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tion of the Greek forces in the Iliad, than on the other parts of the poem which have a more poetical aspect, especially as it appears to be a compilation adapted to a later state of things. That the numbers of the armament are, as Thucydides observed, exaggerated by the poet, may easily be believed; and perhaps we may very well dispense with the historian's supposition, that a detachment was employed in the cultivation of the Thracian Chersonese. “My father,” says the son of Hercules, in the Iliad, “came hither with no more than six ships and a few men : yet he laid Ilium waste, and made her streets desolate.” A surprising contrast, indeed, to the efforts and success of Agamemnon, who, with his 1200 ships and 100,000 men, headed by the flower of the Grecian chivalry, lay ten years before the town, often ready to abandon the enterprise in despair, and who, at last, was indebted for victory to an unexpected favourable turn of affairs. It has been conjectured, that, after the first calamity, the city was more strongly fortified, and rose rapidly in power during the reign of Priam ; but this supposition can hardly reconcile the imagination to the transition from the six ships of Hercules to the vast host of Agamemnon. On the other hand, there is no difficulty in believing that, whatever may have been the motives of the expedition, the spirit of adventure may have drawn warriors together from most parts of Greece, among whom the southern and northern Achaeans, under Pelopid and AEacid princes, took the lead, and that it may thus have deserved the character, which is uniformly ascribed to it, of a national enterprise. The presence of several distinguished chiefs, each attended by a small band, would be sufficient both to explain the celebrity of the achievement and to account for the event. If it were not trespassing too far on the domain of poetry, one might imagine that the plan of the Greeks was the same which we find frequently adopted in later times, by invaders whose force was comparatively weak: that they fortified themselves in a post, from which they continued to annoy and distress the enemy till stratagem or treachery gave them possession of the town.—Though there can be no doubt that the expedition accomplished its immediate object, it seems to be also clear that a Trojan state survived for a time the fall of Ilitim; for an historian of great antiquity on this subject, both from his age and his country, .. the Lvdian, related that such a state was finally destroyed b the invasion of the Phrygians, a Thracian tribe, †† erossed over from Europe to Asia after the Trojan war. (Strab., 572,680.) And this is indirectly confirmed by the testimony of Homer, who introduces Neptune predicting that the posterity of Æneas should ng continue to reign over the Trojans after the race of Priam should be extinct. To the conquerors the war is represented as no less disastrous in its remote consequences than it was glorious in its immediate issue. The returns of the heroes formed a distinct circle of epic poetry, of which the Odyssey included only a small part, and they were generally full of tragical adventures. This calamitous result of a successful enterprise seems to have been an essential feature in the legend of Troy; for Hercules also, on his return, was persecuted by the wrath of Juno, and driven out of his course by a furious tempest. If, as many traces indicate, the legend of Troy grew up and spread among the Asiatic Greeks, when newly settled in the land where their foresathers, the heroes of a better generation, had won so many glorious fields, it would not be difficult to conceive how it might take this melancholy turn. The siege of Troy was the last event to which the emigrants could look back with joy and pride. But it was a bright spot, seen through a long vista, checkered with manifold vicissitudes, laborious struggles, and fatal revolutions. They had come as exiles and outcasts to the shores which their ances
tors had left as conquerors: it seemed as if the jealousy of the gods had been roused by the test achievement of the Achaeans to afflict and humble them. The changes and sufferings of several generations were naturally crowded into a short period following the event which was viewed as their cause, and were represented in the adverse fortune of the principal chiess of the nation. (Thirlwall's History of Greece, vol. 1, p. 154, seqq.)
