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sions of the mother-country, Phoenicia. They were never able, however, to make themselves masters of the whole island: had they succeeded in their design, their subsequent history might have been different. They probably never had secure possession of more than one third of the island. Sicily was the point where the interests of the Greeks and Carthaginians conflicted. The Greek cities were free states, whose wealth increased with as much rapidity, according to extant documents, as any countries whose history is known, except some of the free states of America. forces, the Carthaginian settlements, which were strictly colonies in the modern acceptation of the word, must have yielded to the superior energies of the Greeks. It is said (Herodot., 7, 165) that it was a concerted plan between Xerxes and the Carthaginians, that Greece and Sicily should be crushed at the same time; one by the united myriads of the east, the other by the barbarians of the west, who formed the armies of Carthage. But Hamilcar, the Carthaginian general, saw his forces vanquished by the Sicilian Greeks, and he himself lost his life.-As to Spain, it is difficult to distinguish between the Phoenicians and their descendants, the Carthaginians, owing to the imperfect records we possess of Carthaginian history; nor can we with certainty assign the era when the colonists succeeded to the foreign possessions of the mother-country. The southwestern part of Spain, the modern Andalusia, was their favourite region: the town of Gades (Cadiz) became a flourishing place, and the emporium of Southern Spain. (Heeren, Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 27, seqq.-Long's Anc. Geogr., p. 91, seqq.)

1. The Carthaginian Polity.

50 years before the fall of Troy. (Appian, Bell. Pun. init.-Hieron. in Euseb. ad Num., 805, p. 91, ed. Scalig.) By the computation of Eusebius, how ever, it took place 37 years before Troy was destroyed. The second founding of Carthage occured 173 years subsequent to the former one (Chron. Euseb., Hieron. ad Num., 971), or, if we follow Syncellus (p. 181, A), 133 years after the taking of Troy. With this epoch the mention of Dido comes in for the first time. Her true era, however, appears to be that of the third founding of the city, 190 years later, according to Josephus (in Apion., 1, 18, p. 1042).—The Greeks called Car-Had these little commonwealths always united their thage Kapyndov, and the Carthaginians, Kapɣndóviol. The name of the place in Punic was Carthada, i. e., "The New City," in contradistinction to the old or parent city of Tyre. (Compare Gesenius, Gesch. Hebr. Spr., p. 229.-Id., Phan. Mon., p. 421.)-Carthage was situated on a peninsula, in the recess of a spacious bay, formed by the promontory Hermæum (Cape Bon) on the east, and that of Apollo (Cape Zibib) on the west. The Bagradas flows into the bay between Utica and the peninsula, and, being an inundating river, has doubtless caused many changes in this bay. The adventurers who founded Carthage bought a small piece of land, for which they paid a yearly tax; with the increasing wealth and power of the city, the respective conditions of the Carthaginians and the natives were changed, and the merchants assumed and maintained a dominion over the Libyans who dwelt around them. The Carthaginians upheld their control over the native tribes by sending out colonies, as the Romans did into the Italic states; a mixed population would thus soon arise. A regular colonizing system was part of the Carthaginian policy. (Aristot., Polit., 6, 3.) To provide for the poor by grants of land, and to avoid popular commotion, which is naturally produced by poverty, was the object of their Our information on this important and interesting colonial establishments. This kind of relief cannot be subject is not so complete as the investigator of anpermanent, and we consequently read of more colonies cient history desires. Aristotle's small extant treatise, of this description in the later periods of Carthage. entitled "Politica," is our best guide in this obscure Their settlements in Africa were principally on the matter. The city was a commercial town, possessing, coast between Carthage and the Syrtis Minor: they ap- as we have seen, numerous foreign colonics, besides pear to have been under the immediate control of the pa-dependent towns in the fertile region of Byzacium. rent city. But there is no reason for supposing, that the Agriculture was encouraged in the African colonies, genuine Phoenician colonies, those established by Tyre, or subject cities, by the demands for the necessaries or other cities of the parent country, were in this kind of life which a great capital would create from the of dependance on Carthage. It was the policy of Car- fragments of Mago's book on husbandry, and the testhage to encourage the agriculture of the productive re-timony of historians, we infer that the cultivation of gion of Byzacium: their city was thus supplied with grain, of the olive, and the vine, and the raising of the prime necessaries of life.—The boundaries of the cattle, were well understood. Carthage, like most Carthaginian territories in Africa were these: on the of the towns in the Greek states, was the ruling east the tower of Euphranta was the barrier between city of the district in which it was situated: the them and the Cyrenæans. From this place, which was citizens of the metropolis possessed the sovereign on the eastern shore of the Syrtis Major, or from Charan, power, but the mode in which it was distributed which was near to it, the Carthaginians carried on a con- among those of Carthage requires some explanation. traband trade to procure the silphium. (Strabo, 836.) There was in Carthage, undoubtedly, a body of rich The southern boundary was determined by natural lim- citizens, who are sometimes considered as a kind its: the sandy desert and its wandering inhabitants of aristocracy, but there is no proof that this was owned no master. It is more difficult to assign a an hereditary dignity, or that it was anything more western boundary: they had posts, or trading posi- than the influence which a rich individual possesstions, along the northern coast as far as the Straits of es and transmits to his children by joining it to a Gibraltar, but this will not prove that they had any large estate. An aristocracy may be formed in this territorial possession. The Nomades would give way that of Carthage, as far as we know, possessed themselves little concern about a small island oppo- no hereditary privileges, and no political power but site to the coast, or a barren rock upon it, and the from election. But posts of honour and dignity Carthaginians might gradually attain some small tract brought with them no emolument, and, consequently, besides the spot which was a depôt for commodities. were the exclusive property of the rich, who alone The Carthaginian possessions which were undisputed could afford to sustain the expense which such situaprobably did not extend west of the 26th degree of tions necessarily require. Bribery is a consequence east longitude, and spread some distance into the in- of such an institution, and a small body, whatever terior. The lake Tritonis may be considered as the name it may have, will thus govern a community. southern and western limit of the cultivated region. (Aristot., Polit., 2, 8.-Heeren's Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, Among the foreign possessions of Carthage may be p. 108, seqq.) The Spartan polity was that which Arenumerated their dependances in Sicily and Spain, as istotle and Polybius consider the most nearly related well as Sardinia, Corsica, the Baleares, and Malta. to the Carthaginian. The power of the people was In Sicily the Carthaginians succeeded to the posses- very limited, and was exercised only in their public

