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was burned in the troubles of Sylla, the Sibylline verses, which were deposited there, perished in the conflagration ; and, to repair the loss which the republic seemed to have sustained, commissioners were immediately sent to different parts of Greece to collect whatever could be found of the inspired writings of the Sibyls.--Thus far the common account. It is generally conceded, however, that what the ancients tell us respecting these prophetesses is all very obscure, fabulous, and full of contradictions. It appears that the name Sibylla is properly an appellative term, and denotes “an inspired person;” and the etymology of the word is commonly sought in the AEolic or Doric Xuðr, for 3.e6s, “a god,” and Bovāń, “advice” or “counsel.”—As regards the final fate of the Sibylline verses, some uncertainty prevails. It would seem, however, according to the best authorities, that the Emperor Honorius issued an order, A.D. 399, for destroying them; in pursuance of which, Stilicho burned all these rophetic writings, and demolished the temple of Apolo in which they had been deposited. Nevertheless, there are still preserved, in eight books of Greek verse, a collection of oracles pretended to be Sibylline. Dr. Cave, who is well satisfied that this collection is a forgery, supposes that a large part of it was composed in the time of Hadrian, about A.D. 130; that other parts were added in the time of the Antonines, and the whole completed in the reign of Commodus. Dr. Prideaux says that this collection must have been made between A.D. 138 and 167. Some of the Christian fathers, not regading the imposition, have often cited the books of the Sibyls in favour of the Christian religion; and hence Celsus takes occasion to call the Christians Sibyllists. Dr. Lardner states his conviction that the Sybilline oracles quoted by St. Clement and others of the Greek fathers are the forgeries of some Christian. Bishop Horsley has ably supported the opinion, however, that the Sibylline books contained records of prophecies vouchsafed to nations extraneous to the patriarchal families and the Jewish commonwealth, before the general defection to idolatry. Although the books were at last interpolated, yet, according to the views taken of the subject by the learned bishop, this was too late to throw discredit on the confident appeal made to them by Justin.—The first ancient writer that makes mention of the Sibylline verses appears to have been Heraclitus. (Creuzer, ad Cic., N. D., 2, 3, p. 221.) The leading passage, however, in relation to them, is that of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (4,62). The most ancient Sibylline prophecy that has been preserved for us is that mentioned by Pausanias (10, 9), and which the Athenians applied to the battle of Ægospotamos, because it speaks of a fleet destroyed through the fault of its commanders. Another Sibylline prediction is found in Plutarch (Wit. Demosth. Op., ed. Reiske, vol. 4, p. 723), and which relates to a bloody battle on the banks of the Thermodon. The Athenians applied this oracle to the battle of Chaeronea. Plutarch states that there was no river of this name, in his time, near Chaeronea, and he conjectures that a small brook, falling into the Cephissus, is here meant, and which his fellow townsmen called Aluov (Haemon), or “the bloody” brook. Pausanias (9, 19) speaks of a small stream in Boeotia called Thermodon; but he places it some distance from Charonea.—The history of Rome has preserved for us two Sibylline predictions, not, indeed, in their literal form, but yet of a very definite nature. One of these forbade o: Romans to extend their sway beyond Mount Taurus, Were it well ascertained that this prohibition, with which we are made acquainted by Livy (38, 18), actually formed part of the Sibylline books, it would suffice to show that these books were not composed for the Romans; a prophecy which fixes Mount Taurus as the eastern limit of an empire, could only have been made for the monarchs