5. Topography of Ancient Troy.
The topography of Troy, which will always be interesting to the classical reader, has been so much discussed and minutely inquired into by modern travellers and antiquaries, that no additional light can be expected to be derived from subsequent researches. A brief summary of what has been collected from the different authors who have expressly written on the subject will be here presented to the reader, referring the student, who is desirous of investigating it more deeply, to the list of works at the end of this article. This, the most classical of all lands, has been so completely trodden and examined, that it may be truly said that the ancient writers who wrote on the subject were much less acquainted with the actual topography of the Trojan plain than our best-informed modern travellers. The researches of these intelligent men have not only confirmed the great historical facts connected with the fate of Troy, which few persons, indeed, either in ancient or modern times, have ventured to question, and those evidently for the purpose of maintaining a paradox; but they have served beautifully to illustrate the noblest poem of antiquity, and to bear witness, with due allowance for poetical exaggeration, to the truth and accuracy of Homer's local descriptions. They have proved, that as in every other point he was the most close and happy delineator of nature, so here he has still copied her most faithfully, and has taken his description from scenes actually existing, and which must have been familiar to his eyes. In order that this may be proved to the reader's satisfaction, as far as it is possible, without an actual inspection of the country, we purpose first to lay before him all the general and most striking features in the Homeric chorography, and then to illustrate them by a continued reference to modern travellers and antiquarians. It will be seen, then, from the Iliad, that the Greeks, having arrived on the coast of the Hellespont, and effected a landing, drew up their vessels in several rows on the shore of a small bay confined between two promontories. (Il., 14, 30.) Elsewhere he states that Achilles was posted at one extremity of the line, and Ajax at the other. (Il., 8, 224; 11, 7.) He nowhere names the two promontories which enclosed the bay and the armament of the Greeks; but all writers, both ancient and modern, agree in the supposition that these are the capes Rhaeteum and Sigeum, between which tradition attached to different spots the names of Naustathmus, the port of the Greeks, and the camp of the Greeks. (Strabo, 595.) According to Pliny, the distance from headland to headland was thirty stadia (5, 33). Strabo reckoned sixty stadia from Rhoeteum to Sigeum, and the tomb of Achilles close to the latter (l.c.); and these distances agree sufficiently well with actual measurements. (French Strabo, 4, 170, in not.). Considerable changes, however, have taken place during the lapse of so many ages in the appearance of the coast. The promontories remain, but the bay has been completely filled up by the deposite of rivers and the accumulation of sand and soil, and the shore now presents scarcely any indenture between the headlands; but we are assured by Choiseul Gouffier, and others who have explored the ground, that there is satisfactory proof of the sea having advanced formerly some way into the land in this direction. (Woy, Pittoresque, 2,216.—Leake's Asia Mimor, p. 273.) The next great feature to be examined in the Homeric chorography is the poet's account of the rivers which flowed in the vicinity of Troy, and discharged their waters into the Hellespont. These are the Xanthus or Scamander, and the Simois, whose junction is especially alluded to. (Il., 5,774.) And again (6, 2), where it is said that the conflict between the Greeks and Trojans took place in the plain between the two rivers. One of the first questions, then, to be considered, in reconciling the topography of ancient Troy with the existing state of the country, is this: Are there two streams answering to Homer's description, which unite in a plain at a short distance from the sea, and fall into it between the Rhaetean and Sigean promontories To this question it certainly appears, from recent observations, that we must reply in the negative. There are two streams which water the plain, supposed to be that of Troy, but they do not meet, except in some marshes formed principally by the Mendere, the larger of the two, which seems to have no exit into the Hellespont, while the smaller river partly flows into these stagnant pools, and partly into the sea near the Sigean cape. (Chotseul Gouffier.) It appears, however, from Strabo, or, rather, from Demetrius, whom he quotes, that when he wrote the junction did take place; for he says, “The Scamander and Simois advance, the one towards Sigeum, the other towards Rhoeteum, and, after uniting their streams a little above New Ilium, fall into