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otherwise it would make his marriage with the Thracian lady of Scaptesyle (by which he obtained rich roperty in mines, &c.) an improbably late one. 'hether he was employed in military service in the first seven years of the war is uncertain; it is probable, however, that he was. In the eighth year of the war and the forty-seventh of his age, B.C. 434, he was appointed to the command of the Athenian fleet off the coast of Thrace, which included the direction of affairs in the various Athenian colonies there. He occupied with his fleet a station at Thasus, and, being suddenly summoned to the defence of Amphipolis, he hastened thither ; but, owing to unavoidable circumstances, was too late by only half a day. He, however, succeeded in saving Eion, though, had he not arrived at the time he did, the place would have been occupied by Brasidas the very next morning. It is plain, that to save Amphipolis was a of no and great activity was used in saving Eion. He therefore merited praise rather than censure. And yet the Athenian people, out of humour with the turn which things were taking in Thrace, condemned him to banishment; though, with a magnanimity scarcely paralleled, he makes no mention of it in his history of that period, and only touches upon it incidentally afterward, in order to show his advantages for arriving at the truth, and then without a word of complaint. Discharged from all duties, and freed from all public avocations, he was left without any attachments but to simple truth, and proceeded to qualify himself for commemorating exploits in which he could have no share. On his banishment he retired to Scaptesyle, the property of his wife, and thus dedicated his leisure to the formation of his great work, and (as Marcellinus, the ancient biographer, says) employed his wealth liberally in procuring the best information of the events of the war, both from Athens and Lacedæmon. How he passed the period of his exile may, then, be very well imagined; nor is it necessary to fill up that space, as Dodwell does, with such events as “the death of Perdiccas, king of Macedon; the accession of Archelaus, his successor; the end of the #2.ukta arpatevaluoc of Thucydides;” for his military life had virtually been defunct eighteen years before. As to the period of his exile, it was, as he himself tells us (5, 26), twenty years; and his return is, by some, fixed at 403 B.C., at the time when an amnesty was passed for all offences against the state ; by others, to the year before, when Athens was taken by Lysander, and the exiles mostly returned. The former opinion has been shown by Krueger to be alone the correct one; " for,” argues he, “since Thucydides says that he was banished for twenty years in the eighth year of the war, which also, he affirms, lasted twenty-one years, it follows that his recall must have been in the year after Athens was taken.” To which it may be added, that the high-minded historian would have disdained to avail himself of such an unauthorized way of returning to his country as that eagerly snatched at by the bulk of the exiles, but would wait until the public amnesty should give him a full right to do so. Perhaps, however, the real truth of the matter is what Pausanias relates, who mentions among the antiquities a statue to the memory of one OEnobius, for being the mover of a separate decree of the assembly for the recall of Thucydides (1,23). It is probable that, besides the general amnesty by which the former exiles were permitted to return, a particular decree was made for Thucydides; and, considering the gross o of his banishment, this was no more than he had a right to expect. It is not necessary to notice all those many improbable, and sometimes contradictory accounts concerning the life of Thucydides which are found in some of the later Greek writers; as, for instance, Pausanias, who, besides making Thucydides descended from Pisistratus (which is incon

