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the strait which separates that island from Cor.
sica; hence it became a usual landing-place. It is now Longo Sardo. (Ptol.—llin. Ant., 72.) Tibullus, Aulus Albius, a Roman knight, celebrated for his poetical compositions. There exists some doubt respecting the period of his birth. Petrus Crinitus and Lylius Gyraldus, the ancient but inac. curate biographers of the Roman poets, relying on two lines erroneously ascribed to Tibullus, and inserted in the fifth elegy of the third book,
Natalem nostri primum videre parentes Quum cecidit fato consul utcrque pari,
had maintained that he was born A.U.C. 711, in which year the two consuls Hirtius and Pansa were mortal. ly wounded at the battle of Mutina. Julius Scaliger was the first commentator who suspected that these verses were interpolated, and his opinion has been confirmed by Janus Dousa, who has shown, at great length, that the chronology they would establish could by no means be reconciled with dates which must be assigned to various events in the life of the poet. He conjectures that the lines which had occasioned the common error with regard to the birth of Tibulus were interpolated in his elegies from the works of Ovid, in whose Tristia they occur (4,10), Dons, was followed by Broukhusius and Vulpius, who all seem right in placing the birth of Tibullus earlier than A.U.C. 711; but it would not appear that they had adduced sufficient authority for carrying it quite so sit back as 690, which they have fixed on for the epoch of his birth. It appears from an epigram of Domitius Marsus, a contemporary of Tibullus, that he ceased to live about the same time with Virgil. But Virgil died in 734, and, had Tibullus been bom so early as 690, he must have reached the age of sorty-sour attle time of his decease, which is scarcely consistent with the premature death deplored by his contemporane, or the epithet Juvenis applied to him in this very to igram of Domitius Marsus. On the whole, his bri may be safely conjectured to have occurred between A.U.C. 695 and 700. It has been remarked, that few of the great Latin poets, orators, or historians were born at Rome, and that, if the capital had always to fined the distinction of Romans to the ancient familo within the walls, her name would have been demo of some of its noblest ornaments. Tibullus, howeves, is one of the exceptions, as his birth, in whatevery* it may have happened, unquestionably took place in the capital. He was descended of an equestrian ano ily of considerable wealth and possessions, thought" known or mentioned in the history of their country. His father had been engaged on the side of Pomo in the civil wars, and died soon after Caesar had final's triumphed over the liberties of Rome. It is said, ". without any sufficient authority, that Tibulushimos was present at Philippi, along with his friend Messels, in the ranks of the 'republican army. He reto." early life to his paternal villa near Pedum. In his youth he had tasted the sweets of affluence and * tune, but the ample patrimony he had inherited" his ancestors was greatly diminished by the pation. of land made to the soldiery of the triumvirs. Dido and other French critics have alleged that he " ruined by his own dissipation and extravagance. whit
has been denied by Vulpius and Broukhusius, to learned editors and commentators of Tibullus. "
the same eagerness as if their own same and solo depended upon the question. The partition of the lands in Italy was probably the chief cause of his indigence; but it is not unlikely that his own ento" gance may have contributed to his early difficulties. He utters his complaints of the venality of his no tresses and favourites in terms which show tha" had already suffered from their rapacity. Neverto
less, he expresses himself as if prepared to part with
everything to gratify theircupidity. Itseems?”
that no part of the land of which Tibullus had been deprived was restored to him, as we find not in his elegies a single expression of gratitude or compliment; from which it might be conjectured that Augustus had atoned to him for the wrongs of Octavius. It is evident, however, that he was not reduced to extreme want. It might even be inferred, from a distich in one of his elegies (2, 4), that his chief paternal seat had been preserved to him :
“Quinetiam sedes jubeat si vendere avitas Ite sub imperium, sub titulumque, Lares.”
Horace, too, in a complimentary epistle (1,4), written long after the partition of the lands, says that the gods had bestowed on him wealth, and the art of enjoying it :
“Di tibi divitias dederunt, artemque fruendi.”