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meetings. The kings or suffetes, and the generals of we have Elim, Alonim, and, in the feminine, Alonoth; the republic, were elected by the people in their public Baal and Baalath; Melech and Malcath; Don for assemblies; but bribery was so usual that Aristotle Adon. (Plaut., Panul., 5, 1, 15.-Compare Bellerconsidered those high distinctions as saleable at the mann, vol. 1, p. 45, and vol. 2, p. 15.) These appeltime when he wrote. When the suffetes and the lations, given to the deities of Carthage as well as to senate could not agree about any proposed enactment, those of Phoenicia, expressed in both countries the the people had the right of deciding between them. majesty of those all-powerful beings, and the dominion The senate possessed the chief power, both legislative which they exercised over men. It was to the sun, and executive; but we are entirely ignorant of the however, as the first principle of nature, as the generconstitution of this body. It is only from the comparative power, that the Carthaginians, after the example ison made by Aristotle and Polybius between the con- of the nations of Canaan, offered peculiar adoration. stitutions of Carthage and Sparta, and the additional They styled him Baal or Moloch, "the lord," "the resemblance between that of Carthage and Rome in king," and also Belsamen, "the lord of heaven." the time of Polybius, that we can attain to any proba- This supreme deity they worshipped with a reverbilities. We suppose, then, that the senators might ence so profound as scarcely ever to dare to prohold their offices for life; that their number was con- nounce his true name: they contented themselves in siderable, and that they possessed the principal legis- general with designating him as the “Ancient One,” lative and executive power. The presiding officers "the Eternal." (Augustin., De Consensu Evang., of the senate and the chief civil magistrates were the 1, 36.-Vol. 3, p. 11, ed. Maur.-Compare the exsuffetes: the Greek writers call them kings, and the pression, "Ancient of Days," in Daniel, 7, 9, 13.) Roman historian, Livy, compares them with the con- The Greek writers translated Baal by Kpóvos, and the suls. They were elected from the richest and noblest Romans by Saturnus, no doubt on account of the comfamilies (Aristot., Polit., 2, 81); we suppose the nummon reference which those divinities had to the idea ber was two, like that of the kings of Sparta and con- of time. The images, as well as the titles of the Sunsuls of Rome: any farther conjectures about them may God, were the same, to all appearances, both among be ingenious, but they will also be useless. The gen- the Phoenicians or Canaanites, and the Carthaginians. erals of the state were elected also from the most dis- The description which Diodorus has left us of the tinguished families. The civil and the military power statue of Cronus (Saturn) at Carthage, coincides in in Carthage were distinct. We may find instances in general with the account given by the Jewish Rabbins which the kings seem to have had something like mil- of that of Moloch in Canaan. (Diod. Sic., 20, 14.itary command, as in the case of King Hanno, who Selden, de Diis Syris, 1, 6.) Both were made of conducted the colonial expedition; but, in general, we metal; both had the arms extended, with a kind of can have no doubt that the generals of the republic furnace, or inner cavity, below, into which children were officers chosen by the people to command the were thrown to be destroyed by fire, as an offering to armies in foreign expeditions or in domestic dissen- this horrid idol. In process of time, when the Čarsion. The judicature of Carthage resembled that of thaginians had become more closely connected with Sparta: the judges of the several