of the sacred shields called Ancilia, B.C. 709. (Vid. Ancile.) They were twelve in number. Their chief was called præsul, who seems to have gone foremost in the procession; their principal musician, vates; and he who admitted new members, magister. Their number was afterward doubled by Tullus Hostilius, after he had obtained a victory over the Fidenates, in consequence of a vow which he had made to Mars. The Salii were all of patrician families, and the office was very honourable. The 1st of March was the day in which the Salii observed their festival in honour of Mars. They were generally dressed in a short scarlet tunic, of which only the edges were seen; they wore a large purple-coloured belt above the waist, which was fastened with brass buckles. They had on their heads round bonnets with two corners standing up, in their right hand they carried a small rod, and in their left a small buckler, one of the ancilia, or shields of Mars. Lucan says that it hung from the neck. In the observation of their solemnity, they first offered sacrifices, and afterward went through the streets dancing in measured motions, sometimes all together, or at other times separately, while musical instruments were playing before them. Hence their name of Salii, from their moving along in solemn dance (Salii a saliendo). They placed their body in different attitudes, and struck with their rods the shields which they held in their hands. They also sung hymns in honour of the gods, particularly of Mars, Juno, Venus, and Minerva, and they were accompanied in the chorus by a certain number of virgins, habited like themselves, and called Salic. We have in Varro a few fragments of the Salian hymns, which, even in the time of that writer, were scarcely intelligible. Thus, for example, thority of Varro's treatise, Pius aut de Pace, informs us that he incurred this disgrace in consequence of an intrigue with Fausta, the wife of Milo, who caused him to be scourged by his slaves. (N. A., 17, 18.) It has been doubted, however, by modern critics,, whether it was the historian Sallust who was thus pun-" ished, or his nephew Crispus Sallustius, to whom Hor-, ace has addressed the second ode of the second book. It seems, indeed, unlikely that, in so corrupt an age, an amour with a woman of Fausta's abandoned character should have been the real cause of his expulsion from the senate. After undergoing this ignominy, which, for the present, baffled all his hopes of preferment, he quitted Rome, and joined his patron, Cæsar, in Gaul. He continued to follow the fortunes of that commander, and, in particular, bore a share in the expedition to Africa, where the scattered remains of Pompey's party had united. That region being finally subdued, Sallust was left by Cæsar as prætor of Numidia; and about the same time married Terentia, the divorced wife of Cicero. He remained only a year in his government, but during that period enriched himself by despoiling the province. On his return to Rome he was accused by the Numidians, whom he had plundered, but escaped with impunity by means of the protection of Cæsar, and was quietly permitted to betake himself to a luxurious retirement with his illgotten wealth. He chose for his favourite retreats a villa at Tibur, which had belonged to Cæsar, and a magnificent palace, which he built in the suburbs of Rome, surrounded by delightful pleasure-grounds, afterward well known and celebrated by the name of the Gardens of Sallust. In these gardens, or his villa at Tibur, Sallust passed the concluding years of his life, dividing his time between literary avocations and the society of his friends; among whom he numbered Lucullus, Messala, and Cornelius Nepos.-Such being his friends and studies, it seems highly improbable that he indulged in that excessive libertinism which has been attributed to him, on the erroneous supposition that he was the Sallust mentioned by Horace in the first book of his Satires. The subject of Sallust's i. e., Omnia dapalia comedisse Jani Curiones. Bo- character is one which has excited some investigation nus creator Divius Janusque venit.-Their feasts and and interest, and on which very different opinions have entertainments were uncommonly sumptuous, whence been formed. That he was a man of loose morals is dapes saliares is proverbially applied to such repasts evident; and it cannot be denied that he rapaciously as are most splendid and costly. (Liv., 1, 20.-Var-plundered his province, like most Roman governors of ro, L. L., 4, 15.-Ovid, Fast., 3, 387.)