His own idea of the enjoyment of such wealth as he possessed seems to have been (judging, at least, from his poems) a rural life of tranquillity and repose, of which the sole employment should consist in the o avocations of husbandry, and the leisure hours should be devoted to the Muses or to pleasure. His friendship, however, for Messala, and, perhaps, some hope of improving his moderate and diminished fortune, induced him to attend that celebrated commander in various military expeditions. It would appear that he had accompanied him in not less than three. But the precise periods at which they were undertaken, and the order in which they succeeded each other, are subjects involved in much uncertainty and contradiction. The first was commenced in 719, against the Sallassi, a fierce and warlike people, who inhabited the Pennine or Graian Alps, and from their fastnesses had long bid defiance to every effort made by a regular army for their subjugation.—His next expedition with Messala was to Aquitanic Gaul. That province having revolted in 724, Messala was intrusted with the task of reducing it to obedience; and he proceeded on this service immediately after the battle of Actium. Several sharp actions took place, in which Tibullus signalized his courage; and the success of this campaign, if we may believe himself, was in no small degree attributable to his bravery and exertions. In the following season, Messala, being intrusted by the emperor with an extraordinary command in the East,
, requested Tibullus to accompany him; and to this
proposal our poet, though, it would appear, with some reluctance, at length consented. He had not, however, been long at sea, when his health suffered so severely that he was obliged to be put on shore at an island, which Tibullus names by its poetical appellation of Phaeacia, but which was then commonly called Corcyra, now Corfu. He soon recovered from this dangerous sickness, and, as soon as he was able to renew his voyage, he joined Messala, and travelled with him through Syria, Cilicia, and Egypt. Having returned to Italy, he again retired to his farm at Pedum, where, though he occasionally visited the capital, he chiefly resided for the remainder of his life.Tibullus was endued with elegant manners and a handsome person, which involved him in many licentious connexions. But, though devoted to pleasure, he at the same time drew closer his connexion with the most learned and polished of his countrymen, as Valgius, Macer, and Horace. He continued, likewise, an uninterrupted friendship with Messala, who was now at the height of his reputation, his home being the resort of the learned, and his patronage the surest passport to the gates of fame. Tibullus' enjoyment of this sort of life was considerably impaired by the state of his health, which had continued to be delicate ever since the illness with which he was attacked at Corcyra. His existence was protracted till 734, and his death, which happened in that year, was deplored by Ovid in a long
elegiac poem.—The events and circumstances of the life of Tibullus have exercised a remarkable influence on his writings. Those occurrences to which he was exposed tended to give a peculiar turn to his thoughts, and a peculiar colouring to his language. The Roman fair of the highest rank had become alike licen: tious and venal; and the property of those ancient possessors of the Italian soil, who had adhered to the republican party, was divided by unprincipled usurpers among their rapacious soldiery. Unhappy in love, and less prosperous in fortune than in early youth he had reason to anticipate, all that he utters on these topics is stamped with such reality, that no reader can suspect for a moment either that his complaints were borrowed from Greek sources, or were the mere creations of fancy. His feelings seem to have been too acute to permit him the possession of that perfect repose and equanimity of spirit which he justly accounted the chief blessing of life. That indifference to eminence and wealth, which Horace perhaps enjoyed, and which seems to have been so earnestly desired by Tibullus, was rather pretended by him than actually felt; and his inability to procure either the advantages of fortune or delights of contentment is the source of constant struggle and disappointment. Hence the irritability, melancholy, and changeableness of his temper. Such circumstances in the life, and such features in the character of Tibullus, will be found explanatory and illustrative of much which we find in his elegies. These elegies have been divided by German writers into Erotic, Rural, Depotional, and Panegyrical. The chief ingredients in his poems are no doubt derived from such topics; but many of his elegies partake of all these qualities, and there are few of them which can be accounted as purely belonging to any of the above classes. The elegies, however, in which amatory sentiments predominate, are by far the most numerous—One can scarcely be a poet and in love, it has been said, without also loving the country. Its scenes