and Pisistratus show no sort of affinity), relates that Thucydides was assassinated immediately on his return. And Zopyrus, referred to by Marcellinus, relates that such an event took place, but some years afterward. Had, however, that really been the case, it would have been perfectly known, and could scarcely but have been alluded to by Cicero, or some other great writer of antiquity. Poppo, indeed, inaintains that he lived many years after his return; but his reason (namely, that after his return he digested his history into order) is not convincing. For it surely would not require many years to do that, especially as the last book was, aster all, left in a rough and undigested state. Besides, the probability is rather that a man of sixty-seven should not live many years. The strongest proof adduced is, that the historian (3, 116) makes mention of the third eruption of AEtna, which is said to have taken place B.C. 395. But this argument depends upon the interpretation of the words of that passage, which probably gave a countenance to the above opinion. It seems, therefore, to be uncertain how many years he lived after his recall from banishment. The manner in which he speaks of the conclusion of the war, and his having lived throughout the whole of it in the full enjoyment of his faculties, strongly confirms the statement of Pamphila, from which it foslows that he was sixty-seven years old at its conclusion. And as it seems probable that he would not arrange the work before the conclusion of the war, so the moulding of the whole into its present form might consume some years of the life of an aged man. "Yet its being at last left incomplete is unfavourable to the opinion of Dodwell, that Thucydides lived beyond his eightieth year. (Bloomfield's Thucydides, vol. 1, p. 16, seqq.)—The title of the work is as follows: XryYpaph stepi Toi trožđuov táv IIe/orovvmatov kai 'Abnratov (“History o the war between the Peloponnesians and Athenians”). It is in eight books, and extends to near the close of the twenty-first year of the war; but the eighth book is not so finished as the rest, and, indeed, there is a gradual decline of vigour and finished execution after the first five books. This falling off and abrupt termination of his history may best be explained by a gradual deprivation of health, terminating in a sudden death. —With respect to the temper and disposition of Thucydides, it was grave, cool, and candid. “He seems,” Smith observes, “to have been all judgment and no passion.” He evidently had nothing choleric or resentful in his constitution. His notions in philosophy and religion being above the conception of the vulgar, procured him, as in the case of Anaxagoras, Socrates, Pericles, and others, the name of an atheist, “which,” says Hobbes, “they bestowed upon all men that thought not as they did of their ridiculous religion.”—As regards the merits of Thucydides as an historian, we may copy the words of the same writer. “For the faith of this history I shall have the less to say, in respect that no man hath ever yet called it into question. Nor, indeed, could any man !. doubt of the truth of that writer, in whom they had nothing at all to suspect of those things that could have caused him either voluntarily to lie or ignorantly to deliver an untruth. He overtasked not his strength by undertaking a history of things long before his time, and of which he was not able to inform himself. He was a man that had as much means, in regard both of his dignity and his wealth, to find the truth of what he relateth, as was needful for a man to have. He used as much diligence in search of the truth (noting everything while it was fresh in his memory, and laying out his wealth upon intelligence) as was possible for a man to use.—He affected, least of any man, the acclamations of popular authorities, and wrote not his history to win applause, as was the use of that age, but for a monument to instruct the ages to come,

sistent with plain facts, for the genealogies of Miltiades

which he professeth himself, and entitleth his book Krijua &c &ei, a possession for everlasting. He was far from the necessity of servile writers, either to fear or to flatter. In fine, if the truth of a history did ever appear by the manner of relating, it doth so in this history.”—Smith also has a discourse on the qualifications of Thucydides as an historian which merits perusal. He therein shows him to have had all the qualifications that can be thought necessary; namely, “to be abstracted from every kind of connexion with persons or things that are the subject matter; to be of no country, no party; clear of all passion, independent in every light; entirely unconcerned who is pleased or displeased with what he writes; the servant only of reason and truth. He was wholly unconcerned about the opinion of the generation in which he lived. He wrote for posterity. He appealed to the future world for the value of the present he had made them. The judgment of succeeding ages has approved the comFo he thus made to their understandings. So ong as there are truly great princes, able statesmen, sound politicians—politicians that do not rend asunder politics from good order and the general happiness, he will meet with candid and grateful acknowledgments of his merits.”—Thucydides has been sometimes censured for the introduction of harangues into his history, and this has been made an argument, by some, against his general veracity as an historian. The truth is, however, that the writer never meant them to be regarded by the reader as having been actually pronounced by the speakers in question:, they serve merely as vehicles for conveying his own sentiments on passing events, for painting more distinctly the characters of those whom he brings forward in the course of his narrative, and for relating circumstances to which he could not well refer in the main body of his history. The harangues of Thucydides impart frequently to his work a kind of dramatic character, and agreeably interrupt the monotony occasioned by his peculiar arrangement of events. Demosthenes was so ardent an admirer of them, that he is said to have copied them over ten times, in order to appropriate to himself the style of this great writer. The finest is the funeral oration of Pericles, in honour of those who had fallen in the service of their country.—Another charge made against Thucydides is the division of his work into years, and even into seasons, for he divides each year into two seasons, summer and winter. This arrangement, which Dionysius of Halicarnassus has severely blamed, imparts to the work a kind of monotonous character; and yet, on the other hand, it must be consessed, that if this plan be in some respects a defective one, it is less so for the history of a single war, which naturally divides itself into campaigns, than it would be for a work intended to embrace the history of a eople, or of some extended period of time.—Thucydides wrote in the Attic dialect: after him no historian ventured to employ any other, and his work is regarded as the canon, or perfection of Atticism. His style, however, is not without its faults: his conciseness sometimes degenerates into obscurity, particularly in his harangues; nor does he seem to be always very solicitous about the elegance of his diction, but more ambitious to communicate information than to please the ear. Against these and similar charges, of careless collocation, embarrassed periods, and solecistic phraseology, which Dionysius, in particular, is most active in adducing, the historian has been very successfully defended by one of his recent editors, Poppo. Two among the Roman writers have taken Thucydides for their model, namely, Sallust and Tacitus ; but they have imitated him each in a different manner. Tacitus has appropriated to himself the general manner of the Greek historian, his conciseness, his depth of thought; Sallust has conformed to him in his sentences and phrases more than in his ideas.-The most celebrated .." of Thucydides are the oration of Per133