courts had the full the Greeks, it is probable that Baal was made in some and complete cognizance of all civil and criminal cases, respects to resemble the Apollo of the latter; his worwithout the aid of jurymen. (Aristot., Polit., 3, 1.) ship, as well as his figure, would begin to modify The court of the one hundred was the supreme tribunal themselves, and hence the Apollo of Carthage, whose of Carthage, and the account of its origin, given by colossal statue, entirely gilt, was transported to Rome Justin (18, 7), is rendered more probable by Aristotle's by Scipio. (Polyb., 7, 9.—Appian, Bell. Pun., 79. comparing this body with that of the Spartan Ephori. Plut., Vit. Flamin., c. 1. Creuzer's Symbolik, Such a tribunal as this could be converted by favoura- vol. 2, p. 269.-But consult Guigniaut's note, vol. 2, ble circumstances and a few bold leaders into a real p. 231, of the French work.) In the Roman Carthage, court of inquisition: it actually became so in the later which retained the worship of its ancient deities, while ages of the commonwealth; and, if we believe Livy it changed, at the same time, their forms and names, (33, 46), the lives and property of the citizens were the Latin Saturn appeared to take the place of the disposed of according to its caprice. Any injury, real Phoenician Baal; but the human sacrifices, still conor imaginary, done to one of the body, was an offence tinually renewed, notwithstanding the repeated orders against the dignity of the whole college. Hannibal to the contrary on the part of the Romans, attest the overturned the throne of the inquisitors, and destroyed permanency of ancient ideas and rites. Baal-Saturn this tyrannical and dangerous tribunal. This body maintained his honours even to the extremities of the was not chosen by the people, but by courts called west, even to Gades, where, under the Roman doPentarchies we know nothing more of these latter minion, there still existed a temple of this god, (Comcourts, except that they had cognizance of very im- pare Münter, Religion der Karthager, p. 17, seqq.— portant cases, and enjoyed the privilege of supplying Id., über Sardische Idole, p. 8, seqq.) Various anithe vacancies that happened in their own body. The mals were consecrated to Baal, as to all the great dimembers of the court of one hundred retained their vinities of paganism. Oxen were sacrificed to him, and place for a long time, though originally not for life. he himself bore the attributes of a bull. A Phoenician (Aristot., Polit., 2, 8.) Our materials will hardly ad-medal, which has come down to us, displays the image mit any farther development of the constitution of Car- of a god, like the Jupiter of the Greeks, seated on a thage. In the decline of the state, we know from Ar- throne, and having the head of an ox. The inscripistotle that the influence of a few rich families in ob- tion is Baal- Thurz. Payne Knight (Inquiry into the taining possession of places of importance, and the Symb. Lang., &c., § 31.-Class. Journ., vol. 23, p. union of several distinct offices in one person, con- 226) compares the name Thor, given to the bull among tributed materially to hasten the end of the political the Phoenicians, according to Plutarch (Vit. Syll., system. (Heeren's Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 118, seqq. 17), with the god Thor of Scandinavian mythology, -Long's Anc. Geogr., p. 97.) the head of whose image was that of a bull. Horses were also dedicated to the Sun, and their blood shed at his festivals. (Münter, Religion der Karthager, p. 14, n. 44, who deduces this from a passage in the 2d (4th) Book of Kings, 23, 11.) It is also very probable that the elephant, an animal so renowned among the ancients for the species of worship which it was said to offer to the sun and moon (Ælian,