of Lydia. It is almost superfluous, moreover, to remark, that, with regard to Rome, at least, this predic. tion was contradicted by subsequent events. – The second prophecy preserved for us in Roman history is the one that was applied to the case of Ptolemy Auletes. This prince having solicited aid from the senate against his rebellious subjects, the Sibylline books were consulted, and the following answer was sound in them : “If a king of Egypt come to ask aid of you, refuse him not your alliance, but give him no troops.” The turbulence and faction of the day render it extremely probable that this prediction was a mere forgery. What we have remaining under the title of Sibylline Oracles were evidently fabricated by the pious fraud of the early Christians, ever anxious to discover traces of their faith in pagan mythology. St. Clement of Rome himself is not free from the suspicion of having participated in the falsification, or else of having attached credit too readily to a corrupted text. According to St. Justin, this politif had cited, in his Epistle to the Corinthians, the Sibylline predictions, for the purpose of confirming by their means the truths which he was announcing to the pagans. (Quast. ad Orthod. Resp. ad quist, lxxiv.) A contemporary of St. Clement's, the histo: rian Josephus, refers to passages in these same of: cles, where allusion is made to the tower of Babel (Antiq. Jud., 1, 5), a circumstance, by-the-way, which proves the early falsification of these predictions. Celsus, in express terms, accused the Christians of forging the Sibylline collection. (Orig, adt. Cels, lib. 7.) The fathers of the Church in the second, and, still more frequently, those in the third century, reles to passages evidently interpolated, as if they were genuine. (Thorlacii libri Sibyllistarum, &c., Hafnut, 1615, 8vo.)—The Sibylline collection, as it exists * the present day, is composed of eight books. In to first book, the subjects are, the Creation, the Fall, and the Deluge. It is apparent not only that this book is taken from Genesis, but also that its author made use of the Greek translation of the Septuagint. To subject of the second book is the Last Judgment. In the third Antichrist is announced. The fourth Pie" dicts the sall of divers monarchies. The fisth is 0& cupied with the Romans down to Lucius Verus. In the sixth the Baptism of our Saviour by St. John is made the subject. The seventh is devoted to the Deluge, and the fall of various States and Monarchies. The eighth relates to the Last Judgment and the Do. struction of Rome.—A manuscript discovered by Maio in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, contains a fourteenth book, in 334 verses; the books, however, between it and the eighth are lost. This last into tioned book, the fourteenth, speaks of a destruction of Rome so complete that the traveller will find no to ces of the city remaining, and its very name will dio appear. The prophetess then goes on to enumetale" long series of princes under whom Rome shall be to built.—The most complete edition of the Sibylline of acles is that of Gallaeus, which appeared at Ams”. dam in 1688–9, 2 vols. 4to, to which must be added the 14th book, published by Maio, at Milan, 1817, 8vo. —In relation to the Sibylline oracles generally, con sult the remarks of Niebuhr (Rom. #. l, P. 441, seqq., Cambridge transl.). Steawaki or Sycamari, a powerful German to whose original seats were around the Rhine, the Sieg and the É. pe. They were dangerous foes to * Romans, who finally conquered them under the lea'. ing of Drusus. Tiberius transferred a large post of this people to the left or southern bank of the Rhino, where they reappear under the name of Gogom" (Flor., 42, 12. — Caes., B. G., 4, 16. —Dio Cassius, 54, 32.--Tac., Ann., 2, 26.-Id, ibid., 4, 12.) Slcani, an ancient nation of Sicily. (Wid, remah" under the article Sicilia.)

Sicanía, an ancient name of Sicily. (Wid. Sicilia.)

Sicca WENEREA, a city of Numidia, on the banks of the river Bagradas, and at some distance from the coast. We are first made acquainted with the existance of this place in the history of the Jugurthine war. (Sall., Bell. Jug., 3, 56.) Pliny styles it a colony (5,3); and, though no other writer gives it this title, yet, from the way in which it is represented on the Peutinger table, as well as from Ptolemy's having selected it for one of his places of astronomical calculation, we see plainly that it must have been an important city. It received the appellation of Venerea from a temple of Venus which it contained, and where, in accordance with a well-known Oriental custom, the young maidens of the place were accustomed to prostitute their persons, and thus obtain a dowry for marriage. (Val. Maz., 2, 6.) Bochart and De Brosses derive the name of Sicca from the Punic Succoth Benoth (“tabernacula puellarum”), and make Benoth (“puella”) the origin of the name Venus among the Romans.—Shaw regarded the modern Kaff as near the site of the ancient city, having found an inscription there with the Ordo Siccensium on it. But Mannert thinks the stone was brought to Kaff from some other quarter, a circumstance by no means uncommon in these parts. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 10, pt. 2, p. 322, seqq.)

SichArus. Wid. Acerbas.