-II. A German tribe of Frankish origin, whose original seat is not clearly ascertained. Wiarda makes it between the Silva Carbonaria (part of the forest of Ardennes) and the River Ligeris (Lys, in Brabant); Wersebe, however, in the vicinity of the Sala or Saale. They first made their appearance on the Insula Batavorum, where they were conquered by Julian; afterward in the territory of the Chamavi, by the Mosa or Meuse. Mannert seeks to identify them with the Cherusci. (Amm. Marcell., 17, 8, seqq.-Zosim., 3, 6.) "Divum exta cante, Divum Deo supplice cante," i. e., Deorum exta canite, Deorum Deo (Jano) suppliciter canite; and also the following: " omnia dapatilia comisse jani cusiones duonus ceruses divius janusque renit," SALLUSTIUS, CRISPUS, a celebrated Latin historian, born at Amiternum, in the territory of the Sabines, in the year of Rome 668. He received his education in the latter city, and in his early youth appears to have been desirous to devote himself to literary pursuits. But it was not easy for one residing in the capital to escape the contagious desire of military or political distinction. He obtained the situation of quæstor, which entitled him to a seat in the senate, at the age of twenty-seven; and about six years afterward he was elected tribune of the commons. While in this office he attached himself to the fortunes of Cæsar, and, along with one of his colleagues, conducted the prosecution against Milo for the murder of Clodius. In the year of the city 704, he was excluded from the senate on the pretext of immoral conduct, but more probably from the violence of the patrician party, to which he was opposed. Aulus Gellius, on the au the day. But it seems doubtful if he was that monster of iniquity he has been sometimes represented. He was extremely unfortunate in the first permanent notice taken of his character by his contemporaries. The decided enemy of Pompey and his faction, he had said of that celebrated chief, in his general history, that he was a man "oris probi, animo inverecundo." Lenæus, the freedman of Pompey, avenged his master, by the most virulent abuse of his enemy (Suetonius, de Illustr. Gramm., 15), in a work which should rather be regarded as a frantic satire than an historical document. Of the injustice which he has done to the life of the historian, we may, in some degree, judge from what he says of him as an author. He calls him, as we farther learn from Suetonius, "Nebulonem vita scriptisque monstrosum; præterea priscorum Catonisque ineruditissimum furem." The life of Sallust, by Asconius Pedianus, which was written in the age of Augustus, and might have acted, at the present day, as a corrective or palliative of the unfavourable impres sion produced by this injurious libel, has unfortunately perished; and the next work on the subject now extant is a professed rhetorical declamation against the character of Sallust, which was given to the world in the name of Cicero, but was not written till long after the death of that orator, and is now generally assigned by critics to a rhetorician in the reign of Claudius, called Porcius Latro. The calumnies invented or exaggera ted by Lenæus, and propagated in the scholastic theme of Porcius Latro, have been adopted by Le Clerc, pro- of success to a plot which affected the vital existence fessor of Hebrew at Amsterdam, and by Professor of the commonwealth; and which, although arrested Meisner, of Prague, in their respective accounts of the in its commencement, was one of those violent shocks life of Sallust. His character has received more jus- which hasten the fall of a state.—The History of the tice from the prefatory memoir and notes of De Bros- Jugurthine War, if not so imposing or menacing to ses, his French translator, and from the researches of the vital interests or immediate safety of Rome, exhib Wieland in Germany. From what is known of Fabi- its a more extensive field of action, and a greater theus Pictor and his immediate successors, it must be ap- atre of war. No prince, except Mithradates, gave so parent that the art of historic composition at Rome much employment to the arms of the Romans. In was in the lowest state, and that Sallust had no model the course of no war in which they had ever been ento imitate among the writers of his own country. He gaged, not even the second Carthaginian war, were therefore naturally recurred to the productions of the the people more desponding, and in none were they Greek historians. The native exuberance and loqua- more elated with ultimate success. Nothing can be cious familiarity of Herodotus were not adapted to more interesting than the accounts of the vicissitudes his taste; and simplicity, such as that of Xenophon, of this contest. The endless resources and hairis, of all things, the most difficult to attain; he there-breadth escapes of Jugurtha; his levity; his fickle and fore chiefly emulated Thucydides, and attempted to faithless disposition, contrasted with the perseverance transplant into his own language the vigour and con- and prudence of the Roman commander Metellus, are al ciseness of the Greek historian; but the strict imita- described in a manner the most vivid and picturesque. tion with which he followed him has gone far to lessen-Sallust had attained the age of twenty-two when the effect of his own original genius.