the sea near Sigeum, where they form what is called the Stornalimne” (597–Compare 595). Pliny, also, when he speaks of the Palaescamander, evidently leads to the notion that the channel of that river had undergone a material alteration (5, 32). The observations of travellers afford likewise evidences of great changes having taken place in regard to the course of these streams; and it is said that the ancient common channel is yet to be traced, under the name of Mendere, near the point of Kum-Kale. The ancients themselves were aware of considerable alteration having taken place along the whole line of coast; for Histiara of Alexandrea Troas, a lady who had written much on the Iliad, affirmed that the whole distance between New Ilium and the sea, which Strabo estimates at twelve stadia, had been formed by alluvial deposite (598); and recent researches prove that their distance is now nearly double. (Leake's Asia Minor, p. 295.) The great question, however, after all, respecting the two rivers alluded to, and on which the whole inquiry may be said to turn, is, Which is the Scamander. and which the Simois of Homer ? If we refer for the solution of this question to Demetrius of Scepsis, who, from his knowledge of the Trojan district, appears to have been best qualified to decide upon it, we shall find that he looked upon the river now called Mendere as corresponding with the Scamander of Homer, a supposition which certainly derives support from the similarity of names; while he considered the Simois to be the stream now called Giumbrek-sou, which unites with the Mendere near the site of Paleo Aktshi, supposed to represent the Pagus Iliensium, and which Demetrius himself identified with ancient Troy. But it has been rightly observed by those modern writers who have bestowed their attention on the subject, that the similarity of names is not a convincing reason in itself, since they have often been known to vary; and that, after all, we must refer to the original account, where we find the characteristics of the two rivers described in a manner which must eventually settle the whole question as far as regards their identity. A reference to the Iliad itself is the more necessary, as Demetrius does not appear to have satisfactorily explained, even to himself, certain doubts and difficulties which naturally arose from comparing his system of topography with that suggested by the perusal of the poet. No." appears from more than one passage 8
that the Simois, according to Homer, had its source in Mount Ida (Il., 4, 475; 12, 22); and though, in the latter passage, the same thing is affirmed of the Scamander, it will be seen elsewhere that the sources of that river are so plainly described as situated close to the city of Troy, that they never could be said to rise in the main chain, unless Troy itself was placed there likewise. When speaking of the pursuit of Hector by Achilles beneath its walls (Il., 22, 143), he mentions certain marks, which point out the double sources of the Scamantler, in so peculiar and striking a manner, that the discovery of them would, it seems, be decisive of the question, not only as far as regards the Trojan rivers, but also, in all probability, as to the situation of Troy itself, which, according to the poet, must have stood in the immediate vicinity of the sources. It is in tracing this remarkable and most distinguishing feature of the Homeric description, that modern research and industry have been particularly conspicuous, and have enabled us to solve a question which the ancients, from the want of similar information, could never understand. It is to Monsieur Choiseul Gouffier that the merit of first discovering the springs of the Scamander undoubtedly belongs; and though the phenomena of heat and cold, described by Homer, have not been so convincingly observed by subsequent travellers as by himself, yet, by taking the positive testimony of the natives themselves, who repeatedly corroborated the statement made by the poet, as well as the several experiments made by Choiseul Gouffier, and subsequently by Dubois (Voy. Pitt., 267-8.-Leake's Asia Minor, p. 283), we cannot refuse to acknowledge, at least, that there is very sufficient foundation for the poetical picture formed of the spot by Homer. M. Choiseul describes the hot source “as one abundant stream, which gushes out from different chinks and apertures formed in an ancient structure of stonework. About 400 yards higher up are to be seen some more springs, which fall together into a square stone basin, supported by some long blocks of granite. These limpid rills, after traversing a charming little wood, unite with the first sources, and together form the Scamander.” (Voy. Pitt., 228.) The latter, which are the cold springs of Homer, are called Kirk Guezler, or the Forty Fountains, by the Turks. (Ibid., 268.) If we, besides, look to the general features which ought to belong to the Scamander and the Simois of Homer, we