Sicilia, the largest, most fruitful, and populous island of the Mediterranean, lying to the south of Italy, from which it is separated by the Fretum Siculum, the strait or faro of Messina, which, in the narrowest part, is only two miles wide. Its short distance from the mainland of Italy gave rise to an hypothesis, among the ancient writers, that it once formed part of that country, and was separated from it by a powerful flood. (Compare the authorities cited by Cluver, Sicil., 1, 1.) This theory, however, is a very improbable one, the more particularly as the point where the mountains commence on the island by no means corresponds with the termination of the chain of the Apennines at the promontory of Leucopetra, now Capo dell' armi, but is many miles to the north. It is more natural to suppose, therefore, that, in the first formation of our globe, the waters, finding a hollow here, poured themselves into it.—The island is a three-cornered one, and this shape obtained for it its earliest name among the Grecian mariners, Tpwakia (Trinakia, i. e., “three-cornered”). This name, and, consequently, the acquaintance which the Greeks had with the island, must have been of a very early date, since Homer was already acquainted with the “island Thrinakia” (6ptyakim vijaoo-0d., 12, 135), with the herds of Helios that pastured upon it, and places in its vicinity the wonders of Scylla and Charybdis, together with the islands which he terms Plangkta (IIWaykrai), or “the Wanderers.” The later Greek writers, and almost all the Latin authors, make a slight alteration in the name, calling it Trinacria, and Pliny (3, 8) translates the term in question by Triquetra, a form which frequently appears in the poets. The name Trinacria very probably underwent the change just alluded to, in order to favour its derivation from the Greek speic (three), and ākpa (a promontory), in allusion to its three promontories ; though, in fact, only one of them, that of Pachynus namely, is deserving of the appellation. Homer's name 6ptyakia, on the other hand, or rather that of Towakia, is much more appropriate, since the root is drift, “a point.”— The island of Sicily is indebted for its existence to a chain of mountains, which commences in the vicinity of the Fretum Siculum, runs towards the west, keeping constantly at only a small distance from the northern coast, and terminating on the northwestern coast, near the modern Capo di St. Vito. The name of this range is Montes Nebrodes. A side chain issues

from it and pursues a southern direction, and out of this AEtna rears its losty head. From the same Montes Nebrodes another chain runs through the middle of the island, called Montes Heraei ('Hpaia pm), and dividing at one time the territories of the Siculi from those of the Sicani. (Diod. Suc., 4, 84.)—Sicily has no large rivers; the moderate extent of the island, and the mountainous character of the country, preventing this. The only considerable streams are the j. and the Himera. The former of these receives most of the small rivers that flow from the eastern side of the Herasan Mountains: the Himera also is swelled by numerous smaller streams in its course through the island.—A country like Sicily, lying between the 36th and 38th parallels of latitude, and, consequently, belonging to the southernmost regions of Europe, and which is well supplied with streams of water from its numerous mountain chains, must, of course, be a fertile one. Such, indeed, was the character of the island throughout all antiquity ; and the Romans, while they regarded it as one of the granaries of tha capital, placed it, in point of productiveness, by the side of Italy itself, or rather regarded it as a portion of that country. The staple of Sicily was its excellent wheat. The Romans found it growing wild in the extensive fields of Leontini, and, when cultivated, it yielded a hundred fold: that which grew in the plains of Enna was regarded as decidedly the best. It was natural enough, therefore, in the early inhabitants of the island to regard it as the parent-country of grain; and they had a deity among them whom they considered as the patroness of fertility, and the discoverer of agriculture to man. In this goddess the Greeks recognised their Ceres, and they made Minerva, Diana, and Proserpina to have spent their youth here, and the last mentioned of the three to have been carried off by Pluto from the rich fields of Enna. —It has been already remarked, that the Romans rearded Sicily as one of their granaries. They obtained rom it, even at an early period, the necessary supplies when their city was suffering from scarcity. King Hiero II., also, frequently bestowed very acceptable presents of grain on these powerful neighbours of his; and how many and extensive demands were made by the Romans in later days on the resources of the island, after it had fallen by right of conquest into their hands, will plainly appear from a passage of Cicero (in Verr, 2, 2). — The earliest inhabitants of Sicily, according to the Grecian writers, were the Cyclopes and Laestrygones. Homer, it seems, had spoken of these giant-races, and subsequent writers could find no more probable place for their abode than an island where the strange phenomenon presented by Ætna seemed to point to an equally strange race of inhabitants. Homer, it is true, had not made these two races neighbours to each other, nor had he placed them both in his island of Thrinakia; the expounders of his mythology, however, regardless of geographical difficulties, considered the point as accurately settled, and here, therefore, according to them, dwelled the Cyclopes and Laestrygones. Thucydides alone (6, 2), after mentioning the common tradition, honestly con sesses that he cannot tell what has become of these giant-races. Other writers, however, were better informed, it seems, and made the Cyclopes disappear from view in the bowels of AEtna, and amid the caverns of the Lipari isles.—From actual inquiry, the Greeks became acquainted with the fact of the existence of two early tribes in this island, the Sicani and Siculi. They knew, also, that the former of these lived at a much earlier period than the latter; but they were divided in their opinions as to the origin of the more ancient people. The most of them, with Thucydides at their head (6, 2), derive the Sicani from Iberia, and make them to have been driven by the Ligyes (Ligures) from their ongo in that country, around the river Sicanus, to the island which, from them, received the name of Sicania. But, on a more intimate acquaintance with Iberia, the Greeks found no river there of the name of Sicanus; they therefore conceived it to be identical with the Sicoris, a tributary of the Iberus. No Ligurians, however, ever settled in Spain, and therefore no Sicani could ever have been driven by them from that country. The only solution of this difficulty is, that as the Iberians settled also along the coast of Gaul, the Sicanus was a river of southern Gaul, which subsequently changed its name, and could not afterward be identified. But another difficulty presents itself. In what way did the Sicani, after being thus expelled, reach the island of Sicily The nearest and readiest route was by sea; but where could these rude children of nature have obtained a fleet ! Did they proceed by land 1 This path would be, if possible, still more arduous, as they would have to cut their way through various branches of their very conquerors, the Ligures, and then encounter many valiant tribes in central and southern Italy. Virgil seems to have been startled by the difficulties of this hypothesis, since he makes the Sicani inhabitants of Latium, or, rather, with the license of a poet, confounds them with the Siculi. (AEn., 7, 795; 8,342.) Other writers, however, whom Di