2. Religion of the Carthaginians, The religious faith and ceremonies of the Carthaginians appear to have been at bottom the same with those of the mother country, Phoenicia. Hence the general denominations for their divinities betray a strong resemblance between the two nations. Thus

H. A., 7, 4.—Plin., 8, 1), was held sacred to Baal. | most gloomy and appalling images. When we vie One thing at least is certain, that in Africa these pious the abstinences, the voluntary tortures, and, above all, animals were in some degree connected with the wor- the horrid sacrifices which it imposed as a duty on the ship of Ammon; and the coins of Juba, king of Mau- living, we are not astonished that the dead should ap ritania, display on one side the head of Jupiter Am- pear in some degree actual objects of envy. I mon, and on the other an elephant. (Eckhel, Doctr. silenced the most sacred sentiments of human nature; Num. Vet., vol. 4, p. 154.)-To the Sun-God, as it degraded the minds of its votaries by superstitions in monarch of the skies and supreme generator, was turn atrocious and dissolute; and we are naturally led joined a female divinity, as the great goddess Kar' to the inquiry, what moral influence such a religion oxiv, as the queen of heaven, and the principle of could have exercised over the people who professed it. fecundated nature. This divinity makes her appear- The portrait which antiquity has left us of the Cartha ance under various forms and different names in almost ginian character is hence far from being a flattering one all the religions of Asia. (Compare Nouveau Journal By turns imperious and servile, melancholy and cruel, Asiatique, vol. 1 (1828), p. 11, seqq.-Creuzer's inexorable and faithless, egotistical and covetous, it Symbolik, par Guigniaut, vol. 2, p. 232.) At Car- would seem as if the spirit of their religion had conthage, as in Syria and Phoenicia, she appears to have spired with the jealous aristocracy that weighed so borne the name of Astarte or Astaroth, which corre- heavily upon them, and with their purely commercial sponds to the idea of sovereign of the heavens and the and industrious habits, to close their hearts to every stars. Thus the Greeks called her, in their language, generous emotion and every elevated thought. Their Urania, and the Romans the "Celestial Goddess." system of belief may have contained some noble ideas, This deity was worshipped in numerous temples at but their practice of that system served effectually to Carthage, along the coast of Africa, at Malta, and in obscure these. A goddess presided over their public the other isles of the Mediterranean, as also in Spain, councils (Appian, Bell. Pun., p. 81, ed. Tollii); but near Gades; and her rites were no less voluptuous in these councils or assemblies were held during the their character than those of Mylitta at Babylon, of night, and history informs us respecting some of the Anaïtis in Armenia, and of Venus-Urania in Cyprus. terrible measures that were agitated therein. The god (Munter, Rel. der Karthager p. 80, seqq.)-Immedi- of the solar fire was the patron deity of both Carthage ately after Baal and Astarte, was placed, among the and Tyre, and gave an example of great enterprises national divinities of Carthage, Melkarth, the "king and hardy labours; yet his brightness was often stained of the city," the tutelary deity of the parent city of with blood, and every year human victims were immoTyre. (Münter, ibid., p. 36, seqq.) Wherever the lated at his altars as at those of Baal. Wherever the Phoenicians penetrated, the altars that were raised in Phoenicians, or the Carthaginians after them, carried honour of this god, and the various traces of his wor- their commerce and their arms, not only at particular ship, testify the high veneration which this people en-periods, but in all critical conjunctures, their high-toned tertained for him. The Tyrian colonies regarded him fanaticism renewed these sanguinary sacrifices. In as their common protector; they adored him as a kind vain did Gelon of Syracuse, with the authority which of divine mediator; as a sort of sacred bond, uniting victory gave him; in vain did the Greeks established them one with another and with their common coun- at Carthage, endeavour, by mild and pacific influence, try. The symbol of the victorious course of the sun, to put an end to these inhuman rites (Timæus, Tauand identical, in this respect, with the Grecian Hercu- romen. ap. Schol. in Pind., Pyth., 2, 3.—Münter, les, he naturally became, for these hardy navigators, Rel. der Karth., p. 25); the ancient barbarity conthe celestial guide of their distant expeditions, and, stantly reappeared, and maintained itself even in Roconsequently, the god of commerce. (Creuzer's Sym- man Carthage. At the commencement even of the bolik, par Guigniaut, vol. 2, p. 172, n. 4.) In this way third century of our era, traces of this frightful mode he was in some measure assimilated to another de- of worship were still found to be practised in secret. ity, Sumes, whose Phoenician name recalls the Som (Tertull., Apol., 9.) From the year of Rome 655, all of Egypt. (Compare Bellermann, über Phanic. human sacrifices had been prohibited; but the emperMünz., 1, p. 25.) A similar alliance existed at Rome ors more than once found themselves under the nebetween Hercules and Mercury, both deities being cessity of making this prohibition a more binding one. considered as the gods of riches and abundance. Mel- Still, however, the evil was not completely eradicated; karth was, in effect, like the Grecian Hercules, the and we see, even at Rome, the worthless Elagabalus same with the sun. The Tyrians raised, in his temple immolating children in the course of his magic cere at Gades, an altar to the year (Eustath. ad Dionys. monies. (Dio Cass., 79, 12.-Creuzer's Symbolik, Perieg., p. 453), and it is in a point of view directly par Guigniaut, vol. 2, p. 252.) analogous, that Nonnus calls Hercules the conductor of the twelve months. (Dionys., 40, 338.) Every year they kindled at Carthage, as at Tyre, and probably