shall find that the former agrees remarkably with the beautiful little river of Bounarbachi, which is formed by the sources above mentioned, while the rapid Simois finds a fit representative in the impetuous Mendere-sou, which descends from the summits of Gargara, and fills its bed with trees torn from their roots, and huge fragments of rock. The former is described as a copious, rapid, and clear stream, whose banks are spread with flowers and shaded with various sorts of trees. (Il., 21, 1–Ib., 124; 2,467; 21, 350.) According to Mr. Chevalier, the river of Bounarlachi “is never subject to any increase or diminution ; its waters are as pure and pellucid as crystal ; its borders are covered with flowers; the same sort of trees and plants which grew near it when it was attacked by Vulcan, grow there still ; willows, lote-trees, ash-trees, and reeds are yet to be seen on its banks, and eels are still caught in it.” (Descr. of Plain of Troy, p. 83. — Compare Woy. Pitt., 2, p. 228.) It was doubtless on account of the beauty and copiousness of its stream that divine honours were paid to the Scamander by the Trojans. (Il., 5, 77.—Compare AEsch, Epist., 10, p. 680.) The Simois, on the contrary, bears all the marks of a mighty torrent rushing down from the mountains with furious haste and resistless force. This is evident from the address of the Scamander to his brother god, invoking his aid against Achilles (ll., 21, 308); and all modern travellers and topographers concur in allowing that this : precisely J
the character of the Mendere, which takes its rise in a deep cave below the highest summit of Mount Ida, and, after a tortuous course, between steep and craggy banks, of nearly thirty miles, in a rugged bed, which is nearly dry in summer, finds its way into the plain of Bounarbachi. It is true, that when Demetrius of Scepsis wrote, which is some years after the defeat of Antiochus by the Romans (Strab., p. 593), the Mendere certainly bore the name of Scamander, for he describes the source of that river in Mount Ida very accurately (ap. Strabo, p. 602). I shotli admit, also, that the Scamander, which, according to Herodotus, was drained by the army of Xerxes (42), is the Mendere: Hellanicus likewise was of this opinion (ap. Schol, Il., 21, 242); but this objection may be fairly disposed of by supposing that the name of Scamander, which is certainly much oftener mentioned in Homer, had, in process of time, been transferred to the river whose course was longer, and body of water more considerable; whereas it is impossible, I conceive, to get over the difficulty presented by Homer's description of the double sources of the Scamander. The question may be fairly summed up in this way : either we must allow that Homer drew his local descriptions from real scenes, or that he only applied historical names to fanciful and ideal localities; in the latter case, all our interest in the comparative topography of Troy ceases, and it is a fruitless task to look for an application of the imagery traced by the poet to the actual face of things. But if a striking resemblance does present itself, we are bound, in justice to the poet, to take our stand on that ground, and, without regarding any hypothesis or system which may have been advanced or framed in ancient times, to seek for an application of the remaining local features traced in the Iliad in the immediate vicinity of the sources of Bounarbachi. Here, then, travellers have observed, a little above these springs and the village of the same name, a hill rising from the plain, generally well calculated for the site of a large town, and, in particular, satisfying many of the local requisites which the Homeric Troy must have possessed; such as a sufficient distance from the sea, and an elevated and commanding situation. This is evident from the epithets five/16eaca, airews, and ðppwóeoga, which are so constantly applied to it. If we, besides, have a rock behind the town answering the purpose of such a citadel as the Pergamus of Troy is described to have been, “IISpyator &kpm,” rising precipitously above the city, and presenting a situation of great strength, we shall have all that the nature of the poem, even in its historical character, ought to lead us to expect. (Compare Voy. Pitt., 2, 238, and the plan there given.) With respect to minor objects alluded to by Homer in the course of his poem, such as the tombs or mounds of Ilus, AEsyetes, and Myrina, the Scopie and Erineus, or grove of wild fig-trees, it is, perhaps, too much to seek to identify, as the French topographers have somewhat fancifully done, with present appearances. It is certain that such indications cannot be relied upon, since the inhabitants of New Ilium, who also pretended that their town stood on the site of ancient Troy, boasted that they could show, close to their walls, these dubious vestiges of antiquity. (Strabo, 599.) With respect to the objection which may be brought against the situation here assigned to ancient Troy, that it would not have been possible for the flight of Hector to have taken place round the walls, as the poet has represented it, since the heights of Bounarbachi are skirted to the northeast by the deep and narrow gorge of the Mendere, which leaves no room even for a narrow footpath along its banks, the opinion is undoubtedly correct of those commentators and critics who think that we ought not to take the words of the poet in the sense which has commonly been assigned to them, but that it is better o suppose that Hector and Achilles ran only round