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icles, already referred to, and the description of the plague which ravaged Athens during the summer of Ol. 87.4, B.C. 429. The fearful picture which Thu. cydides here traces has been imitated by Lucretius and Virgil, particularly the former.—The best editions of Thucydides are, that of Hudson, Oxon., 1696, fol; that of Duker, Amst., 1731, 2 vols. fol.; that of Gotleber and Bauer, Lips., 1790–1804, 2 vols. 4to; that of Haack, Stend., 1819, 2 vols. 8vo, reprinted by Walpy, Lond., 1823, 3 vols. 8vo; that of Bekker, 0ron, 1821, 4 vols. 8vo; that of Arnold, Orford, 1830-5, 3 vols. 8vo; and especially that of Poppo, Lips, 1821–37, 12 vols. 8vo. — Dr. Bloomfield, vicar of Bisbrooke, Rutland, England, has published a small edition with English notes, in 3 vols. 12mo, and also a new English version of the historian, with copious and valuable notes, in 3 vols. 8vo, Lond, 1819–II. A poet, mentioned by Marcellinus, the biographer of Thucydides. (Compare Poppo, Proleg., 1, p. 27.Goeller, Wit. Thucyd.)

Thule, an island in the most northern parts of the German Ocean, called ultima, “farthest,” on account of its remote situation, and its being regarded as the limit of geographical knowledge in this quarter. The Thule mentioned by Tacitus in his life of Agricola (c. 10), and which that commander discovered in circumnavigating Britain, coincides with Mainland, one of the Shetland Isles. The Thule spoken of by Pytheas, the ancient Greek navigator, was different from this. The relation of Pytheas is rather romantic in some of its features; as, for example, when he states that its climate was neither earth, air, nor sea, but a chaotic confusion of these three elements: from other parts of his narrative, however, many have been led to suppose that this Thule was modern Iceland or Norway. Mannert declares himself in favour of the former; D'Anville opposes it. Ptolemy places the middle of this Thule in 63° of latitude, and says that at the time of the equinoxes the days were twenty-four hours, which could not have been true at the equinoxes, but must have referred to the solstices, and therefore this island is supposed to have been in 66° 30' latitude, that is, under the polar circle. The Thule of which Procopius speaks, D'Anville makes to correspond with the modern canton of Tylemark, in Norway. The details of Procopius, however, seem to agree mthe with the accounts that have been given of the state of ancient Lapland. Some modern geographers think that by Thule the ancients mean merely Scandinavia, of which their knowledge was very limited. (Mar mert, Geogr., vol. 1, p. 78.)