supply the sweetest images; there the shepherds have their cool retreats, and love: songs have their echoes. Accordingly, the pastoral delineations which occur in the elegies of Tibullus are closely interwoven with the erotic sentiments; and there are few, indeed, of his amorous verses which are not beautified by that reference to rural feelings which forms the great and characteristic charm of the works of the Latin poets. Again, as rural pictures are intermixed, in the elegies of Tibullus, with amatory sentiments and feelings, so his poems, which have been classed together as devotional, are closely connected with his pastoral verses. They are full of images of rural theology, and it is to the rustic and domestic gods that his devotion is chiefly paid. He renders thanks to these deities for the prosperity of his little farm, or piously prepares a festival to their honour.— His panegyrics on his friends form the least pleasing and least valuable part of the writings of 4. This subject was not suited to the elegiac strain, or to the soft and tender genius of the poet. When he assumes the tone of familiar friendship, as in the poems on the birthdays of Messala and of his friend Cornutus, his compliments are easy and graceful. But his long and laboured panegyric on Messala, in the fourth book, written on occasion of his patron obtaining the consulship, shows how little he was qualified to excel in this species of composition. The compositions evidently most adapted to the genius of Tibullus are poems not merely written in elegiac verse, but which answer to our understanding of the word Elegy in the subject and sentiments. The tone of complaint best accords with his soul. He seems naturally to have been possessed of extreme sensibility; and at that period of life when the mind lays in its store of ideas for the future voyage, he had been subjected to much suffering and disappointment. Hence, though his sortune afterward improved, he had acquired the habit of viewing obejcts as surrounded with a continual gloom; nor does any other poet so often introduce the dismal images of death. Even to the most joyous thoughts of Tibullus, some mournful or plaintive sentiment is generally united, and his most gay and smiling figures wear chaplets of cypress on their brows.--It has already been said, that Tibullus was no imitator of the Greeks, and he is certainly the most original of the Latin poets. His elegies were the overflowings of his sorrows, his mistress alone was the Muse that inspired him. In the few instances in which he has followed the Greeks, he has imitated them with much good taste, and sometimes even with improvements on the original.—The elegies of Tibullus are divided into four books,— These poems are commonly printed along with those of Catullus and Propertius. Of the editions of Tibullus separately, the best are, that of Brouckhusius, Amstelod., 1708, 4to; that of Vulpius, Patav., 1749, 4to; that of Heyne, Lips., 1755–77–98, 8vo; that of Wunderlich, Lips., 1817, 8vo; that of Lachmann, Berol., 1829, 8vo; and that of Dissen, Götting., 1835, 2 vols. 8vo. (Dunlop's Roman Lit., vol. 3, p. 283, seqq.) Tibur, an ancient town of Latium, northeast of Rome, on the banks of the Anio. According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, it was originally a town of the Siculi, the most ancient inhabitants of Latium; and, as a proof of this fact, he mentions that the name of Sicelion was still attached to a portion of the place. (Dion. Hal., 1, 16.) Tibur, however, lays claim to a more illustrious, though a later origin, having been founded, according to some authors, by Catillus, an officer of Evander, while others pretend that this Catillus was a son of Amphiaraus, who, with his two brothers, migrated to Italy, and, having conquered the Siculi, gave to one of their towns the name of Tibur, from his brother Tiburtus. From this account of Solinus (c. 8), as well as that of Dionysius, we may collect that Catillus was one of the Pelasgic chiefs, who, with the assistance of the Aborigines, formed settlements in Italy.—Tibur is one of the places that apear most frequently to have afforded an asylum to }. fugitives. From what period it enjoyed the rights of a Roman city is not precisely known, but it was, in all probability, anterior to the civil wars of Marius and Sylla. The latter, indeed, is said to have deprived the Tiburtini of these privileges, but they regained them upon his abdication, and they were confirmed by the Emperor Claudius. Hercules was the deity held in the greatest veneration at Tibur ; and his temple, on the foundations of which the present cathedral is said to be built, was famous throughout Italy. (Strabo, 238.) Hence the epithet of Herculanean given by the poets to this city. The modern
name of Tibur is Tivoli.-As regards the Sibyl of Tibur, vid. Albunea. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 56.)
Tiburtus, a brother of the founder of Tibur, which is hence often called Tiburtia Mania. (Vid. Tibur.) He was one of the sons of Amphiaraus. (Virg., AEm., 7, 670.)