-The first work the conspiracy of Catiline broke out, and was an eyeof Sallust was the Conspiracy of Catiline. There ex-witness of the whole proceedings. He had, thereists, however, some doubt as to the precise period of fore, sufficient opportunity of recording with accoits composition. The general opinion is, that it was racy and truth the progress and termination of the conwritten immediately after the author went out of office spiracy. Sallust has certainly acquired the praise of as tribune of the commons, that is, A.U.C. 703. And a veracious historian, and we do not know that be bas the composition of the Jugurthine War, as well as of been detected in falsifying any fact within the sphere his general history, is fixed by Le Clerc between that of his knowledge. Indeed, there are few historical period and his appointment to the prætorship of Nu- compositions of which the truth can be proved on such midia. But others have supposed that they were all evidence as the conspiracy of Catiline. The facts written during the space which intervened between detailed in the orations of Cicero, though differing in his return from Numidia in 709, and his death, which some minute particulars, coincide in everything of im happened in 718, four years previous to the battle of portance, and highly contribute to illustrate and verify Actium. It is maintained by the supporters of this the work of our historian. But Sallust lived too near last idea, that he was too much engaged in politi- the period of which he treated, and was too much encal tumults previous to his administration of Nu- gaged in the political tumults of the day, to give a midia to have leisure for so important compositions; faithful account, unbiased by animosity or predilecthat, in the introduction to Catiline's Conspiracy, he tion; he could not have raised himself above all hopes, talks of himself as withdrawn from public affairs, and fears, and prejudices, and therefore could not, in and refutes accusations of his voluptuous life, which all their extent, have fulfilled the duties of an impartial were only applicable to this period; and that, while writer. A contemporary historian of such turbulent instituting the comparison between Cæsar and Cato, times would be apt to exaggerate through adulation, he speaks of the existence and competition of these or conceal through fear; to instil the precepts, not of celebrated opponents as things that had passed over. the philosopher, but the partisan; and colour facts "Sed mea memoria, ingenti virtute, diversis mor- into harmony with his own system of patriotism or ibus, fuere viri duo, Marcus Cato et Caius Cæsar." friendship. An obsequious follower of Cæsar, be On this passage, too, Gibbon, in particular, argues, has been accused of a want of candour in varnishing that such a flatterer and party tool as Sallust would over the views of his patron; yet it is hard to be not, during the life of Cæsar, have put Cato so much lieve that Cæsar was deeply engaged in the conspiron a level with him in the comparison. De Brosses acy of Catiline, or that a person of his prudence argues with Le Clerc in thinking that the Conspiracy should have leagued with such rash associates, or of Catiline at least must have been written immediately followed so desperate an adventurer. But the chief after 703; as he would not, after his marriage with objection urged against his impartiality is the feeTerentia, have commemorated the disgrace of her sis-ble and apparently reluctant commendation be beter, who, it seems, was the vestal virgin whose intrigue with Catiline is recorded by Sallust. But, whatever may be the case as to Catiline's Conspiracy, it is quite clear that the Jugurthine War was written subsequently to the author's residence in Numidia, which evidently suggested to him this theme, and afforded him the means of collecting the information necessary for completing his work.