[graphic][graphic][graphic]

odorus Siculus (5, 2) considers most worthy of reli

ance, declared themselves against this wandering of the Sicani, and made them an indigenous race in Sicily. The chief argument in favour of this position was deduced from the traditions of the people themselves, who laid claim to the title of Autochthones. (Thu

d., 6, 2.) This opinion sound a warm supporter in

imacus, as we are informed by Diodorus (5, 6).--To these primitive inhabitants came the Siculi. These were an Italian race from Latium (pid. Siculi), and, previously to their settlement in Sicily, they had established themselves, for a time, among the Morgetes, in what is now called Calabria. On their crossing over into the island, the Siculi took possession of the country in the vicinity of Ætna. They met with no opposition at first from the Sicani, for that people had long before been driven away by an eruption from the mountain, and had fled to the western parts of the island. (Diod, 5, 6.) As the Siculi, however, extended themselves to the west, they could not sail eventually of coming in contact with the Sicani. Wars ensued, until they regulated by treaty their respective limits. (Diod., 5, 6.) According to Thucydides, however, the Siculi defeated in battle the Sicani, and drove and confined them to the southern and western parts of the island.—Sicily received accessions also to the number of its inhabitants from other sources. 1. The Cretans; these, according to traditions half historical and half mythological, came to this island along with Minos, when in pursuit of Daedalus. After the death of their king, they settled in the territories of Cocalus, a monarch of the Sicani. They subsequently became blended with the Siculi. 2. The Elymi. According to Thucydides, a number of Trojans escaping to Sicily, and settling in the country bordering on the Sicani, they both together obtained the name of Elymi. 3. The Phoenicians, too, formed settlements around the whole of Sicily, taking in the promontories and little islands adjacent. These settlements were not, however, meant as colonies, but only commercial stations. After, however, the Greeks had come over in great numbers, they abandoned the greater part of their settlements, and drew together the rest, occupying Motya, Soloeis, and Panormus, near the Elymi, both in reliance on their assistance, and because from this part of Sicily was the shortest passage to Carthage. (Thuryd, 6, 2.) An account of the Grecian settlements is given in Thucydides (6, 3), and they had already attained a flourishing maturity before a new power developed itself and entered the lists with them for