Ticinux, a city of Cisalpine Gaul, situate on the river Ticinus, near its junction with the Padus. It was founded, according to Pliny (3,17), by the Laevi and Marici, but, being placed on the left bank of the Ticinus, it would, of course, belong to the Insubres; and, in fact, Ptolemy (p. 64) ascribes it to that people. Tacitus is the first historian that makes mention of it. According to that historian (Ann., 3, 5), Augustus advanced as far as Ticinum to meet the corpse of Drusus, the father of Germanicus, in the depth of winter, and from thence escorted it to Rome. It is also frequently noticed in his Histories. Ancient inscriptions give it the § of municipium, Under the Lombard
kings, Ticinum assumed the name of Papia, which, in process of time, has been changed to Pavia. (Paul. Diacom., Rer. Lang., 2, 15.-Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 53.) Ticinus, now the Tesino, a river of Gallia Cisalpi. na, rising in the Leopontine Alps, near the sources of the Rhodanus, and falling into the Po near Ticinum. It traversed in its course the Lacus Verbanus, or Lago Maggiore. At the mouth of this river, the Romans, under Cornelius Scipio, the father of Scipio Africanus the Elder, were defeated by Hannibal—Consult, in relation to this battle, the remarks of Cramer (Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 54, seqq.). Tuf ATA, a mountain range of Campania, about a mile to the east of Capua. It was a branch of the Apennines, and now takes its name from the village of Maddaloni, near Caserta. The original significa: tion of the word Tisata, according to Festus, answered to that of the Latin iliceta. This ridge is osten no. ticed by Livy as a favourite position of Hannibal when in the vicinity of Capua (23, 36 et 39; 25, 5). Here also were two celebrated temples consecrated to Diana and Jove. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 205.) TIFERNUM, I. a town of Umbria, near the Metaurus, called hence, for distinction' sake, Metaurense. It is now St. Angelo in Vado. (Pliny, 3, 18)—II. A town of Umbria, towards the sources of the Tibet, and on the left bank of that river, distinguished from that circumstance by the epithet of Tiberinum. It site is supposed to be occupied by the moden Cull di Castello. Tifernum is chiefly known to us from the circumstance of its having been situated near the villa of the younger Pliny. (Cramer's Anc. Italy. vol. 1, p. 263.)—isi. A town of Samnium, supposed to have stood near the Ponte di Limosano, on the right bank of the river Tifernus (now Bfern). The Mons Tifernus was near the source of the same no er, above Boiano, and is now called Monte Mala’. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 231.) Tifernus, a mountain of Campania. (Wid. Tiser. num III.) Tigellinus, Sophonius, an infamous character in the reign of Nero, whose vices secured to him the so vour of that corrupt emperor. He was prefect of the praetorian guards when the conspiracy against Nerowo discovered, and for his services on that occasion the emperor bestowed upon him triumphal honours. Ho". ing gained, according to Tacitus, an entire ascenda" over the affections of Nero, he was, in some instant* the adviser of some of the worst acts of that printo and in others the chief actor, without the knowles' of his master. He corrupted Nero at first, and on deserted him; and at last, to the great joy of allo was compelled to put an end to his existence by of of Otho. (Tacit., Ann, 14, 51, sesq-Il to lo 72.-Id., Hist., 1, 72.) - Tigellius, M. Hermogenes, a singer and musico who stood high in the favour of Julius Cesar, and * terward in that of Augustus. He seems to have to indebted for his elevation to a fine voice, and stor's and insinuating address. His moral characterms; inferred from those who are said in Horace (Sat.1.” 3) to have deplored his death, and on whom he wo appear to have squandered much of his wealth. Cicero, in a letter to a friend, numbers Tigellins amo"; the “familiarissimi” of Caesar, and describes him * “hominem pestilentiorem patria sua,” in allu” " the unwholesome atmosphere of Sardinia, of which island this individual was a native. (Cic. Ef “ Fam., 7, 24.) The scholiast informs us that Horo attacked Tigellius because the latter derided his " ses. (Schol. ad Horat., l.c.) Tigr ANRs, king of Armenia, the son-in-law and ally of Mithradates. He rendered himself mas” "
these conquests after the defeat of Mithradates. Lucullus, the Roman commander, invaded Armenia, and defeated, near Tigranocerta, the mixed and numerous army of Tigranes. (Wid. Lucullus.) The peace concluded in the year 63 B.C. left him only Armenia. (Vid. Mithradates VII.) Tig RANocertA, the capital of Armenia, built by Tigranes during the Mithradatic war. It was situate to the east of the Tigris, on the river Nicephorius, and, according to Tacitus, stood on a hill nearly surrounded by the latter river. It was a large, rich, and powerful city. It was inhabited not only by Orientals, but also by many Grecian colonists, and likewise by captives who had been carried off by Tigranes from some of the Greek cities of Syria which had been conquered by him from the Seleucidae. Lucullus, during the Mithradatic war, took it with difficulty, and found in it immense riches, and no less than 8,000 talents in ready money. The Roman commander sent home the greater part of the foreign inhabitants, but still the city remained, after this, no unimportant place. The remains of Tigranocerta are at Sered on the BitlisSoo. (Tac., Ann., 12, 50.