-The subjects chosen by Sallust form two of the most important and prominent topics in the history of Rome. The periods, indeed, which he describes were painful, but they were interesting. Full of conspiracies, usurpations, and civil wars, they chiefly exhibit the mutual rage and iniquity of imbittered factions, furious struggles between the patricians and plebeians, open corruption in the senate, venality in the courts of justice, and rapine in the provinces. This state of things, so forcibly painted by Sallust, produced the conspiracy, and, in some degree, the character of Catiline. But it was the oppressive debts of individuals, the temper of Sylla's soldiers, and the absence of Pompey with his army, which gave a possibility, and even a prospect, stowed on Cicero, who is now acknowledged to have been the principal actor in detecting and frustrating the conspiracy. Though fond of displaying his talents in drawing characters, he exercises none of it on Cicero, whom he merely terms "homo egregius et optumus consul," which was but cold applause for one who had saved the commonwealth. It is true, that, in the early part of the history, praise, though sparingly bestowed, is not absolutely withheld. The election of Cicero to the consulship is fairly attributed to the high opinion entertained of his talents and capacity, which overcame the disadvantages of obscure birth. The mode adopted of gaining over one of the accomplices, and for fixing his own wavering and disaffected colleague, the dexterity manifested in seizing the Allobrogian deputies with the letters, and the irresisti ble effect produced by confronting them with the conspirators, are attributed exclusively to Cicero. It is in the conclusion of the business that the historian withholds from him his due share of applause, and contrives to eclipse him by always interposing the character of Cato, though it could not be unknown to any witness cre. Five or delicate shades, as well as the prominent features, and thrown over them the most lively and appropriate colouring. Those of the two principal actors in his tragic histories are forcibly given, and prepare us for the incidents which follow. The portrait drawn of Catiline conveys a lively notion of his mind and person, while the parallel drawn between Cato and Cæsar is one of the most celebrated passages in the history of the conspiracy. Of both these famed opponents we are presented with favourable likenesses. Their defects are thrown into the shade; and the bright qualities of each different species by which they were distinguished, are contrasted for the purpose of show of these transactions that Cato himself and other sen- | writer, more especially when he has been contempo. ators publicly hailed the consul as the father of his rary with the individuals he portrays, and in some decountry; and that a public thanksgiving to the gods gree engaged in the transactions he records. was decreed in his name, for having preserved the six of the characters drawn by Sallust have in all ages city from conflagration, and the citizens from massa-been regarded as master-pieces. He has seized the This omission, which may have originated partly in enmity, and partly in disgust at the ill-disguised vanity of the consul, has in all times been regarded as the chief defect, and even stain, in the history of the Catilinarian Conspiracy. Although not an eyewitness of the war with Jugurtha, Sallust's situation as prætor of Numidia, which suggested the composition, was favourable to the authority of the work, by affording opportunity of collecting materials, and procuring information. He examined into the different accounts, written as well as traditionary, concerning the history of Africa, particularly the documents preserved in the archives of King Hiempsal, which he caused to be translated for his own use, and which proved peculiar-ing the various qualities by which men arrive at emly serviceable in the detailed account which he has inence. The introductory sketch of the genius and given of the inhabitants of Africa. In this history he manners of Jugurtha is no less able and spirited than has been accused of showing an undue partiality to- the character of Catiline. The portraits of the other wards the character of Marius; and of giving, for the principal characters who figured in the Jugurthine sake of his favourite leader, an unfair account of the war are also well brought out. That of Marius, in massacre at Vacca. But he appears to do even more particular, is happily touched. His insatiable ambition than ample justice to Metellus, since he represents the is artfully disguised under the mask of patriotism; his war as almost finished by him previous to the arrival cupidity and avarice are concealed under that of marof Marius, though it was, in fact, far from being con- tial simplicity and hardihood; but, though we know, cluded. Sallust evidently regarded a fine style as one from his subsequent career, the hypocrisy of his preof the chief merits of an historical work. The style tensions, the character of Marius is presented to us in on which he took so much pains was carefully