the possession of the island. This was Carthage, and the first serious demonstration was made when Xerxes was prosecuting his invasion of Greece. The Carthaginians, who, as Diodorus asserts, were in league with the Persian monarch, landed with a large armya. Panormus, and threatened Himera. The pretext for this movement on the part of Carthage was furnished by a quarrel with Theron, tyrant of Agrigentum; and according to the usual practice of the &o the armament had been strengthened from many bar. barous nations, the Tuscan fleet being also joined to i: by treaty. But Gelon, monarch of Syracuse, marched to the assistance of Theron, leaving the command of his fleet to his brother Hiero; and Hiero defeated the Carthaginian and Tuscan fleet, while, about the same time, the Carthaginian land force was complete. ly broken at Himera by the united armies of Syracuse and Acragas. It is said by some authors that Ge. lon's victory took place on the same day with the bat. tle of Salamis. No farther conquest was attempted in Sicily by Carthage for many years aster, though she still remained in possession of the old Phoenician settlements, and could therefore make a descent on the island whenever she might again feel inclined. It was not till after the termination of the contest be. tween the Athenians and Syracusans, when the latter, notwithstanding their success, remained greatly ensee. bled by the struggle, that Carthage again sought an op. portunity of invading the island. This was soon as forded by the disputes between Selinus and Ægesta; the Carthaginians landed at Motya, took Selinus, and established themselves over the entire western half of Sicily. They would have spread themselves farther, had it not been for the power of Dionysius of Syra. cuse; and to this man, with all his tyrannical quali. ties, the Greeks of Sicily were mainly indebted for their deliverance from the yoke of Carthage. He was often defeated, it is true, but as often found the means of withstanding his opponents anew, until at last it was agreed between the contending parties that the river Himera should form the limit between the Syr acusan and Grecian territories on the east, and the Carthaginian dependencies on the west. The peace that ensued was, however, of short duration, and Car thage sought every opportunity of advancing her power, afforded by the internal dissensions of the Greeks, as often as these occurred. From time to time, it is true, there arose at Syracuse men of eminent abilities, such as a Timoleon and an Agathocles, who kept in check the aspiring power of Carthage; yet it was but too apparent that this power was gaining a decided ascendancy, when the Romans, alarmed at the move: ments of so powerful a neighbour, were induced" interfere (vid. Messana), and, after a protracted sing: gle of twenty-four years, succeeded in making themselves masters of the whole of Sicily. (Wid, Pu` nicum Bellum.) It must not be supposed, how’ ever, that, during these contests of the Carthaginian with the Greeks in the first instance, and afterward of the former with the Romans, the early inhabitan" of the country were merely idle spectators. In what relation the Sicani, in the western part of the island. stood to the Greeks, we have no means of ascertain" ing. When the Carthaginians appeared there to submitted without a struggle; though at times, as Syr. acusan leaders penetrated into their territones, they assumed a brief attitude of independence. The * tion of the Siculi, in the eastern quarter of the island, was different from this. They acknowledged the *s of Gelon, and also of his two brothers; but when, " the expulsion of the latter of these, intestine dise" sions arose in Syracuse, an individual of commanding character among the Siculi, by name Duketius, *. ceeded in forming a union among the petty state of his countrymen, and placed himself at the head of to confederacy. The effort was, however, only shor" lived. After some successes he was compelled to surrender to the Syracusans, who sent him to Corinth in exile. Here, however, he soon raised new forces, returned to Sicily, and, landing on the northern coast, at a point where the Grecian arms had not reached, founded there a city called Calacta. Death frustrated the schemes which he had again formed for the union of the Siculi, and the latter were reduced once more beneath the sway of Syracuse: but they did not long continue in this state of forced obedience. We find them appearing as the enemies of the Syracusans at the time of the Athenian expedition ; and also as the allies of the Carthaginians when the latter had begun to establish themselves in the island. Dionysius, É. again reduced them; and Timoleon afterward restored to them their freedom, and they continued for some time subsequently either in the enjoyment of a brief independence, or subject to that power which chanced to have the ascendancy in the island, whether Syracusan or Carthaginian, until the whole of Sicily fell into the hands of the Romans. Under this new power the cities on the coast of the island were seriously injured, both because the Roman policy was not very favourable to commerce, and the conquerors were unwilling that the Greek colonies in Sicily should again become powerful. With some exceptions, however, the Sicilian cities were allowed the enjoyment of their civil rights as far as regarded the form and administration of their governments, and hence the mention so often made by Cicero of a Senatus Populusque in many cities of the island. Hence, too, the power they enjoyed of regulating their own coinage. As, however, collisions arose between this conceded power and the magistrates sent to govern them from Rome, we read of a commission of ten individuals, at the head of which was the praetor Publius Rutilius, by whom a permament form of government was devised, which the Sicilians ever after regarded as their palladium against the tyranny of Roman magistrates. At a later period, Julius Caesar extended to the whole island the Jus Latii, and, by the last will of the dictator, as Antony pretended, though brought about, in fact, by a large sum of money paid to the latter, all the inhabitants of Sicily were admitted to the rights of Roman citizens. (Cic, Ep. ad Att., 14, 12.) It would seem, however, to have been a personal privilege, and not to have extended to their lands, since we find Augustus establishing in the island the five Roman colonies of Messana, Tauromenium, Catana, Syracusae, and Therma. (Plin., 1,38.—Dio Cass., 54, 7.) Strabo names also as a Roman colony the city of Panormus. (Strabo, 272.-Mannert, Geogr., vol. 9, pt. 2, p. 235, seqq.) —The Romans remained in possession of Sicily until Genseric, king of the Vandals, conquered it in the fifth century of our era. Belisarius, Justinian's general, drove out the Wandals, A.D. 535, and it remained in the hands of the Greek emperors nearly three centuries, when it was taken by the Saracens, A.D. 827. The Normans, who ruled in Naples, conquered Sicily A.D. 1072, and received it from the pope as a papal fief. Roger, a powerful Norman prince, took the title of King of Sicily in 1102, and united the island with the kingdom of Naples, under the name of the Kingdom of the two Sicilies. Sicinius, DENTRTUs L., a tribune of Rome, celebrated for his valour, and the honours he obtained in the field of battle during the period of 40 years, in which he was engaged in the Roman armies. He was present in 120 battles; obtained 14 civic crowns; 3 mural crowns; 8 crowns of gold; 180 gold chains (torques); 160 bracelets (armilla); 18 spears (hasta pura); 25 sets of horse-trappings; and all as the reward of his extraordinary valour and services. He could show the scars of 40 wounds which he had received, all * breast. (Wal. Maz., 3, 2, 24.) Dio7