-Id, ibid., 14, 24.—Plin., 6, 9.) Tigris, a large river of Asia, rising in the mountains of Armenia Major, in the district of Sophene, and falling into the Euphrates. A rising ground prevents it from proceeding to the Euphrates in the early part of its course. A deep ravine in the mountains above Amida, or Diarbekir, opens a passage for it, and it takes its speedy course across a territory which is very unequal, and has a powerful declivity. Its extreme rapidity, the natural effect of local circumstances, has procured for it the name of Tigr in the Median language, Diglito with the Syrians, Delkat or Didhilat in Arabic, and Hiddekel in Hebrew ; all which terms denote the flight of an arrow. (Wahl, Vorder und Mittel Asien, 1, p. 710–Compare Rosenmuller, ad Gen., 2, 14.) Besides this branch, which is best known to the moderns, Pliny has described to us, in detail, another, which issues from a chain of mountains, now the mountains of Kurdistan, to the west of the Arsissa Palus or Lake of Wan. It passes by the Lake Arethusa. Its course being checked by a part of Mount Taurus, it falls into a subterranean cavern called Zoroander, and appears again at the bottom of the mountain. The identity of its waters is shown by the reappearance of light bodies at its issue that have been thrown up into it above the place where it enters the mountains. It passes also by the Lake Thospitis, near Arzanene or Erzen, buries itself again in subterranean caverns, and reappears at the distance of twenty-five miles below, near Nymphaeum. This branch joins the western Tigris. As the Tigris and Euphrates approach, the intermediate land loses its elevation, and is occupied by meadows and morasses. Several artificial communications, perhaps two or three of which are natural, form a prelude to the approaching junction of the rivers, which finally takes place near the modern Koma. The river formed by their junction was called Pasitigris, now Shat-el-Arab, or the river of Arabia. It has three principal mouths, besides a small outlet: these occupy a space of thirtysix miles. For farther particulars, vid. Euphrates. The Tigris, though a far less noble stream than the Euphrates, is one of the most celebrated rivers in history, and many famous cities, at various periods, have decorated its banks: among these may be mentioned Nineveh, Seleucia, Ctesiphon, and, in modern times, Bagdad, Mousul, Diarbekr. The length of the Tigris is eight hundred miles. (Herod., 1, 89.—Id, 5, 52.-Id., 6, 20.—Polyb., 5, 46.-Tac., Ann., 6,37.— Id, ibid., 12, 13.—Mela, 1, 2.—Id., 3, 8.-Plin., 2, 103–Id., 6, 9.-Malte-Brun, Geogr., vol. 2, p. 191, Am. ed.) Tigurini, a warlike people among the Helvetii,
whose territory is supposed to have answered to the modern Zurich. Considerable doubt, however, has been thrown upon the correctness of this opinion. (Consult Lemaire, Ind. Geogr. ad Caos., s. v.–Oberlin. ad Caes., B. G., 1, 27.) TIMÁcus, now the Timok, a river of Moesia falling into the Danube. (Plin., 3, 26.) TIMAEus, I. a Pythagorean philosopher, a native of Locri, born about B.C. 380. He was a preceptor of Plato's. We have remaining of his productions only a single work (if indeed this be his), written in the Doric dialect, and treating “of the Soul of the World and of Nature” (trepi invrii, kóquo kai pāotoc). There exists, however, much uncertainty as to its being the work of Timaeus or not. Tennemann (Syst. der Plat. Phil., vol. 1, p. 93) attempts to prove that it is merely an extract from the Timaeus of Plato. Other critics, on the contrary, charge Plato with copying from this work into his dialogue. We owe the preservation of this piece of Timaeus' to Proclus, who has placed it at the . of his commentary on Plato's Timaeus. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 2, p. 313.)— II. A native of Tauromenium, in Sicily, who flourished about 260 B.C. Having been driven into exile by Agathocles, he repaired to Athens, where he occupied himself with the composition of a great historical work on the affairs of Greece, on those of Sicily, the wars of Pyrrhus, of Agathocles, &c. It bore the title of 'EA?mukä kai Xuxežuká, or, rather, 'Iražukä kai Xuke Auká, and was divided into more than 40 books. It appears, from a passage in Polybius (3, 32), that this work did not contain a synchronistic relation of events, but consisted rather of detached portions of history, in each of which the author treated separately of some important event. Cicero cites Timaeus as a model of what was called the “Asiatic” style. (Brut, c. 95.—De Orat., 2, 13.) Polybius, and, after him, Diodorus Siculus, have charged Timaeus with credulity and unfairness. Naturally gloomy and morose, he was exasperated by the treatment which he had experienced from Agathocles. His ill-humour, however (if it may be so termed), never degenerated into misanthropy; he was even open at times to kindly affections. Timoleon was the hero whom he admired; and Cicero says that the former owed a part of his glory to the circumstance of his having had such an historian of his exploits as Timaeus. (Ep. ad Fam., 4, 12.) The ancients praised his geographical knowledge, and his care in indicating the chronology of the events which he describes. He appears also to have composed another work, on the “Olympiads,” and it is said he was the first historical writer that employed this era. Longinus, after speaking of Timaeus as in general an able, well-informed, and sensible writer, charges him with frequent puerilities and frigid expressions, which he ascribes to an over-eagerness for novelty of ideas and language. (Long., ; 4.)