Thurii, a city of o, in Lower Italy, near to site of the more ancient Sybaris, and which was soul". ed by a colony from Athens about fifty-five years asses the overthrow of the latter city. Two celebrated characters are named among those who joined this “" pedition, which was collected from different parts 0 Greece; these were Herodotus, and Lysias the or tor. (Aristot., de Rhet., 3, 9–Lion. Hal, de Lyo p. 452–Suid, s. v. 'Hoodoros et Avatas.) Diodoo gives us a very full account of the foundation of this town, the form and manner in which it was buil, alo the constitution it adopted: its laws were fram: chiefly after the code of the celebrated legislators!" leucus and Charondas. (Diod. Sic, 13, 10). To government of Thurii seems to have excited the ok tention of Aristotle on more than one occasion (o: lit., 5, 4, seqq.) This Athenian colony attained " considerable degree of prosperity and power; it * tered into an alliance with Crotona, and engaged to hostilities with Tarentum, in order to obtain poss" sion of the territory which formerly belonged to $o (Strabo, 264.) In the Peloponnesian war, the Thurians are mentioned as allied to the Athenians, and * furnishing them with some few ships and men for their Sicilian expedition. (Thucyd, 7, 35.) Subsequo" ly, the attacks of the Lucani, from whom they sustained a severe defeat, and, at a still later period, the enmity of the Tarentines, so reduced the power and prosperity of the Thurians, that they were compelled to seek the aid of Rome, which was thus involved in a war with Tarentum. About eighty-eight years af. terward, Thurii, being nearly deserted, received a Roman colony, and took the name of Copia. (Strab., 263.--Liv., 35, 9.) Caesar, however, calls it Thurii, and designates it a municipal town. (Bell. Civ., 3, 22.) The remains of ancient Thurii must be placed between the site of ancient Sybaris and Terra Nova. (Cramer's Ancient Italy, vol. 2, p. 359.) Thurings, a name given to Augustus when he was young, either because some of his progenitors were natives of Thurii, or because his father Octavius had been successful in some military operations near Thurii a short time aster the birth of Augustus. (Sueton. Wit. Aug., 7–Consult Oudendorp, ad loc.) Thy KMis, I. a river of Epirus, anciently dividing Thresprotia from the district of Cestrine. (Thucyd, 1, 46.) The historian Phylarchus, as Athenaeus rerts (3, 3), affirmed that the Egyptian bean was never nown to grow out of Egypt except in a marsh close to this river, and then only for a short period.—It aprs from Cicero that Atticus had an estate on the anks of the Thyamis. (Ad. Att., 7, 7.-Compare Pausan., 1, 11.) The modern name of this stream is the Calama. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 108.) —II. A promotory of Epirus, near the river of the same name, now Cape Nissi. Thyatira (rù Đvareipa), a city of Lydia, near the northern confines, situate on the small river Lycus, not far from its source. According to Pliny (5,29), its original name was Pelopia; and Strabo (625) makes it to have been founded by a colony of Macedonians. It was enlarged by Seleucus Nicator, and was selected as a place of arms by Andronicus, who declared himself heir to the kingdom of Pergamus after the death of Attalus. Thyatira, according to Strabo, belonged originally to Mysia; from the time of Pliny, however, we find it ascribed to Lydia. Its ruins are now called Ak-Hisar, or the white castle. This was one of the churches mentioned in the Revelations.— For an interesting account of the church in Thyatira, consult Milner's History of the Seven Churches of Asia, p. 277, seqq., Lond., 1832. Thyestes, a son of Pelops and Hippodamia, and grandson of Tantalus; for the legend relating to whom, consult the article Atreus. Thymbra, a plain in Troas, through which a small river, called Thymbrius, flows in its course to the Scamander. According to some, the river Thymbrius is now the Kamar-sou. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 1, p. 102.) Apollo had a temple here, whence he was surnamed Thymbraeus, (Il., 10, 430. – Virg., AEm., 3, 85–Eurip., Rhes., 224.) It was in this temple that Achilles is said to have been mortally wounded by Paris. (Eustath. ad Il., 10, 433– Serv. ad AEn., l. c.) Thy MBRAEus, a surname of Apollo. bra.) Thy Maetes, I. a king of Athens, son of Oxinthas, the last of the descendants of Theseus who reigned at Athens. He was deposed because he refused to meet Xanthus, the Boeotian monarch, in single combat. Melanthus the Messenian accepted the challenge, slew Xanthus, and was rewarded with the kingdom of Attica. (Wid. Melanthus.) — II. A Trojan prince, whose wife and son were put to death by order of Priam. (Tzetz. ad Lycophr., 224.—Burmann, ad Virg., AEm., 2, 32.) e is said, on this account, to have used his best endeavours to persuade his countrymen to admit the wooden horse within their walls. (Virg., AEm., 2, 32.-Servius ad AEn., l.c.)—III. A son of ho who accompanied Æneas into Italy,