formed a more favourable light than that in which it can be on that of Thucydides, whose manner of writing was, viewed on a survey of his whole life. We see the in a great measure, original, and, till the time of Sal- blunt and gallant soldier, and not that savage whose inlust, peculiar to himself. The Roman has wonderfully nate cruelty of soul was first about to burst forth for the succeeded in imitating the vigour and conciseness of destruction of his countrymen. In drawing the porthe Greek historian, and infusing into his composition trait of Sylla, the memorable rival of Marius, the hissomething of that dignified austerity which distinguishes torian represents him also such as he appeared at that the work of his great model; but when we say that period, not such as he afterward proved himself to be. Sallust has imitated the conciseness of Thucydides, We behold him with pleasure as an accomplished and we mean the rapid and compressed manner in which subtle commander, eloquent in speech and versatile in his narrative is conducted; in short, brevity of idea resources; but there is no trace of the cold-blooded rather than of language. For Thucydides, although assassin, the tyrant, and usurper.-History, in its orihe brings forward only the principal idea, and discards ginal state, was confined to narrative; the reader being what is collateral, yet frequently employs long and in-left to form his own reflections on the deeds or events volved periods. Sallust, on the other hand, is abrupt recorded. The historic art, however, conveys not and sententious, and is generally considered as having complete satisfaction, unless these actions be connectcarried this sort of brevity to a vicious excess. The ed with their causes-the political springs or private use of copulatives, either for the purposes of connect- passions in which they originated. It is the business, ing his sentences with each other, or uniting the claus- therefore, of the historian, to apply the conclusions es of the same sentence, is in a great measure reject- of the politician in explaining the causes and effects ed. This produces a monotonous effect, and a total of the transactions he relates. These transactions want of that flow and variety which is the principal the author must receive from authentic monuments charm of the historic period. Seneca accordingly or records, but the remarks deduced from them must (Epist., 114) talks of the "Amputate sententiæ, et be the offspring of his own ingenuity. The reflections verba ante expectatum cadentia," which the practice with which Sallust introduces his narrative, and those of Sallust had succeeded in rendering fashionable. It he draws from it, are so just and numerous, that he was, perhaps, partly in imitation of Thucydides that has by some been considered the father of philosophic Sallust introduced into his history a number of words history. It must always, however, be remembered, almost considered as obsolete, and which were select that the proper subject of history is the detail of naed from the works of the older authors of Rome, par- tional transactions; that whatever forms not a part of ticularly Cato the censor. It is on this point he has the narrative is episodical, and therefore improper, been chiefly attacked by Pollio, in his letters to Plan- if it be too long, and do not grow naturally out of the cus. He has also been taxed with the opposite vice, subject. Now some of the political and moral diof coining new words, and introducing Greek idioms;gressions of Sallust are neither very immediately conbut the severity of judgment which led him to imitate the ancient and austere dignity of style, made him reject those sparkling ornaments of composition which were beginning to infect the Roman taste, in consequence of the increasing popularity of the rhetorical schools of declamation, and the more frequent intercourse with Asia. On the whole, in the style of SalJust, there is too much appearance of study, and a want of that graceful ease, which is generally the effect of art, but in which art is nowhere discovered.