—We have only some fragments remaining of the historical work. These have been collected by Göller, in his treatise “De Situ et Origine Syracusarum,” p. 209, seqq. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 3, p. 219, seqq.)—III. A sophist of the third century of our era, who wrote a book called Lezicon vocum Platonicarum. It was edited with great ability by Ruhnken, Lugd. Bat., 1754, 8vo.— A later edition of this same, containing all Ruhnken's notes, appeared from the Leipsic press in 1828, 8vo, under the editorial care of Koch.—As regards the period when he is supposed to have flourished, consult the remarks of Ruhnken (Praes., p. xiv.). TiMAGENes, a native of Alexandrea, son of the banker of Ptolemy Auletes. Having been reduced to slavery when the city was taken by Gabinius (55 B.C.), he was brought to Rome, and sold to Faustus, the son of Sylla, who gave him his freedom. He exercised, after this, the profession of a cook, and then that of a litterbearer (lecticarius). Abandoning, *. this 13.
humble employment, he set up as a teacher of rhetoric, and met with brilliant success. His society was much sought after on account of his agreeable manners and intellectual qualities; but his passion for uttering bons mots ruined all his prospects, Augustus, it seems, had appointed him his historiographer, and extended his favour to him in a marked degree, until, offended by a witty speech of Timagenes, he forbade him his presence. In the resentment of the moment, Timagenes burned the history which he had composed of the reign of Augustus, and retired to Tusculum, where he enjoyed the patronage and protection of Asinius Pollio. In this retreat he wrote a History of Alexander and his successors, entitled trepi Baat?éov (“Of Kings”). This work formed one of the principal sources whence Quintus Curtius drew the materials of his historical romance. Timagenes, after this, fixed his residence at the very extremity of the empire, in Drapanum, a city of Osrhoene, where he ended his days. It is on account of his residence in this part of the East that some authors give him the epithet of “the Syrian.” Besides his History of Alexander, Timagenes also published a work on the Gauls, which is cited by Ammianus Marcellinus and Plutarch. (Bonamy, Recherches sur l'historien Timagene. — Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscr., &c., vol. 13, p. 35.) Vossius distinguishes between Timagenes the Alexandrean and Timagenes the Syrian, but in this he is wrong. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr, vol. 4, p. 75.) Tix ANThes, I. a painter, said by Eustathius (ad ll, 24, 163) to have been a native of Sicyon, but by Quintilian (2, 13), of Cythnus. He was a contemporary of Zeuxis and Parrhasius (Plin., 35, 9, 36), and must, consequently, have lived about Olymp. 96. The most important passage relating to him is in Pliny (35, 10, 36).--Timanthes has not been so much brought forward in the annals of art as Zeuxis and Parrhasius; but, as far as we have means given us of judging, he was, at least, inferior to neither in genius. He seems to have thrown a large share of intellect and thought into his productions. He appears to have been unequalled both in ingenuity and feeling, of which we have some remarkable examples. One of these was displayed in the picture on the noble subject of the sacrifice of Iphigenia, in which he represented the tender and beautiful virgin standing before the altar awaiting her doom, and surrounded by her afflicted relatives. All these last he depicted as moved by various degrees of sorrow, and grief seemed to have reached its utmost expression in the face of Menelaus; but that of Agamemnon was left; and the painter, heightening the interest of the piece by a sorbearance of judgment, often erroneously regarded as a confession of the inadequacy of his art, covered the head of the father with his mantle, and left his agony to the imagination of the spectators.—In Fuseli's Lecture on Ancient Art, this painting of Timanthes is made the subject of a full and very able criticism, in the course •of which he dissents expressly from the opinion of Sir Joshua Reynolds, who agreed with M. Falconet in regarding the circumstance of the mantle-enveloped face of Agamemnon as little better than a mere trick on the part of the artist, The remarks of Fuseli, in answer to this and similar animadversions, are worthy ef being quoted: “Neither the French nor the English critic appears to me to have comprehended the real motive of Timanthes; they ascribe to impotence what was the forbearance of judgment. Timanthes felt like a father; he did not hide the face of Agamemnon because it was beyond the power of his art, nor because it was beyond the possibility, but because it was beyond the dignity of expression; because the inspiring feature of paternal affection at that moment, and the action which, of necessity, must have accompanied it, would either have destroyed the grandeur of the character so the solemnity of the scene, or sub134.