nysius of Halicarnassus, who calls him Siccius, states that he gave great offence subsequently to Appius Claudius, the decemvir, by the freedom of his remarks relative to the incapacity of the Roman leaders who were at that time carrying on war against the enemy; and that Appius, pretending to coincide with him in his views, induced Siccius to go as legatus to the Roman camp near Crustumeria. When the brave man had reached the camp of his countrymen, the generals there prevailed upon him to take the command; and then, upon his objecting to the site of their camp, as being in their own territory, not that of the enemy, they begged him to select a new spot for an encampment. A body of their immediate partisans, to the number of 100 men, were sent with him, on his setting out for this purpose, as a guard for his person, who attacked, and, after a valiant resistance on his part, slew him on the route, in accordance with previous instructions, and then brought back word that he had been slain by the enemy. The falsehood, however, was soon discovered, and the army gave Siccius a splendid burial. (Dion. Hal., 11, 37.) Sicóris, a river of Spain, now the Segre, rising in the Pyrenees, and running into the Iberus, after flowing by the city of Ilerda. It divided the territories of the Ilergete from those of the Lacetani. Some writers regard it as the Sicanus of Thucydides. (Caes., B.C., 1, 40.—Plin., 3, 3.) -Sicill, an ancient nation, who in very early times dwelt in Latium and about the Tiber, and, indeed, upon the site of Rome itself. All this is confirmed by Latin and CEnotrian traditions. (Dion. Hal., 1, 9.-Id, 2, 1.—Warro, L. L., 4, 10.-Antiochus, ap. Dion. Hal., 1, 73.) A part of the town of Tibur bore the name of Sicelion (Sicelium) in the time of Dionysius (1, 16). The arguments of Niebuhr lead to the conclusion that these Siculi were the Pelasgians of Latium. They were eventually driven out by an indigenous race, highlanders of the Apennines, who descended upon them from the mountains, and from the basins of the Nar and Velinus. Moving south after this dislodgment, they eventually crossed over into Sicily, then named Sicania, and gave its new and latest appellation to that island. (Wid. Sicilia, and Roma.— Malden's History of Rome, p. 109.) Sicălum FRETUM, the straits that separated ancient Italy from Sicily; now the Straits of Messina, or Faro di Messina. The name was applied in strictness to that part of the strait which lay between the Columna Rhegina on the Italian side, and a similar column or tower on the promontory of Pelorum. The Columna Rhegina marked the termination of the consular road leading to the south of Italy. The most prevalent and the best grounded opinion seems to be that which identifies this spot with the modern la Catona. The Sicilian strait was generally supposed by the ancients to have been formed by a sudden disruption of the island from the mainland. But consult remarks at the commencement of the article Sicilia. (Mela, 2, 4.—Plin., 3, 5–Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 427.) Sicyon, a city of Greece, in the territory of Sicyonia, northwest of Corinth. Few cities of Greece could boast of so high antiquity, since it already existed under the names of Ægialea and Mecone long before the arrival of Pelops in the peninsula. (Strabo, 382. —Pausan, 2, 6. Hesiod, Theog., 537.) Homer represents Sicyon as forming part of the kingdom of Mycenae, with the whole of Achaia. (Ib., 2, 572.) Pausanias and other genealogists have handed down to us a long list of the kings of Sicyon, from AEgialus, its founder, to the conquest of the city by the Dorians and Heraclidae, from which period it became o: to Argos. (Pausan., 2, 6–Euseb., Chron.—Clem. Aler, Strom, 1, 321.) Its population was then divided into four tribes, named Hyllus, solo Dy12