-Of all the departments of history, the delineation of character is the most trying to the temper and impartiality of the nected with his subject nor very obviously suggested by the narration. The discursive nature and inordinate length of the introduction to his histories have been strongly objected to. The first four sections of Catiline's Conspiracy have indeed little relation to the topic. They might as well have been prefixed to any other history, and much better to a moral or philosophic treatise. In fact, a considerable part of them, descanting on the fleeting nature of wealth and beauty, and all such adventitious possessions, are borrowed from the second oration of Isocrates. Perhaps the eight following sections are also disproportioned to the desire of universal empire: all which could not, with length of the history; but the preliminary essay they | tribune Licinius. It was an effort of that demagogue contain on the degradation of Roman manners and to depress the patrician and raise the tribunitian powdecline of virtue, is not an unsuitable introduction to er; for which purpose he alternately flatters the peo the conspiracy, as it was this corruption of morals ple and reviles the senate. The oration of Marcus which gave birth to it, and bestowed on it a chance Cotta is unquestionably a fine one. He addressed it to of success. The preface to the Jugurthine War the people, during the period of his consulship, in order has much less relation to the subject which it is to calm their minds and allay their resentment at the intended to introduce. The author discourses at bad success of public affairs; which, without any large on his favourite topic, the superiority of men- blame on his part, had lately, in many respects, been tal endowments over corporeal advantages, and the conducted to an unprosperous issue. Of the two letbeauty of virtue and genius. He contrasts a life of ters which are extant, the one is from Pompey to the listless indolence with one of honourable activity; senate, complaining in very strong terms of the defiand finally descants on the task of the historian as a ciency in the supplies for the army which be com suitable exercise for the highest faculties of the mind. manded in Spain against Sertorius; the other is supBesides the Conspiracy of Catiline and the Jugurthine posed to be addressed from Mithradates to Arsaces, War, which have been preserved entire, and from king of Parthia, and to be written when the affairs of which our estimate of the merits of Sallust must be the former monarch were proceeding unsuccessfully. chiefly formed, he was the author of a civil and mili- It exhorts him, nevertheless, with great eloquence and tary history of the republic, in five books, entitled power of argument, to join him in an alliance against Historia rerum in Republica Romana Gestarum. the Romans: for this purpose, it places in a streng This work was the mature fruit of the genius of Sal-point of view their unprincipled policy and ambitious lust, having been the last he composed, and is inscribed to Lucullus, the son of the celebrated commander of that name. It included, properly speaking, only a period of thirteen years, extending from the resignation of the dictatorship by Sylla till the promulgation of the Manilian Law, by which Pompey was invested with authority equal to that which Sylla had relinquished; and obtained, with unlimited power in the East, the command of the army destined to act against Mithradates. This period, though short, comprehends some of the most interesting and luminous points which appear in the Roman annals. During this interval, and almost at the same moment, the republic was attacked in the East by the most powerful and enterprising of the monarchs with whom it had yet waged war; in the West by one of the most skilful of its own generals; and in the bosom of Italy by its gladiators and slaves. The work was also introduced by two discourses, the one presenting a picture of the government and manners of the Romans, from the origin of their city to the commencment of the civil wars; the other containing a general view of the dissensions of Marius and Sylla; so that the whole book may be considered as connecting the termination of the Jugurthine War and the breaking out of Catiline's conspiracy. The loss of this valuable production is the more to be regretted, as all the accounts of Roman history which have been written are defective during the interesting period it comprehended. Nearly seven hundred fragments belonging to it have been amassed, from scholiasts and grammarians, by De Brosses, the French translator of Sallust; but they are so short and unconnected that they merely serve as landmarks, from which we may conjecture what subjects were treated of and what events recorded. The only parts of the history which have been preserved in any degree entire, are four orations and two letters. The first is an oration pronounced against Sylla by the turbulent M. Æmilius Lepidus, who, as is well known, being desirous, at the expiration of his year, to be appointed a second time consul, excited for that purpose a civil war, and rendered himself master of great part of Italy. His speech, which was preparatory to these designs, was delivered after Sylla had abdicated the dictatorship, but was still supposed to retain great influence at Rome. He is accordingly