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and was killed by Turnus. (Virg., AEn., 10, 123.Id. ib., 12, 364.) Thyni, a people of Bithynia. (Vid. Bithynia.) ThyöNE, a name given to Semele after she had been translated to the skies. The appellation comes either from 900, to sacrifice, or 9.jø, “to rage, to be agitated.” The latter is the more probable derivation. (Apollod, 3, 6, 3–Diod. Sc., 4, 25.—Heyne ad Apollod., l.c.) ThyöNeus (three syllables), a surname of Bacchus, from his mother Semele, who was called Thyone. (Vid. Thyone.) ThyréA, the principal town of Cynuria, in Argolis, near which the celebrated battle was fought between the Spartans and an equal number of Argives. (Wid. Othryades.) It was probably situate not far from the modern town of Astro. (Herod., 1, 82.)—The Spartans established the AEginete here upon the expulsion of that people from their island by the Athenians. (Thucyd., 2, 27.) During the Peloponnesian war, however, the latter, having landed on the Cynurian coast, captured the town, and, setting it on fire, carried off all the inhabitants. (Id., 4, 56.-Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 235.) ThyrsagètAF, a people of Sarmatia, who lived by hunting. Herodotus makes the Tanais rise in their territory.—II. or Thyssageta, a nation of European Sarmatia, dwelling on the banks of the Tanais, where the same river approaches nearest to the Wolga, and in the neighbourhood of the Iyrca. (Hardouin ad Plin., 6, 7.) Tiberias, a town of Galilee, built by Herod Agrippa, and named in honour of the Emperor Tiberius. It was situate on the western shore, and near the southern extremity of the Sea of Tiberias. This piece of water or lake was previously called by the name of Gennesareth, from a pleasant district called Gennesar, at the northern extremity of the lake. Tiberias was taken and destroyed by Vespasian; but, after the fall of Jerusalem, it gradually rose again into notice. It is often mentioned by the Jewish writers, because, after the taking of Jerusalem, there was at Tiberias a succession of Hebrew judges and doctors till the fourth century. Epiphanius says that a Hebrew translation of St. John and the Acts of the Apostles was kept in this city. (Joseph., Ant. Jud., 18, 3.-Id, Bell, Jud., 2, 8.-Id, ibid., 3, 16.) The modern name is Tabaria. TiberiNUs, son of Capetus and king of Alba, was drowned in the river Albula, which on that account assumed his name, and was called Tiberis. (Liv., 1, 3.—Cic., N. D., 2, 20.-Varro, de L. L., 4, 5, &c. —Ovid, Fast., 2, 389; 4, 47.) Tihićris, TYBEris, Tyber, or TIBRIs, a river of Italy, on whose banks the city of Rome was built. It is said to have been originally called Albula, from the whiteness of its waters, and afterward Tiberis when Tiberinus, king of Alba, had been drowned there; but it is probable that Albula was the Latin name of the river, and Tiberis or Tibris the Tuscan one. Varro informs us that a prince of the Veientes, named Dehebris, gave his name to the stream, and that out of this grew in time the appellations Tiberis and Tibris. It is often called by the Greeks Thymbris (6 essuspic). —With respect to its source, Pliny informs us (3,5) that it rises in the Apennines above Arretium, and that it is joined, during a course of nearly one hundred and fifty miles, by upward of sorty tributary streams. The Tiber was capable of receiving vessels of considerable burden at Rome, and small boats to within a short distance of its source. (Dion. Hal., 3, 44.— Strab., 218.) Virgil is the only author who applies the epithet of carrulean to the waters of the Tiber. (AEm., 8, 62.) That of flavus, “yellow,” is well known to be much more general. (Ovid, Trist, 5. l,—Horat., 0d., 1, 2, 13.) This *:* called Tyrrhenus annis, “the Tuscan river,” from its watering Etruria on one side in its course, and also Lydius, “the Lydian” stream or Tiber, on account of the popular tradition which traced the arts and civilization of Etruria to Lydia in Asia Minor. (Vid. Hetruria.)