that portion of the city which fronts the plain from the Scaean gates to the sources of the Scamander and back again. (Woy. Pitt., 2, p. 238–40–Le Cheralier's Description of Plain of Troy, p. 135.—Leake's Asia Minor, p. 304.) The difficulty in that case will be satisfactorily removed, and there will then remain, we conceive, no valid objection to the system which recognises the hill of Bounarbachi as the representative of the ancient city of Priam, and which has been almost universally embraced by modern travellers and scholars. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 1, p. 89, segg.) —The student who is desirous of investigating the Trojan question more deeply, is referred to the following works on this subject: A comparatire View of the ancient and present State of the Troad, by Robert Wood, subjoined to his essay on the Genius and Writings of Homer.—Description of the Plain of Troy, by M. Chevalier, Edinburgh, 4to, 1791 (Dalzell's translation).-The same work in German, by Heyne, with notes.—Le Cheraller, Voyage dans la Trodde, Paris, 8vo, 1802–Observations on the Topography of the Plain of Troy, by James Rennell, London, 1814, 4to.—Chandler's History of Ilium or Troy, London, 1802, 4to. — Voyage Pittoresque de la Grecc, par Choiseul Gouffier.—Gell's Topography of Troy, fol, London, 1804.—Clarke's Trarels, vol. 3, p. 234, segg., ed. London.—Leake's Geography of Asia Minor, ch. 6.—Hobhouse's Journey, vol. 2, p. 128, seqq.—Edinburgh Review, vol. 6, p. 257, seqq. — Quarterly Review, vol. 9, p. 170, seqq. — Maclaren's Dissertation on the Topography of the Plain of Troy, London, 1822, 8vo.—Turner's Tour to the Lerant, vol. 3, p. 222, seqq. — II. A small town, or rather village, in Egypt, to the east of, and near Memphis. The name probably owed its origin to a corruption, on the part of the Greeks, of some Egyptian appellation. The Greeks, however, had a fabulous tradition that it was founded by some Trojan captives, settled here by Menelaús. (Strabo, 808.) In its vicinity was the Mons Troicus, where were quarries whence the stones for the Pyramids were obtained. Troilus, a son of Priam and Hecuba, slain by Achilles during the Trojan war. According to another legend, he was the son of Apollo and Hecuba. (Tzetz. ad Lycophr., 307. – Eudocia, p. 404, in the latter of whom Tatóóc must be supplied, and the arrangement of the text altered.) Troilus was remarkable for youthful beauty. The manner of his death is differently related by ancient writers. (Consult Dict. Cret., 4, 9. —Anna Fabr., ad loc.—Virg., AEn., 1,478.) Trophonius, according to the common account, a celebrated architect, son of Erginus, king ef Orchomenus in Boeotia. The legend relating to him is as follows: When Erginus had been overcome by Hercules, his affairs fell into so reduced a state, that, in order to retrieve them, he abstained from matrimony. As he grew rich and old, he wished to have a family; and, going to Delphi, he consulted the god, who gave him, in oracular phrase, the prudent advice to marry a young wife. (Pausan., 9, 37, 3.) Erginus accordingly, following the counsel of the Pythia, married and had two sons, Trophonius and Agamedes, though some said Apollo was the father of the former. They became distinguished architects, and built the temple of Apollo at Delphi, and a treasury for King Hyrieus. (Hom., H. in Apollo, 118.) In the wall of this last they placed a stone in such a manner that it could be taken out; and they, by this means, from time to time purloined the treasure. This amazed Hyrieus: for his locks and seals were untouched, and yet his wealth continually diminished. At length he set a trap for the thief, and Agamedes was caught. Trophonius, unable to extricate him, and fearing that, when found, he would be compelled by torture to discover his accomplice, cut off his head and carried it off. Trophonius himself is said to have been shortly afterward swal
lowed up by the earth. (Pausan., l.c.) According to Pindar, when they had finished the temple of Delphi, they asked a reward of the god. He promised to
give it on the seventh day, desiring them, meanwhile, Augeas, king of Elis, by Trophonius, the stepson of