4. History of Carthage.

3. Carthaginian Language and Literature. An account of the language and literature of Carin all the Phoenician colonies, a large pyre in honour thage will come in more naturally when treating of the of Melkarth, whence an eagle was let loose, as a sym-Phoenicians. To this latter head, therefore, we refer bol, like the Egyptian phoenix, of the sun, and of time the reader. renewing itself from its own ashes. This scene was transferred by the Greeks to Mount Eta, where Hercules, in consuming himself on the funeral pile, cele- The first period of the history of Carthage extends brates his apotheosis after the accomplishment of his to the beginning of the war with Syracuse, from B.C. twelve labours. (Dio. Chrysostom., Orat., 33.-Vol. 878 to 480. Carthage extended its conquests in Af2, p. 23, ed. Reiske.) The worship of a Hercules, rica and Sardinia, carried on a commercial war with distinct from the one of Thebes, was continued, even the people of Marseille (Massilia) and the Etrurians, to the last periods of paganism, in Carthage and in all and concluded a commercial peace with Rome, B.C. the Phoenician cities.-Omitting the mention of other 509. The Carthaginians then directed their chief atand less important divinities of the Carthaginians, we tention to the conquest of Sicily, with which comwill conclude the present head with some general re- mences their second and most splendid period, extendmarks on the religion of this people. The character ing to the beginning of their war with the Romans, of the Carthaginian religion, like that of the nation which professed it, was melancholy even to cruelty. Terror was the animating principle of this religion; a religion thirsting after blood, and environed with the

B.C. 265. When Xerxes undertook his campaign into Greece, the Carthaginians made a league with him, and the object of this arrangement was to crush at once both Sicily and Greece. The Carthaginians.

rebuild it. This new city of Carthage was conquered from the Romans by the arms of Genseric, A.D. 439, and it was for more than a century the seat of the Vandal empire in Africa. It was at last destroyed by the Saracens, during the califate of Abdel Melek, tonow remain except an aqueduct. According to Livy, Carthage was twelve miles from Tunetum or Tunis, a distance which still subsists between that city and a fragment of the western wall of Carthage. (Heeren, Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 270, seqq.—Encyclop. Americ., vol. 2, p. 543, seqq.)

