the region of Beledulgerid, must necessarily create a caravan trade, extending from the shores of the Mediterranean to the banks of the Niger. These commodities are black slaves, male and female, from the countries south of the Sahara; salt from the great saline deposites in the desert; and dates from the region bordering on the north side of the great sandy waste. These three things have in all ages been considered articles of necessity by the inhabitants of the Tripoli and Tunis coasts, or those connected with them by commercial relations. Gold is seldom found in north Africa; it is principally procured by washing the earths in the neighbourhood of the Kong, or Mountains of the Moon, south of the great river Niger. Ivory is also another article of luxury, which the central countries furnish to the merchants of the seacoast. The native tribes of the Sahara are the carriers of the desert, for which occupation they are peculiarly adapted by their nomadic life, and the possession of numerous beasts of burden. Many of them are merely carriers for the rich merchants settled at the different trading ports, while some of them, who possess a capital, purchase commodities on their own account, and frequently acquire considerable wealth. The direction of this traffic across the desert has probably changed very little: the great emporiums of commerce on the shores of the Mediterranean and in Lower Egypt, are nearly in the same position, and the caravan-routes across the Sahara are determined by the unchanging physical circumstances of this extensive sandy waste. The caravans choose those times for their route at which springs of water can be found to refresh the men and animals, and to furnish them with a sufficient supply during their journey from one halting-place to the next. It appears from the narrative of Herodotus, that the people between the two Syrtes were the carriers of the desert. The Carthaginians might either directly participate in this traffic, or they might meet the caravan near the smaller Syrtis, and receive from it their slaves, their gold and precious stones, in exchange for manufactured articles, for wine, oil, or grain. The immense consumption of slaves in this commercial and military republic, would render a slave-trade necessary to its existence, and from no place could they be procured in such number as from the inexhaustible slave-magazines of the African continent. When we affirm that the Carthaginians were engaged in commerce with the nations of Central Africa, we do not mean to say that it was a direct commerce, though it is possible it might be so in some degree. The tribes between the two Syrtes travelled to Garama, and, as every great resting-place might be a depôt for commodities, they could procure from this town, the products of remote lands which the Carthaginians desired to possess. The towns on the coast of Byzacium would be the market for the caravans of Garama, and places of the greatest importance for the commerce .# Carthage. It does not appear that the wares and products of Central Africa were carried by the caravans any farther than the towns near the Syrtes, on the edge of the desert: thus the connexion of Carthage with the nations of the interior appears to have attracted little attention. (Heeren, Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 185, seqq.—Long's
Carthigo Nova, a well-known city of Hispania Tarraconensis, situate on the coast, a little distance above the boundary line between Tarraconensis and Baetion. It was founded by Hasdrubal, the Carthaginian, who succeeded Barcas, the father of Hannibal, B.C. 242. (Polyb., 2, 3–Mela, 2, 6.—Strab., 158.) It was taken by Scipio Africanus during the second Punic war, and, on falling into the hands of the Romans, it became a colony, under the title of Colonia Victrix Julia Nova Carthago. (Florez, Med. de Esp., vol. 1, p. 316.) The situation of this place was very favourable for commerce, since it lay almost in the middle of the southern coast of Spain, which had hardly any good harbours besides this along its whole extent. (Polyb., 10, 10–Id., 3, 39.—Strab., 156.) In Strabo's time it was a very important place, and carried on an extensive commerce, and in the mountains not far to the north of it were the richest silver mines of all Spain. The governor of the province of Tarraconensis spent the winter either in this city or Tarraco. (Strab., 167.) The modern Carthagena occupies the site of the ancient city. (Ukert, Geogr., vol. 2, p. 400, seqq.)
CARvilius, f one of the four kings of Cantium (Kent), who, at the command of Cassivelaunus, made an attack on Caesar's naval camp, in which they were repulsed and lost a great number of men. (Cas., B. G., 5, 22.)—II. The first Roman who divorced his wife during the space of six hundred years. This was for barrenness, B.C. 231. (Val. Max., 2, 1, 4.) -III. A grammarian of this name, according to Plutarch (de quast. Rom., n. 54), first introduced the G into the Roman alphabet, C having been previously used for it. This was nearly 500 years after the building of the city. (Compare Quintilian, 1, 7, 23.− Terent. Maur., p. 2402–Id., p. 2410–Mar. Vict, P. 2469–Diom., p. 417. –Serv. ad Virg., Georg., 1, 194–Schneider, L. G., vol. 1, p. 233, seqq.)