to live cheerful and happy. died in their sleep. (Pind, ap. Plut., de Cons.—Op., vol. 7, p. 335, ed. Hutten.) There was a celebrated oracle of Trophonius at Lebadea in Boeotia. During a great drought, the Boeotians were, it is said, directed by the god at Delphi to seek aid of Trophonius in Lebadea. They came thither, but could find no oracle; one of them, however, happening to see a swarm of bees, they followed them to a chasm in the earth, which proved to be the place sought. (Pausan., 9, 40.) The writer just quoted gives a detailed account of the mode of consulting this oracle, from his own personal observation (9,39). After going through certain ceremonies, the individual who sought to inquire into futurity was conducted to a chasm in the earth resembling an oven, and a ladder was furnished him by which to descend. After reaching the bottom of the chasm, he lay down on the ground in a certain posture, and was immediately drawn within a cavern, as if hurried away by the vortex of a most rapid river. Then he obtained the knowledge of which he was in quest. In some cases this was given to the applicants through the medium of the sight; at others through the hearing; but all returned through the same opening, and walked backward as they returned. It is a coinmon notion, which we meet with in many modern works, that a visiter to the cave of Trophonius never smiled after his return. The language of Pausanias, however, expressly disproves this; for he observes that afterward the person recovers the use of his reason, and laughs just the same as before (varepov uévrot rá re àAza ováčv to opovija et usiov i sporepov, kai yeaw: travetaiv ot). It is probable that the gloom, the mephitic vapours, and perhaps some violence from the priests, which the applicant encountered in his descent, might seriously affect his constitution, and render him melancholy; and thus Aristophanes strongly expresses terror by an observation in the Clouds (v. 507), which became proverbial, &c dédouk' byū, 'Ewoo karaffaivav (oastep & Tpopuytov. One man, indeed, is noticed by Athenaeus (14, p. 614, a), who did not recover his power of smiling until assisted by another oracle. Parmeniscus of Metapontum, finding himself thus wofully dispirited, went to Delphi for a remedy, and Apollo answered that he would find a cure if he resorted to his (Apollo's) inother. The hypochondriac interpreted this response as relating to his own native country; but, on being disappointed in his hope there, he sought relief in travelling. Touching by accident at Delos, he entered a temple of Latona; and, unexpectedly casting his eyes upon a statue of that goddess (Apollo's mother) most grotesquely sculptured, he burst into an involuntary fit of laughter.—Of other recorded descents into the cave of Trophonius, that of Timarchus, described by Plutarch (De Socratis Genio.— Op., vol. 8, p. 332, ed. Reiske), is dismissed by the writer himself as a mere fable (6 uév Tuápxov utto; oùroc). That of Apollonius of Tyana (Philostrat., Wit. Apollon., 4, 8) was an irruption, not a legitimate visit. The impostor appears to have bullied the priests, and to have done exactly according to his pleasure both above and below ground. (Encycl. Metropol., pt. 35, p. 664.)—Trophonius was named Zeus-Trophonius, that is, the Nourishing or Sustaining Zeus or Jupiter (from Tpé90, “to mourish”). He is probably a deity of the Pelasgian times, a giver of food from the bosom of the earth, and hence worshipped in a cavern. Agamedes (the Thoughtful or Provident) is, perhaps, only another title of the same being; and as corn was preserved in under-ground treasuries or granaries, the brothers may in one sense have been the builders, in another the plunderers of these receptacles. (Muller,
On the seventh day they Againedes, the Arcadian architect.
(Charar, ap. Schol. ad Aristoph., Nub, 509.) It also formed an episode in the Telegonia; and there is likewise a very strong similarity between it and the legend related by Herodotus of the Egyptian king Rhampsinitus (2, 121). Walckenaer thinks that the story was of Egyptian origin, and that some Greek transferred it from the pages of Herodotus to Trophonius and Agamedes. (Valck. ad Herod., l.c.) Ilgen adopts the same opinion (ad Hom., Hymn., p. 304). Bähr also coincides in this view of the subject, and refers the legend at once to early agriculture. (Bühr, Ezcurs., 7, ad Herod., l.c., vol. 1, p. 912.) On the other hand, Müller (Orchom., p. 97) considers the fable as of Grecian origin, and makes it to have been borrowed by the priests of Egypt at a later day. (Compare Buttmann, Die Minya der altesten Zeit.— Mytholog., vol. 2, p. 208, seqq.) The opinion of Walckenaer, however, is undoubtedly the true One. TRos, son of Erichthonius and grandson of Dardanus. He married Callirhoe, daughter of the Scamander, by whom he had Ilus, Assaracus, and Ganymedes. He gave the name of Troja to the adjacent country. (Apollod., 3, 12, 2.