treated as being still the tyrant of the state; and the people are exhorted to throw off the yoke completely, and to follow the SALMONEUS, a king of Elis, son of Eolus and speaker to the bold assertion of their liberties. The Enarete, who married Aleidice, by whom he had second oration is that of Lucius Philippus, which is Tyro. He wished to be called a god, and to receive an invective against the treasonable attempt of Lep- divine honours from his subjects; and, therefore, to idus, and was calculated to rouse the people from the imitate the thunder, he used to drive his chariot over apathy with which they beheld proceedings that were a brazen bridge, and darted burning torches on every likely to terminate in the total subversion of the gov-side, as if to imitate the lightning. This impiety pro The third harangue was delivered by the voked Jupiter. Salmoneus was struck with a thun ernment. 80 SALMACIS, a fountain near Halicarnassus in Caria, which was fabled to render effeminate all who drank of its waters. It was here that Hermaphroditus, cording to the poets, underwent his strange metamerphosis. The fountain was situate at the foot of a rock, and on the summit of this rock was a very strong castle, which a Persian garrison long held against Alexander. (Arrian, Exp. Al., 1, 24.) SALMANTICA, a city of Hispania, in the northeastern angle of Lusitania. It is very probably the same with the Elmantica of Polybius (3, 14) and the Hermandica of Livy (21, 5), which Hannibal took in his expedition against the Vaccæi. It is now Salamanca. (Max nert, vol. I, p. 348.) SALMONE, a city of Elis, of great antiquity, northwest of Olmypia. It is said to have been founded by Salmoneus. (Apollod, 1, 9, 7.--Strabo, 356.) rus. derbolt, and placed in the infernal regions near his | cient name of Israelites under Jeroboam: The capibrother Sisyphus.-Consult, in explanation of this le-tal of the state of these latter was Samaria, which gend, the article Elicius, p. 467, col. 1, near the end. was also the name of their country. The Samaritans (Hom., Od., 11, 235.—Apollod., 1, 9.—Hygin., fab., and the people of Judæa were lasting and bitter ene60.-Virg., Er., 6, 5, 85.) mies. The former deviated in several respects from SALMYDESSUS (Zaλμvdnoσóç), or, as the later Greek the strictness of the Mosaic law, though afterward the and the Latin writers give the name, Halmydessus ('A2-religion of the two nations became more closely asμvdnoobs), a city of Thrace, on the coast of the Eux-similated; and, in the time of Alexander, the Samarine, below the promontory of Thynias. The name itans obtained leave of that conqueror to build a tenproperly belonged to the entire range of coast from ple on Mount Gerizim, near the city of Samaria, in the Thynian promontory to the mouth of the Bospo-imitation of the temple at Jerusalem, where they pracAnd it was this portion of the coast in particu- tised the same forms of worship. Among the people lar that obtained for the Euxine its earlier name of of Judæa, the name of Samaritan was a term of bitAxenos, or "inhospitable." The shore was rendered ter reproach, and disgraceful in a high degree. The dangerous by shallows and marshes; and when any city of Samaria was situate on Mount Sameron, and vessels, either through want of skill or the violence was the residence of the kings of Israel, from Omri its of the wind, became entangled among these, the Thra- founder to the overthrow of the kingdom. It was cian inhabitants poured down upon them, plundered razed to the ground by Hyrcanus, but rebuilt by Hethe cargoes, and made the inhabitants slaves. In rod, who completed the work begun by Gabinius, protheir eagerness to obtain the booty, quarrels often consul of Syria. Herod called it Sebaste, in honour arose among the petty tribes in this quarter, and hence of Augustus.. (1 Kings, 16, 24.—Ibid., 17, 6.came eventually the singular custom of marking out Ibid., 22, 52. 2 Kings, 17, 6.-Jerem., 23, 13.the shore with stones, as so many limits within which Jos., Ant., 8, 7.-Id. ibid., 13, 15.-Id. ibid., 15, each were to plunder. (Xen., Anab., 7, 6.) Strabo 11.-Bell. Jud., 1, 6.) names the Astæ as the inhabitants of this region, whose territory reached to the north as far as Apollonia. The Thyni, no doubt, are included under this name. The republic of Byzantium put an end to this system of plunder.-The modern Midjeh answers to the ancient city of Salmydessus. (Mela, 2, 2.Plin., 4, 11.-Diod. Sic., 14, 38.-Mannert, Geogr., vol. 7, p. 149.) SAMAROBRĪVA, a town of Gaul, now Amiens, the capital of the Ambiani. Its name appears to mean "the city on the Samara," since it lay on this river, and since the termination briva in Celtic is thought to have had, among its other meanings, that of "city" or place." (Vid. Mesembria.) Some, less correctly, make it signify "the bridge" or "passage of the Samara," as, for example, Lemaire, in his Geographical Index to Cæsar. (Amm. Marcell., 15, 27.