5. Circulating Medium and Revenue of Carthage.

The precious metals were probably early used in Carthage, as a medium of exchange as well as an article of luxury; but whether the state stamped coin for the use of the community is a question still unde. cided. That gold and silver coin was in circulation we cannot doubt; the dispute is about the existence of real Carthaginian coins. But we read of a substi

however, were defeated at Himera by Gelon, king of Syracuse, and obliged to sue for peace, and to abstain from offering human sacrifices. In the war with Hiero, the next king, the Carthaginians conquered the cities Selinus, Himera, and Agrigentum. Dionysius the elder obtained a temporary peace. But, after Ti-wards the end of the 7th century, and few traces of it moleon had delivered Syracuse and Sicily from the yoke of tyranny, the Carthaginians were peculiarly unfortunate. Contagious diseases and frequent mutinies reduced the strength of the city. When Sicily suffered under the tyranny of Agathocles, Carthage | engaged in a war with him, and was soon attacked and severely pressed by the usurper. After the death of Agathocles, Carthage once more took part in the commerce of Sicily, when difficulties broke out there with their auxiliaries the Mamertines. The Romans took advantage of these troubles to expel the Carthaginians from Sicily, although they had previously received assistance from them in the war against Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, in Sicily and Lower Italy. Here begins the third period of Carthaginian history, embracing the thrice-repeated struggle for dominion be-tute that the Carthaginians had for gold and silver, tween Rome and Carthage, in the interval between 264 and 146 B.C. The first Punic war continued 23 years. The fleets and armies of Carthage were vanquished. By the peace (B.C. 241) the Carthaginians lost all their possessions in Sicily. Upon this, the mercenary forces, whose wages could not be paid by the exhausted treasury of the city, took up arms. Hamilcar Barcas conquered them, and restored the Carthaginian power in Africa. Notwithstanding the peace with Carthage, the Romans took possession of Sardinia in 228, where the mercenary troops of Carthage had revolted. Hamilcar, who was at the head of the democratic party, now undertook the conquest of Spain, whose rich mines tempted his countrymen. For the success of this enterprise, within 17 years, Carthage was indebted to the family of Barcas, which could boast of the glorious names of Hamilcar, Hasdrubal, and Hannibal. To secure the possession of this acquisition, Hasdrubal founded New Carthage (Carthagena), the most powerful of all the Carthaginian colonies. The second Punic war (from 218 to 201 B.C.), notwithstanding the abilities of the general, ended with the subjugation of Carthage. Hannibal, neglected by his countrymen, and weakened by a victory that cost him so much blood, was obliged to leave Italy, in order to hasten to the assistance of Carthage, which was threatened by the Romans. The battle of Zama resulted in favour of the Romans. Scipio granted the city peace under the severest conditions. Carthage ceded Spain, delivered up all her ships except ten, paid 10,000 talents (about $10,000,000), and promised to engage in no war without the consent of the Romans. Besides this, Masinissa, the ally of Rome and implacable enemy of Carthage, was placed on the Numidian throne. This king, under the protection of Rome, deprived the Carthaginians of the best part of their possessions, and destroyed their trade in the interior of Africa. The third war with the Romans was a desperate contest. The disarmed Carthaginians were obliged to demolish part of their own walls. Then, taking up arms anew, they fought for death or life. After three years, the younger Scipio ended this war by the destruction of the city, B.C. 146. Only 5000 persons are said to have been found within its walls. It was 23 miles in circumference; and when it was set on fire by the Romans, it burned incessantly for 17 days. After the overthrow of Carthage Utica became powerful. Cæsar planted a small colony on the ruins of Carthage. Augustus sent 3000 men thither, and built a city at a small distance from the spot on which ancient Carthage stood, thus avoiding the ill effects of the imprecations which had been pronounced by the Romans, according to custom, at the time of its destruction, against those who should