-Vid. Troja.) TRossulum, a town of Etruria, to the west of Ferentinum, some remains of which have been discovered at a place which bears the name of Trosso. Pliny tells us that this town, having been taken by cavalry alone, the Roman horse or equites, obtained, from that circumstance, the name of Trossuli. (Plin., 33, 2– Compare Festus, s. v. Trossuli.) TryphiodóRus, a Greek poet supposed to have flourished about the fifth century of our era. He was a native of Egypt, but of his history nothing is known. Tryphiodorus wrote a poem under the title of Marathoniaca (Mapatoviaka), another styled kaff 'Introdáuelav ; a Lipogrammatic Odyssey; and a poem on the destruction of Troy, styled '12tov Čiža atc. The last is the only one of his productions which has reached us. It is in 681 verses, and appears rather to be the argument of some larger poem, which the poet had perhaps intended at one time to write. The Lipogrammatic Odyssey had this name given to it from a peculiar piece of affectation by which it was marked. The poet, according to some, interdicted himself, in each of his twenty-four books, the use of a particular letter of the alphabet. Eustathius, however, states that the letter X was banished from the entire poem. The best edition of the poem on the destruction of Troy is perhaps that of Wernicke, Lips., 1819, 8vo. The edition of Northmore is also a good one, Cantab., 1791, 8vo, and Lond., 1804, 8vo. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 6, p. 112.) Trypho, a grammarian of Alexandrea in the age of Augustus. We have some works of his remaining, one entitled IIá0m Aé;eov, and another IIepi Toàrov. The best edition of these two is given in the Museum Criticum (vol. 1, p. 32, seqq.). Tubićro, Q. AElius, a Roman consul, son-in-law of Paulus, the conqueror of Perseus. He is celebrated for his integrity. Sixteen of the Tuberos, with their wives and children, lived in a small house, and maintained themselves with the produce of a little field, which they cultivated with their own hands. The first piece of silver plate that entered the house of Tubero was a small cup which his father-in-law presented to him after he had conquered the king of Macedonia. Tuburbo, two towns of Africa, called Major and Minor. The first was situate directly to the south of Tunis, and appears to be now Tubernok; the latter was southwest of Carthage, on the Bagradas, and is said to retain the ancient name. (Plin., 5, 4.)
TuccA, PLAutius, a friend of Horace and Virgil. He and Warius were ordered by Augustus to revise the AEneid after Virgil's death. (Vid. Virgilius.) Tude R, a town of Umbria, northwest of Spoletium, and near the Tiber. It was originally one of the most important cities of Umbria, and famous for its worship of Mars. Its situation on a lofty hill rendered it a place of great strength. It is now Todi. (Sil. Ital, 4, 222.-Id., 464. — Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 273.) Tulings, a people of Gaul, reckoned among the Helvetii by some, but more correctly their neighbours, and of Germanic origin. (Caes., B. G., 1, 5.) The modern Stuhlingen is thought to preserve traces of their name. (Oberlin. ad Cas., l.c.) Tullia, I. a daughter of Servius Tullius, king of Rome. She married Tarquin the Proud after she had made away with her first husband, Aruns Tarquinius. (Vid. Servius Tullius.)—II. A daughter of Cicero by Terentia. She was three times married. Her first husband, Caius Piso, died a short time before Cicero's return from exile. At the end of about a year, she was married to a second husband, Furius Crassipes, who appears to have been a patrician of rank and dignity. She was afterward divorced from this second husband, and united to P. Cornelius Dolabella. The life and character, however, of this last-mentioned individual proved so contrary to the manners and temper both of Cicero and his daughter, that a divorce ensued in this case also. Cicero entertained the deepest affection for this his favourite child, and her death, at the age of 32, proved to him a source of the bitterest sorrow. (Wid. remarks under the article Cicero, page 345, column 2.)—Coelius Rhodiginus tells us, that in the time of Sixtus IV. there was found near Rome, on the Appian Way, over against the tomb of Cicero, the body of a woman whose hair was dressed up in network of gold, and which, from the inscription, was thought to be the body of Tullia. It was quite entire, and so well preserved by spices as to have suffered no injury from time ; yet, when it was removed into the city, it mouldered away in three days. But this was only the hasty conjecture of some learned men of the time, which, for want of authority to support it, soon vanished of itself; for no inscription was ever produced to confirm it, nor has it been mentioned by any other author that there was any sepulchre of Cicero on the Appian Way. (Cal. Rhod, Lect. Antiq., 3, 24.—Middleton's Life of Cicero, vol. 2, p. 149, in not.) Tullia LEx, I. de Senatu, by M. Tullius Cicero, A.U.C. 690, enacted that those who had a libera legatio granted them by the senate should hold it no more than one year. Such senators as had a libera legatio travelled through the provinces without any expense, as if they were employed in the affairs of the state.