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Tiberius, Clauduus Drusus Nero, a Roman emperor, born B.C. 42. He was the son of a father of the same name, of the ancient Claudian family, and of Livia Drusilla, afterward the celebrated wife of Augustus. Rapidly raised to authority by the influence of his mother, he displayed no inconsiderable ability in an expedition against certain revolted Alpine tribes, in consequence of which he was raised to the consulship in his twenty-eighth year. On the death of Agrippa, the gravity and austerity of Tiberius having gained the emperor's confidence, he chose him to supply the place of that minister, obliging him, at the same time, to divorce Vipsania, the daughter of Agrippa, and wed Julia, the daughter of Augustus, whose flagitious conduct at length so disgusted him that he retired in a private capacity to the isle of Rhodes. After experiencing much discountenance from Augustus, the deaths of the two Caesars, Caius and Lucius, induced the em}. to take him again into favour and adopt him.

uring the remainder of the life of Augustus he behaved with great prudence and ability, concluding a war with the Germans in such a manner as to merit a triumph. On the death of Augustus he succeeded without opposition to the empire.—The first act of the new reign was the murder of young Postumus Agrippa, the only surviving son of M. Vipsanius Agrippa, and whom Augustus had banished during his lifetime to the island of Planasia. From his bodily strength, although taken by surprise and defenceless, he was with difficulty overcome by the centurion employed. Like Elizabeth of England, Tiberius disavowed his own order. Surmise hesitated between himself and Livia; and an incredible pretext was set up of a command of the late emperor to the tribune who had the custody of the youth, that he was not to be suffered to survive him. While Tiberius proceeded immediately to the actual exercise of several of the imperial functions, such as delivering their standard to the praetorian guard, having them in attendance on his person, and despatching letters to the armies to announce his accession, he affected to depend on the pleasure of the senate, and to consider himself unequal to the weight of the whole empire. In the confused, dilatory, and ambiguous mode of his expressing, or rather hinting, his sentiments, which he often designed to be understood in a contrary sense to what they seemed to bear, he strongly resembled Cromwell.—The servility of the senate ran before his ambition. They had afterward leisure for repentance. Tiberius soon began to practise the dark, crooked, and sanguinary policy which marks the jealousy, distrust, and terror of a conscious and suspicious tyrant. Those who had formerly offended him, as Asinius Gallus, who had married his divorced wife Vipsania, and even those who had been pointed out by Augustus as men likely, by their talents or aspiring minds, to supply princes to the empire, should the road be open to them, were watched, circumvented, immured, and destroyed. The law of high treason was made an instrument of punishing, not actions merely, but looks, words, and gestures, which were construed as offences against the majesty of the prince. A spy-system was organized, which embraced informers and agitators of plots, who, while they enriched themselves, brought money to the treasury; and as a man's slaves, and the guests at his table, might themselves be secret pensioners of this new police of inspection, social confidence and domestic security were at once destroyed. Those who were suspected were presumed to be guilty; judges were easily found to condemn them ; and confiscations and out” succeeded each other.—The