which renders it probable that the precious metal in
circulation was often inadequate to the wants of the
community. It is likely that the conquest of Spain
materially supplied this deficiency. Several writers
speak of a leather circulating medium: this was a
piece of leather with a state-stamp on it, probably de-
noting its value. In this leather a small piece of
metal was enclosed, the precise nature of which,
whether it was a compound, or had some peculiar
nark upon it, we cannot now ascertain. The best
account of this substitute, which we may presume was
not used beyond the city, is found in a dialogue on
wealth in Eschines Socraticus (2, 24, p. 78, ed. Fis-
cher.-Compare Aristid., Orat. Plat., 2, p. 241.-
Salmas., de Us., p. 463). The revenue of Carthage
was derived from various sources: that from the agri-
cultural colonies within the African territory of Car-
thage, consisted of a tax paid in raw commodities.
The duties on imported goods, both in the metropolis
and the colonies, were another abundant source of pub-
lic income. We learn from Aristotle (Polit, 3, 5),
that there were treaties between the Carthaginians and
Etrurians, by which the commodities that might be
carried by each nation into the ports of the other were
accurately described: this is an indication of commer-
cial restrictions, mutual jealousies, and high duties.
The produce of the mines of Spain, which at that time
were rich in gold, silver, and iron, must be added to
the public revenues of the state. The richest mines
were in the neighbourhood of New Carthage. It is
probable that they were worked by slaves, both native
and imported, while they were in the possession of the
Carthaginians, as they were afterward when the Ro-
mans were masters of Spain. In times of difficulty
Carthage occasionally applied for loans to foreign
countries. In the Punic war, the impoverished repub-
lic asked as a favour from the rich Ptolemy Philadel
phus, king of Egypt, the loan of 2000 talents, which
the prudent Greek declined. It cannot be considered
that this was one of the ordinary sources of revenue,
because the only profit that could arise from it would
be the use of the money and the non-payment of the
interest and principal; and this kind of profit would
necessarily cease, as in the case of some modern
states, when the character of the borrower was known.
(Heeren, Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 148.—Long's Anc.
Geogr., p. 98.)

6. Naval Commerce, and Naval and Military force
of Carthage.

The district of Byzacium, in the province called Africa Propria by the Romans, and the island of Sardinia, were the grain countries of Carthage: this commercial town derived its supply of bread from remote