—II. Another, de Ambitu, by the same, the same year. It forbade any person, two years before he canvassed for an office, to exhibit a show of gladiators, unless that task had devolved upon him by will. Senators guilty of the crime of Ambitus were punished with the aqua et ignis interdictio for ten years, and the penalty inflicted on the commons was more severe than that of the Calpurnian law. (Dio Cass., 37, 29. —Cic., pro Mur., 32, seqq.) Tullii NuM, a name given to part of the public prison at Rome. The prison was originally built by Ancus Marcius, and was afterward enlarged by Servius Tullius, whence that part of it which was under ground, and built by him, received the name of Tullianum. The full expression is Tullianum robur, from its walls having been originally of oak ; afterward, however, they were built of stone. (Sall., Cat., 55.) This dungeon now serves as a subterranean chapel to a small church built on the spot, called San Pietro in Carcere, in commemoration of St. Peter, who is sup
posed to have been confined there. Its only entrance, when a dungeon, was through the arched roof; now, however, there is a door in the side wall. “Notwithstanding the change,” observes Eustace, “it has still a most appalling appearance.” (Class. Tour, vol. 1, p. 365, Lond, ed.) Tullus Hostilius, the third king of Rome, and successor of Numa. An interregnum followed the death of the last-mentioned monarch. At length Tullus Hostilius, a man of Latin extraction, was chosen by the curia ; and his election having been sanctioned by the auspices, he, like his predecessor, submitted to the comitia curiata the laws which conferred upon him full regal power. The new king was more desirous of military renown than of the less dazzling same which may be gained by cultivating the arts of peace. An opportunity was soon offered for indulging his warlike disposition. Plundering incursions had been made into each other's territories by the borderers of the two states of Rome and Alba. Both nations sent ambassadors at the same time to demand redress. The Roman ambassadors had private orders from Tullus to be peremptory in their demands, and to limit their stay within the stated period of thirty days. They did so, and, receiving no immediate satisfaction, returned to Rome. In the mean time, Tullus amused the Alban embassy by shows and banquets, till, when they opened their commission, he had it in his power to answer that they had already in vain sought redress from Alba, and that now they must prepare for the events of a war, the blame of originating which was chargeable upon them. Under the command of Cluilius, the Albans sent a powerful army against Rome, and encamped about five miles from the city. There Cluilius died, and the Albans elected Mettius Fufetius in his stead. Tullus Hostilius, at the head of the Romans, now drew near the Albans. But, when the two armies were ready for a general engagement, Mettius, the Alban general, proposed to save the effusion of blood by committing the fortune of the war to the valour of certain champions selected from either side. To this proposition Tullus agreed; and the affair of the Horatii and Curiatii took place. (Wid. Horatius II.) After the termination of this memorable combat, notwithstanding the agreement which had been entered into between the Romans and Albans, the latter were unwilling to forfeit their national independence without an additional struggle. This, however, they were desirous to avoid provoking single-handed. They accordingly encouraged the people of Fidenae to revolt, by giving them secret promises of assistance. Tullus Hostilius immediately levied a Roman army, and summoned the Albans to his aid. A battle ensued, in which Mettius Fufetius endeavoured to act a treacherous part, but wanted courage and decision to fulfil his own perfidious pledge, and, on the morrow, was put to a cruel death by the Roman king. (Wid. Mettius Fufetius.) After the punishment of Mettius, it was decreed that Alba should be razed to the ground, and the whole Alban people removed to Rome, to prevent the possibility of future strife. Not only the walls of Alba, but every human habitation, was totally demolished, and the temples of the gods alone left standing in solitary majesty amid the ruins. But, though Tullus had thus put an end to the separate existence of Alba, he did not reduce its inhabitants to slavery. He assigned them habitations on the Caelian Hill, which had formerly, so said the legend, been possessed by the followers of Caeles Vibenna. Soon after these events, Tullus made war upon the Sabines, and in a bloody, and for some time doubtful encounter, again obtained the victory. Another war arose with the confederate towns of Latium, who began to dread the growing power of Rome after the destruction of Alba. The Latin war terminated without any decided reverses sustained by either party; and an