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share which the people had retained of the right of election was entirely taken from them; the nomina. tion of the consuls assumed by the emperor; and the choice of the other magistrates, though ostensibly referred to the senate, determined really by himselfWhile Tiberius, by abolishing the comitia or assemblies, swept away the last vestige of popular liberty, and while he weakened the internal strength of the empire by shedding the best blood of Rome, and cre. ating around him the solitude of death, he sacrificed her external glory to the same sleepless and devouring jealousy. This sentiment was not excited by those only who were aliens from his name, for those connected with him by the nearest ties were the objects of his most feverish dread and his most im: placable malice. His own mother, who had sullied herself with crime to secure his elevation, was the first to attract his gloomy envy ; which was awakened by her having been named in the will of Algustus as co-heiress with himself, and adopted into the Julian family by the name of Julia Augusta; and by the flatteries of the senate, who bestowed on Livia the surname of Mother of the Country, and who received from Tiberius the reproof, that “mod: erate honours were suitable to women.” His forbid. ding her the state of a lictor to walk before her, and his irritation on her addressing the soldiery to animate their exertions in extinguishing a fire, may be traced to the same feeling. That another should divide with him the attributes of sovereignty was intolerable to his mind; but he was equally unable to endure that allother should be popular in the city or successful in the field; and in his son and his nephew he beheld only presumptuous rivals of his own past renown in arms, supplanters of his power, and pretenders to his throne, Weighed against this sentiment of egotism, the secu. rity of the empire and the glory of the Roman eagles were as dust in the balance. Resting on his former laurels, he no longer led the armies in person, but suo: stituted for open war the cunning of a mean, perfid. ious policy. It was thus that he detained in his do. minions, after inviting them with the fair words of specious hospitality, Marboduus, king of the Suevi, ud Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, whose kingdom was reduced to a Roman province ; and in the latter part of his life he fell into a total apathy and indifference respecting the state of the legions or of the foreign departments: left Spain and Syria for several years without governors, and allowed Armenia to be overrun by the Dacians, and Gaul by the neighbouring Geo mans. But the ancient fame of the Roman discipline and valour was supported in the beginning of his reign by the second Drusus and Germanicus, whom he therefore envied, detested, and destroyed-By both the son and the nephew, the most essential an faithful services were rendered to Tiberius before his authority could well be said to be established. The Roman legions in Pannonia, either discontented with their stipend, or making that a pretence for expressing their dissatisfaction with the person of the new emper or, raised a mutiny, which Drusus suppressed. The same part was acted by the legions in Lower Germans, whom Germanicus harangued from the camp tribunal; and on their persisting to choose him emperor, pointed a sword at his breast, with the exclamation that "to had rather die than forfeit his fidelity.” A soldier au: daciously offered him another sword, telling him to “it was sharper :” his person was in danger, and he was carried to his tent by his friends; but, determining on the expedient of awakening the shame of to troops by expressing his distrust of their attachmen and'honour, he sent his wife Agrippina, the grao daughter of Augustus, from the camp, which she pass, ed through, accompanied by her infant son Caius, a a retinue of weeping ladies. The soldiers, struck with

compunction, crowded around her, imploring or " turn, made their submission, and demanded to be led against the enemy. Germanicus carried devastation into the fields and cities of the Marsi, the Usipetes, and the Catti, whom he everywhere overthrew; recovered the standard of Varus, and, coming to a spot in the woods where the mouldering trenches of his camp were still visible, and the ground strewn with the whitened bones of his followers, collected them with funeral honours. Arminius, however, at the head of the Cherusci, by retiring into the forests, posting ambuscades, and inveigling the Romans into woody and marshy defiles, gained some advantages over the Caesar himself, as well as his lieutenant Caecina, though they were retrieved by extraordinary efforts of courage. Agrippina displayed a high spirit, and the most active devotion to the service of the troops, not only tending the wounded, but preventing, by her intrepidity, the breaking of a bridge on the Rhine, on a rumour of the advance of the Germans. Her conduct in these circumstances, as well as her previous share in the suppression of the mutiny, and even the fondling name of Caligula, bestowed by the camp on her young son, from the circumstance of his wearing the nailed buskin of the legionary soldiers, were each a source of deep suspicion and long-concealed resentment in the breast of Tiberius, which were fostered by the arts of insinuation familiar to his worthless minister Sejanus. —The appearance of commotions in the East, where Vonones, the king set over Parthia by the Romans, had been expelled by Artabanus, and had taken refuge in Armenia, afforded a pretext to the emperor for the recall of the Caesar from the command of the legions in Germany. Obeying the mandate with dilatory haste, Germanicus signalized his departure by a final camaign with the Cherusci, whom he attacked on the eser, and, surrounding their rear and flanks with his cavalry, defeated with prodigious slaughter (A.C. 16); Arminius himself owing his escape to the fleetness of his horse and the concealment of his visage, which was bathed in blood. After pushing his success as far as the Elbe, and sending to Rome the spoils and captives of his victories, and the painted representations of the rivers, mountains, j battles, Germanicus, as a mark of dissembled favour, was chosen by Tiberius his colleague in the consulate; and the province of Syria was assigned to him by a decree of the senate. But, previously to this appointment, his kinsman Silanus had been removed from the Syrian prefecture, and Cneus Piso, a man of a violent disposition, substituted in his room.—After agreeing to a treaty with Artabanus, by virtue of which Vonones was made to retire into Cilicia, and after placing Zonones on the throne of Armenia, Germanicus set out on a tour of curiosity and science to Egypt, where he sailed up the Nile and inspected the ruins of Thebes, the Pyramids, and the statue of Memnon, which emitted a sound when touched by the rays of the rising sun. Returning from Egypt, and finding that Piso had reversed many of his orders, he issued a mandate for him to quit the province, and enforced it, on being detained at Antioch by an illness, which he suspected had been produced by poison. After urging on Agrippina resignation and an absence from Rome, an advice which her proud courage forbade her to follow, he expired at a little more than thirty years of age (A.C. 19).—After his body had been burned in the forum of Antioch, Agrippina went on board a vessel and sailed for Italy. She landed at Brundisium amid the mingled sobs and tears of women and men, and advanced slowly, with downcast eyes, attended by two of her children, and bearing in her arms the urn which contained the ashes of her husband. The praetorian bands sent to escort the remains were followed by the whole senate and innumerable people, who beset the roads, and with audible condolence and sympathy attended her to the city. The emperor and Livia for