manta, and Ægialus, a classification introduced by the Dorians, and adopted, as we learn from Herodotus (5, 68), by the Argives.

appears that when Clisthenes became tyrant of Sicyon, they were independent of each other, since Herodotus relates that, while at war with Argos, he changed the names of the Sicyonian tribes, which were Dorian, that they might not be the same as those of the adverse city; and in order to ridicule the Sicyonians, the his. torian adds that he named them afresh, after such animals as pigs and asses; sixty years after his death the former appellations were, however, restored. Sicyon continued under the dominion of tyrants for the space of one hundred years; such being the mildness of their rule, and their observance of the existing laws, that the people gladly beheld the crown thus transmitted from one generation to another. (Aristot., Polit., 5, 12–Strab., 382.) It appears, however, from Thucydides, that, at the time of the Peloponnesian war, it had been changed to an aristocracy. In that contest, the Sicyonians, from their Dorian origin, naturally espoused the cause of Sparta, and the maritime situation of their country not unfrequently exposed it to the ravages of the naval force of Athens. (Xen., Hist. Gr., 4, 4, 7.) After the battle of Leuctra, we learn from Xenophon that Sicyon once more became subject to a despotic government, of which Euphron, one of its principal citizens, had placed himself at the head, with the assistance of the Argives and Arcadians. (Xen., Hist. Gr., 7, 1, 32.) is reign, however, was not of long duration, he being waylaid at Thebes, whither he went to conciliate the favour of that power, by a party of Sicyonian exiles, and murdered in the very citadel. (Xen., Hist. Gr., 7, 3, 4.) —On the death of Alexander the Great, Sicyon fell into the hands of Alexander, son of Polysperchon; but, on his being assassinated, a tumult ensued, in which the inhabitants of the city attempted to regain their liberty. Such, however, was the courage and firmness displayed by Cratesipolis, his wife, that they were finally overpowered. Not long after this event, Demetrius Poliorcetes made himself master of Sicyon, and, having persuaded the inhabitants to retire to the acropolis, he levelled to the ground all the lower part of the city which connected the citadel with the port. A new tower was then built, to which the name of Demetrius was given. This, as Strabo reports, was placed on a fortified hill dedicated to Ceres, and distant about 12 or 20 stadia from the sea. (Strab., 382. —Compare Pausan, 2, 7.) The change which was thus effected in the situation of this city does not appear to have produced any alteration in the character and political sentiments of the people. For many years after they still continued to be governed by a succession of tyrants, until Aratus united it to the Achaean league. By the great abilities of this its distinguished citizen, Sicyon was raised to a high rank among the other Achaean states, and, being already celebrated as the first school of painting in Greece, continued to flourish under his auspices in the cultivation of all the finest arts; it being said, as Plutarch reports, that the beauty of the ancient style had there alone been preserved pure and uncorrupted. (Plut, Wit. Arat. Strabo, 382. Plin., 35, 12.) Aratus died at an advanced age, after an active and glorious life, not without suspicion of having been poisoned by order of Philip, king of Macedon. He was interred at Sicyon with great pomp, and a splendid monument was erected to him as the deliverer of the city. (Plut., Wit. Arat.—Pausan., 2,8.) . After the dissolution of the Achaean league, little is known of Sicyon; it is evident, however, that it existed in the time of Pausanias, from the number of remarkable edifices and monuments which he enumerates within its walls; though he allows that it had greatly suffered from va