jected the painter, with the majority of his judges, to the imputation of insensibility. He must either have represented him in tears, or convulsed at the flash of the uplifted steel, forgetting the chief in the father, and in that state of stupefaction which levels all features and deadens expression. He might, indeed, have chosen a fourth mode; he might have exhibited him fainting and palsied in the arms of his attendants, and, by this confusion of male and female character, merited the applause of every theatre in Paris. But Timanthes had too true a sense of nature to expose a father's feelings or to tear a passion to rags; nor had the Greeks yet learned of Rome to steel i. face. If he made Agamemnon bear his calamity as a man, he made him also feel it as a man. It became the leader of Greece to sanction the ceremony with his presence; it did not become the father to see the daughter be. neath the dagger's point: the same nature that threw a real mantle over the face of Timoleon, when he as: sisted at the punishment of his brother, taught Timanthes to throw an imagimary one over the face of Ago. memnon; neither height nor depth, but propriety of expression, was his aim.” (Fuseli, Lecture on Anc. Art.—Works, vol. 2, p. 49.)—This celebrated piece was painted, as Quintilian informs us, in contest with Colotes of Teos, a painter and sculptor from the school of Phidias, and it was crowned with victory at the rival exhibition. (Quintil., 2, 13. – Cic, Orat, 22, § 74—Eustath., l.c.)—On another occasion, having painted a sleeping Cyclops in an exceedingly small compass, yet wishing to convey the idea of his gigan. tic size, he introduced a group of Satyrs, measuring his thumb with a thyrsus. A deep meaning was to be discovered in every work of his pencil; yet the tendency to expression and significant delineation did not detract from the beauty of the forms which he cre. ated; for his figure of a prince was so perfect in its proportion and so majestic in its air, that it appeals to have reached the utmost height of the ideal. This picture was preserved in the temple of Peace at Rome. (Encyclop. Metropol, div. 2, vol. 1, p. 407–Sills, Dict. Art., s. v.)—II. A painter, who flourished in the age of Aratus, and made a picture representing the battle between this general and the AEtolians, near Pellene. (Plut., Wit. Arat, c. 32—Sillig, Dict. Art, s. 1.) TIMīvus, a celebrated stream of Italy, in the tem. tory of Venetia, northeast of Aquileia, and .. into the Hadriatic. Few streams have been more celebro ted in antiquity or more sung by the poets than to Timavus. Its numerous sources, its lake and subor ranean passage, which have been the theme of the Latin muse from Virgil to Claudian and Ausonius aro now so little known, that their existence has even been questioned, and ascribed to poetical invento It has, however, been well ascertained, that the namo of Timao is still preserved by some springs who rise near S. Giovano di Carso and the castle of Duino, and form a river, which, after a course of little mo" than a mile, falls into the Hadriatic. The number of these sources seems to vary according to the differ. ence of the seasons, which circumstance will account for the various statements made by ancient writers” specting them. Strabo, who appears to derive his in: formation from Polybius, reckoned seven, all of which, with the exception of one, were salt. According to Posidonius, the river really rose in the mountain’,” some distance from the sea, and disappeared under ground for the space of fourteen miles, when it so forth again near the sea at the springs above men”. ed. (Strabo, 215. — Pliny, 2, 106.) This occo; seems also verified by actual observation. (Cro Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 130.) - - TiMoléon, a Corinthian of noble birth and it: guished ability as a warrior and statesman. His brother Timophanes having, partly by popularity and puty