Carus, a Roman emperor, who succeeded Probus. He was first appointed, by the latter, Praetorian prefect, and after his death was chosen by the army to be his successor, A.D. 282. Carus created his two sons, Carinus and Numerianus, Caesars, as soon as he was elevated to the empire, and, some time after, gave them each the title of Augustus. On the news of the death of Probus, the barbarians put themselves in motion, and Carus, sending his son Carinus into Gaul, departed with Numerianus for Illyricum, in order to opPose the Sarmatae, who threatened Thrace and Italy. He slew 16,000, and made 20,000 prisoners. Proceeding after this against the Persians, he made himself master of Mesopotamia, and of the cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, and took in consequence the surnames of Persicus and Parthicus. He died, however, in the midst of his successes, A.D. 283. (Wid. Aper.) His whole reign was one of not more than sixteen or seventeen months. Carus was deified *...his death. According to Vopiscus, he held a *le rank between good and bad princes. (Vopisc,
Car—Id., Prob., c. 24.—Id., Carin., c. 16, seq.Bastie, Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscript., &c., vol. 13, p. 437, seqq.) CARYAE, I. a village of Arcadia, near the sources of the Aroanius. (Pausan., 8, 14.)—II. A small town of Laconia, to the north of Sellasia. (Pausan., 3, 10.) It appears from Pausanias (8,45), that the Caryatae were formerly attached to the territory of Tegasa ; and it is clear from Xenophon (Hist. Gr., 6, 5, 25), that it was a border-town. At the latter of these two places a festival was observed in honour of Diana Caryātis. (Vid. Caryata.) Cary RTAF, the inhabitants of Carya (II.). It is said, that they joined the Persians upon their invading Greece, and that, after the expulsion of the invaders, the Greeks made war upon the Caryatae, took their city, slew all the males, carried the women into slavery, and decreed, by way of ignominy, that their images should be used as supporters for public edifices. Hence the Caryatides of ancient architecture. No trace of this story, however, is to be found in any Greek historian, and no small argument against its credibility may be deduced from the situation of the Caryatae, within the Peloponnesus. A writer in the Museum Criticum (vol. 2, p. 402) suggests, that these figures were so called from their resembling the statue of "Apreuvo KapuāTuc, or else the Laconian virgins, who celebrated their annual dance in her temple; and he refers to Pausan., 3, 10.-Lucian, Salt., 10–Plut., Wit. Artar. (Compare Winckelmann, Gesch. der Kunst. des Alterthums, vol. 4, pt. 1, p. 225.-Wisconti, Mus-Pio-Clement., vol. 2, p. 42.-Bahr, ad Ctes., p. 239.) CARystus, I. a city of Euboea, on the seacoast, at the foot of Mount Oche. It is '..." by the name of *...*.*. and was founded, as we are told, by some o *Dryopes, who had been driven from their country by Hercules. (Thucyd., 7, 57.) This place was principally celebrated for its marble, which was highly esteemed, and much used by the Romans in the embellishment of both public and private edifices. (Tibull., 3, 13–Compare Plin., 4, 12. —Id., 36, 7.) We learn from Strabo (446), that the spot which furnished this valuable material was named Marmarium, and that a temple had been erected there to Apollo Marmarius.—II. A town of Laconia, belong: ing to the territory of Ægys. Its wine was celebrated by the poet Alcman, as we are informed by Strabo (446.-Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 224). Casca, P. Servilius, one of the conspirators against Caesar, and the individual who inflicted the first blow He had been attached to the party of Pompey, but had submitted, and received a pardon from Caesar. Plutarch states, that Casca gave Caesar a stroke upon the neck, but that the wound was not dangerous, as he was probably in some trepidation at the time. Caesar, turning around, caught hold of his dagger, crying out at the same time, “Villain! Cascal what art thou doing?” (Plut., Vit. Caes., c. 66.) Cascrilius Aulus, a lawyer of great erudition and talent in the time of Augustus. (Horat., Ep. ad Pis., 371.-Val. Maz., 8, 12, 1.) Casilinum, a city of Campania, on the river Vulturnus and the Appian Way. It is celebrated in history for the obstinate defence which it made against Hannibal after the battle of Cannae. Livy, that the river Vulturnus divided the town into two parts, and that the one on the right bank was occupied by the Roman garrison, while the other was in posses; sion of the Carthaginian army, which was thus enabled to cut off all supplies, except such as might be convey: ed down the stream; by this means the brave handful of soldiers who defended the town were at last forced to surrender. (Liv., 23, 17, seqq.—Val. Mar. 7, 6.) This town appears to have been still in existence in the time of Strabo (249); but Pliny, wo some
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