How long a connexion subsisted between the two states we are not informed ; but it

rious calamities, but especially from an earthquake, which nearly reduced it to desolation. The ruins of this once great and flourishing city are still to be seen near the small village of Basilico. Dr. Clarke informs us that these remains of ancient magnificence are still considerable, and in some instances exist in such a state of preservation, that it is evident the buildings of the city must either have survived the earthquake to which Pausanias alludes, or have been constructed at some later period. In this number is the theatre, which that traveller considers as the finest and most perfect structure of the kind in all Greece. (Clarke's Travels, vol. 6, p. 553, Lond. ed.) Sir W. Gell reports, that “Basilico is a village of fifty houses, situ. ated in the angle of a little rocky ascent, along which ran the walls of Sicyon. This city was in shape triangular, and placed upon a high flat, overlooking the plain, about an hour from the sea, where is a great tumulus on the shore. On the highest angle of Sicyon was the citadel.” (Itin. of the Morea, p. 15.--Dod. well, Tour, vol. 2, p. 294.— Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 46, seqq.)—Sicyonian almonds are mention. ed by Athenaeus (8, p. 349, c.), and are supposed to have been of a softer shell than ordinary. (Casdub, ad loc.) We read also of the Sicyonian shoes (21st&vta), which were very celebrated, and were worn by the luxurious and effeminate in other countries. (Athenatus, 4, p. 155, c.) Sicyoni A, the territory of Sicyon, on the Sinus Corinthiacus, west of Corinthia, and separated from it by the small river Nemea, (Strabo, 382–Wid. Sicyon.) Side, I. a city of Pamphylia, west of the river Melas, and lying on the Chelidonian bay. It was found. ed by the Cumaeans of Æolis. (Scylar, Peripl, P. 40–Strab., 667.) Arrian relates, that the Sideto, soon after their settlement, forgot the Greek language, and spoke a barbarous tongue peculiar to themselves. It surrendered to Alexander in his march through Panphylia. (Arrian, Exp. Alex., 1, 26.) Side, many years after, was the scene of a naval engagement to tween the fleet of Antiochus, commanded by Hannibal and that of the Rhodians, in which, after a seves" contest, the former was defeated. (Livy, 37, 2% seqq.) When the pirates of Asia Minor had attained to that degree of audacity and power which rendered them so formidable, we learn from Strabo that Side became their principal harbour, as well as the marke” place where they disposed of their prisoners by also tion. (Strabo, 664.) Side was still a considerable town under the emperors; and, when a division was made of the province into two parts, it became the metropolis of Pamphylia Prima. (Hierocl., p. 683Consil. Const., 2, p. 240.) Minerva was the deity principally worshipped here.—An interesting account of the ruins in this place is to be found in Captain Beaufort's valuable work, with an accurate plan. "I stands,” observes this writer, “on a low peninsula. and was surrounded by walls. The theatre appeals like a lofty acropolis rising from the centre of the town, and is by far the largest and best preserved " any that came under our observation in Asia Mino: The harbour consisted of two small moles, conteco with the quay and principal sea-gate. At the extrem: ity of the peninsula were two artificial harbours." larger craft. Both are now almost filled with so and stones, which have been borne in by the swell." (Beaufort's Karamania, p. 146, seqq.) Mr. Fello" however, says, that the ruins of Side are inferior " scale, date, and age to any that he had previo seen. The Greek style is scarcely to be traced in any of the ruins; but the Roman is visible in evo part. In few buildings except the theatre are ho stones even hewn, the cement being wholly trusted" for their support. “The glowing colours,” continuo Mr. Fellows, “in which this town is described into

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