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bore to show themselves in public. The people wrote on the walls of the palace, “Restore Germanicus.” Piso and his wife Plancina entered Rome amid the popular indignation, which was increased by the festivity apparent in their house, which was situated near the forum. Piso, however, was accused of treason by Fulcinius; was neglected by Tiberius, who, affecting the coolest impartiality, referred the cause to the senate; and stabbed himself in prison. His wife, who had also deserted him, enjoyed afterward the favour of Livia and the emperor, to whom she was useful in calumniating Agrippina; but was at last herself exposed to criminal accusations, and died also by her own hand. —The widow of Germanicus remained at Rome, and persisted with a lofty determination to assert her rights. On her cousin Claudia Pulchra being accused of nuptial infidelity and treason, she sought an audience, and, finding the emperor sacrificing at the altar of Augustus, reproached him with the inconsistency of persecuting the Augustan posterity, to which he replied by catching her hand, and quoting a line from a Greek tragedy:

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He contrived an excuse for not inviting her to his table by having it suggested that some apples were poisoned, and then resenting her suspicions when she declined to accept them from his hand; and at last, on the plea that she had threatened to appeal to the army, and to take sanctuary at the statue of Augustus, he banished her to the isle of Pandataria. On this, she addressed him with spirited reproaches, when the dastardly tyrant had one of her eyes thrust out with rods by the hand of a centurion. Agrippina resolved to put an end to her life by abstinence from food (A.C. 26). Viands were forced into her mouth by the emperor's order, but his fear or his malice was disappointed by her unconquerable resolution. In the senate he magnified his own clemency in not having sentenced the wife of Germanicus to be strangled in the dungeon, exposed like a felon on the prison steps, and dragged by a hook into the Tiber. Drusus, the surviving o: and the son of Tiberius by Agrippina Vipsania, who had been decreed a triumph for his services in Illyricum and in Germany, and had been admitted to a share of the tribunician power, was poisoned by Sejanus (A.C. 23), who had long cherished a sentiment of revenge for a blow received from Drusus, and had corrupted his wife Livia. The emperor entered the senate-house with an air of indifference before the body was interred, and shortened the time of public mourning, directing the shops to be opened as usual. His own mother, Livia Augusta, afforded him, by her death (A.C. 29), a similar occasion of evincing his superiority to the feelings of human nature; as É. not only absented himself from her sick-bed, but, on a pretence of modesty, curtailed the funeral honours decreed to her by the senate.—The deadly favour of Tiberius was next extended to the eldest sons of Germanicus and Agrippina, who were adopted as heirs, as if in atonement for the savage injuries committed on their admirable parents. But, as adopted princes, vows for their health and safety were offered up by the pontiffs; and this proved the signal of informations of treason, the . o of the emperor's judicial murders. They were accused of having aspersed his character, and the accusation was followed by the sentence and its execution. Nero was starved to death in the isle of Pontia, and Drusus in a secret chamber of the palace.— The daughters of Germanicus were spared by the tyrant, and disposed of in marriage : Agrippina to Cneus Domitius, the grandson of Octavia, sister of Augustus; Drusilla to Lucius Cassius; and Julia to Marcus Winicius.—The presumptive heirs of the imperial family being removed, Sejanus thought the empire within his

grasp. On pretence of discipline, he * the 13

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