-Cæs., B. G., 5, 24; 45, 51.) SALON, now Salona, the principal harbour of Dalmatia, and always considered as an important post by the Romans after their conquest of that country. Pliny SAME, the only town in the island of Cephallenia nostyles it a colony (3, 22), which is confirmed by vari-ticed by Homer, from which we may infer that it was ous inscriptions. (Gruter., Thes., 32, 12.) The name the most ancient and considerable. (Od., 2, 249.) It is sometimes written Salona and Salona. (Cæs., B. was maintained by Apollodorus, that the poet used the G., 3, 9.-Hirt., B. Alex., 43.) It was not the na- word Samos to designate the island, and Same the tive place of the Emperor Dioclesian, as is commonly town. It is certain, however, that in another passage supposed. That monarch was born at Dioclea, in its (Od., 14, 122), the latter name is applied to the island, vicinity; and to this quarter he retired after he had (Strabo, 453.) When Cephallenia submitted to the abdicated the imperial power. Here he built a splen- Romans, Same, with other towns, gave hostages; but did palace, the ruins of which are still to be seen at having afterward revolted, it sustained a vigorous siege Spalatro, about three miles from Salona. (Wessel- for four months. At length the citadel Cyatis being ing, ad. Itin. Anton., p. 270.—Adam's Antiquities of taken, the inhabitants retired into their larger fortress; Spalatro.-Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 36.) but surrendered the following day, when they were all SALVIANUS, a native of Colonia Agrippina (Co-reduced to slavery. (Liv., 38, 28, seqq.) Strabo relogne), one of the early fathers of the Christian Church.ports that some vestiges of this town remained in his He led a religious life at Massilia during the greater part of the 5th century, and died in that city. Salvian was the author of several works on devotional sub-jects, of which there are yet extant a treatise on the Providence of God" (De gubernatione Dei, &c.), in eight books; another in four books, written "Against avarice, especially in priests and clerical persons;" and nine pastoral letters. His works, as far as they remain, were collected and printed together, in two volumes 8vo, by Baluzius, Paris, 1663. SALYES, a people of Gaul, extending from the Rhone, along the southern bank of the Druentia or Durance, almost to the Alps. They were powerful opponents to the Greeks of Massilia. (Liv., 5, 34.) SAMARA, a river of Gaul, now called the Somme. The name of this stream in intermediate geography was Sumina or Sumena, corrupted into Somona; whence the modern appellation. (Vid. Samarobriva.) day on the eastern side of the island. (Strabo, 455.) This spot retains the name of Same, which is also that of the bay at the extremity of which it is situated. It exhibits still very extensive walls and excavations among its ruins, which have afforded various specimens of ancient ornaments, medals, vases, and fraginents of statues. (Holland's Travels, vol. 1, p. 55.-Dodwell, vol. 1, p. 75.-Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 52.) SAMNITES, a people of Italy, whose territory was bounded on the north by the Peligni and Frentani; to the west it bordered on the extremity of Latium and on Campania, being separated from the latter province by the Vulturnus, Mons Callicula, and the chain of Mount Tifata. To the south a prolongation of the same ridge divided the Samnites from the Picentini and Lucani. To the east they were contiguous to Apulia, from the river Tifernus to the source of the Aufidus. It is usual with geographers to regard the SAMARIA, a city and country of Palestine, famous ancient Samnites as divided into three tribes, the Carin sacred history. The district of Samaria lay to the aceni, Pentri, and Hirpini; to which others have added north of Judæa. The origin of the Samaritan nation the Caudini and Frentani; but the former classificawas as follows: In the reign of Rehoboam, a division tion seems to rest on better authority.-Whatever difwas made of the people of Israel into two distinct ference of opinion may prevail among the writers of kingdoms. One of these kingdoms, called Judah, antiquity respecting the origin of other Italian tribes, consisted of such as adhered to Rehoboam and the they seem agreed in ascribing that of the Samnite nahouse of David, comprising the two tribes of Judah tion to the Sabines. (Consult remarks under the artiand Benjamin; the other ten tribes retained the an- [cle Sabini.) The Samnites, like the Romans, were an |