parts, like Athens, Corinth, and other large cities of [place a quantity of gold near the commodities, and reGreece. Sicily was much frequented by the Punic tire. The Carthaginians then would leave the ship, merchants; and the rich emporium of Syracuse, in and examine what the natives had left in exchange: times of peace, saw its port crowded with African if it was sufficient, they would take the gold, leaving vessels. Oil and wine were imported from Sicily; their own merchandise in its stead; if they were not both of these articles were produced in Africa, but it satisfied, they gave the gold-possessors an opportuniis probable that the supply was insufficient. Strabo ty of adding to the deposite of precious metals by re(836) speaks of a contraband trade carried on by Car- tiring again to their ship. This was repeated till the thage with the Cyrenæans, through the port of Charax; bargain was closed, and, it is added, neither party the Punic merchant brought wine, and received in ex- ever wronged the other. This story of the Carthaginchange the precious silphium. The treaties with Rome ians must not be considered as a mere fiction: it preserved in Polybius, and the remarks of Aristotle in may have received some slight alterations, but the his Politica, prove the active commerce of the Car- outline of it bears the marks of truth. A modern thaginians and their jealousy of foreign rivals. The traveller (Höst), quoted by Heeren (Ideen, vol. 2, pt. Etrurians, who had built towns in Campania, were 1, p. 182), describes in a similar way the mode of exprobably rather pirates than merchants: they procured changing commodities between the people of Morocco the wares which they had to exchange for other com- and the negroes on the borders of Negroland. A carmodities by robbing vessels on the sea, or the towns avan goes once a year from Sus, one of the four diof the coast. The Carthaginians, as has already been visions of the empire of Morocco, across the terrific remarked, had commercial treaties with the Etrurians, waste of the western Sahara: tobacco, salt, wool, with who, from the nature of their profession, could furnish woollen and silken cloths, are the articles which they them with most of the articles that the Mediterranean carry. Gold-dust, negroes, and ostrich-feathers are produced. In return, their African friends gave them given in exchange by the blacks. The Moors do not slaves, precious stones, ivory, and gold, the produce enter the Negroland, but meet the blacks at a place of the vast continent behind their city. Malta, and on the frontiers, and conclude the bargain without the small adjoining island of Gaulus (Gozo), were Car- speaking a word. The mutual ignorance of each thaginian possessions: cloth for wearing apparel was other's language renders this the only mode of conmanufactured in Malta, and probably from a native ducting their mercantile transactions.-Carthage, in cotton. The wax of Corsica was also an article of time of war, maintained a large army and navy: nay, commerce the natives of the island were prized for even when she was not engaged in foreign strugmaking excellent servants. (Diod. Sic., 5, 13.) The gles, her distant colonies required the residence of little island of thalia or Ilva, now Elba, has fur- a garrison and the occasional visits of a navy. The nished iron ore from the remotest historical period; the writers on the Punic wars have left us informaforeign trader and the merchant of Carthage purcha- tion on the military and naval force of the republic, sed the ore when it was smelted, and deposited it in which is in general satisfactory. The principal dockthe hands of their countrymen for farther improve- yard was in the city of Carthage. Appian, Bell. ment. Majorca and Minorca exchanged mules and Pun., 96.) There were two ports or havens, an out fruit for wine and female slaves; the latter article er one, intended for merchant ships, and an inner bathese rude islanders were always ready to purchase. sin, which was separated from the other by a double The precious metals of Spain have been frequently wall. A small but elevated island in the centre of alluded to; some of the mines appear to have been the inner haven commanded a view of the sea. public property, while in other cases the merchant pro- adiniral of the navy resided here. Two hundred and cured gold-dust from the natives by an exchange of twenty ships of war were generally laid up in this dockcommodities. There is no impossibility involved in yard, with all the necessary stores for fitting them out supposing that the Phoenicians or the Carthaginians on a short notice. In the wars with Syracuse, the visited the northern shores of Europe; but, as direct ships of Carthage were only triremes (Diod. Sic., 2, evidence is wanting, it is not necessary to assume 16), but they afterward built vessels of a much larger that the tin and the amber which they sold to the size, in imitation of the Macedonian Greeks. The world were brought by their own ships from the Scilly war-ships of the Romans and the Carthaginians in the islands (Cassiterides) or the coast of the Baltic. The first Punic war (Polyb., 1, 2) carried nearly five huntrading towns established on the shores of Mauritania dred men: each Roman vessel contained one hunseem to have been intended to form a commercial dred and twenty soldiers and three hundred seamen. connexion with central Africa: the carriers of the des- The Carthaginian ships had about the same number ert would bring the products of Soudan to the small of men on board. In one engagement the Carthaginisland of Cerne, the most southern of the colonies es-ians collected a fleet of three hundred and fifty ships, tablished by Hanno. The Carthaginians supplied manned, according to the computation of Polybius them from the stores in Cerne with earthen vessels, himself, by more than one hundred and fifty thousand trinkets, and ornaments of various kinds. There was sailors and soldiers. We find extravagant and apalso a fishery on this coast, according to the book ofparently improbable estimates of numbers in all the wonders ascribed to Aristotle (c. 148). The fish was Carthaginian wars in Sicily, and in their sea-fights salted and carried to Carthage, where it commanded a with the Romans. The sailors or rowers were slaves, high price. As regards the discovery-voyage of Han- purchased by the state for this service: the compleno, we feel some curiosity to know whether it was use- ment of a quinquereme was about three hundred slaves ful in establishing a trade on the gold coast of Africa; and one hundred and twenty fighters. In ancient naand our admiration of the extensive knowledge of He-val tactics, to move in any direction with celerity, to rodotus is increased, by finding in his history the only break through the enemy's line, and to disable or sink extant information on this obscure subject. In the his ships, were the evolutions on which victory defourth book (c. 146), he tells us, on the authority of pended. Sometimes a number of ships were wedged some Carthaginians, that merchants from that renown-together, and the soldiers fought on the decks as if it ed trading town, after passing through the straits, were a land battle, but with this important difference, visited a remote place on the Libyan coast, where that an escape was not so easy. The slaughter in they procured gold from the natives by barter. When their naval engagements was prodigious, sometimes they landed at the spot which the natives frequented, amounting to ten, twenty, or even thirty thousand it was their practice to lay their wares on the shore men. The sea-fights described by Thucydides and and return to their vessel after raising a smoke. The Polybius, particularly in the first book, are minute, inhabitants, seeing this, would come down to the coast, and, we believe, generally faithful accounts by the

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