RHODUS.

This could not last for ever. Their habits and

pear very plainly that the earliest known inhabitants of war. Rhodes were not Greeks, but persons from the neigh-interests especially inclined them to close connexion bouring mainland. The Greeks came in at a later pe- with Ptolemy and Egypt; and though they avoided riod, and drove the earlier settlers into the interior of giving any just cause of offence to Antigonus, his vie the island hence we find all the cities on the coast lent spirit would be satisfied with nothing short of unwith Grecian forms of constitution, and Strabo ex qualified support. This being refused, he commispressly styles the inhabitants as of Dorian origin. sioned officers to seize the Rhodian traders bound for (Strab., 653.)-All that we have thus far related coin- Egypt; and when the execution of the order was recides with the period prior to the Trojan war, except sisted, he prepared an armament against the island. the migration of the Greeks, which took place in the The Rhodians endeavoured to pacify him by complicourse of the century next after the fall of Troy. It ments and submissions; but, finding him inexorable, was long before the Rhodians attracted the notice of they made ready for defence.-In the year which folthe rest of the Greeks, and before their commercial op- lowed the attack of Antigonus on Egypt (B.C. 304), erations raised them to any consequence. They fell Demetrius laid siege to Rhodes. The Rhodians sent under the power of Persia, and in the war between this to solicit aid of Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Cassander, power and the Greeks, and in those between Sparta and took measures to increase to the utmost their miland Athens, it always sided with the conquering itary force, and to unite the hearts and quicken the party, though without adding any remarkable weight zeal of all who were in the city. Strangers and foreign to the scale. The execution of a plan subsequently residents were invited to join in the defence, but all conceived first laid the foundation of the political im- unserviceable persons were sent away. It was voted portance of Rhodes. The three cities of Lindus, that slaves, who fought with courage and fidelity, Ialyssus, and Camirus came to the conclusion, to- should be purchased from their masters, emancipated, wards the close of the Peloponnesian war, of uniting to- and made citizens; that every citizen who fell in batgether and forming one common city. This city, sit-tle should have a public funeral; that his surviving uate in the northern quarter of the island, took the parents should be supported, and his children educated name of Rhodus, and continued ever after the capital. by the state; that marriage portions should be given The three older cities, which had united in its erec- to his daughters, and a suit of armour publicly presenttion, did not actually cease to exist from this period, ed at the feast of Bacchus to each of his sons on comthough a large portion of their inhabitants migrated to ing of age. The rich men freely gave their money, the new city. The inhabitants of the new capital were the poor their labour, the artificers their skill; all streve oligarchically governed when under Lacedæmonian su- to surpass cach other in zeal and execution. The bepremacy; democratically when under Athenian; but sieging army was numerous and disciplined, well supthe state flourished under both. When Rhodes com- plied and well appointed, and provided with every va bined with Chios and Byzantium in revolt against the riety of warlike engines which the science of the age Athenians, the democracy seems to have been still and the mechanical genius of the commander could maintained; but after the termination of that war it furnish. Assaults were made by land and sea, in vawas overthrown by an insurrection of the wealthy few rious fashions and with various success; but no deci and their adherents, assisted by Mausolus, the king of sive advantage could be gained over the resolute and Caria. Under its new government, Rhodes continued active defenders of the city, who not only kept de to increase in trade and shipping; from which it may walls, but made several vigorous sallies, in some of be inferred that the administration was not inattentive which they succeeded in destroying many ships and ento the wishes and interests of the people; for mari- gines of the besiegers. Demetrius at length gave up time power always strengthened the popular party, and the hope of successfully attacking them from the sea, a jealous and arbitrary oligarchy would therefore have and turned all his attention to his operations on the discouraged rather than favoured the growth of the side towards the land. The Rhodians, taking advannavy. We are told, indeed, in one fragment of a con- tage of this to employ their ships in distant cruises, temporary historian (Theopompus, quoted by Athe- made prizes of many vessels belonging to Antigonus, næus), that there was a time when all power was in and intercepted some convoys which were coming to the hands of a small knot of profligate men, who sup- the enemy's camp. Meantime the siege was pressed ported each other in every outrage which their fierce by land, and the walls were shaken in many places, But, what- all which the Rhodians made good by new defences passions or brutal caprices could prompt. ever chances may have enabled a small faction to ex-built within; and just as they were beginning to be ercise for a while so hateful a tyranny, it must have discouraged by the power and perseverance of their adquickly fallen, and the government have reverted to versary, their confidence was renewed by the arrival A second the great body of citizens having certain qualifications of an Egyptian fleet, with supplies in great abundance -The siege was protracted for a year. of birth and property. In the ordinary state of the Rhodian aristocracy, its conduct was moderate and fleet was sent by Ptolemy, which brought large sup upright; so we are told by ancient writers, and their plies, and a considerable re-enforcement of troops testimony is confirmed by the prosperity of the com- Ambassadors came from Athens and from many other monwealth, and by its continual increase in commer- Grecian states, to entreat that Demetrius would be cial wealth and naval power. When all the Grecian reconciled with the Rhodians. He yielded so far as seas were swarming with pirates, the Rhodians alone to grant a suspension of arms and commence a ne for the common good undertook and effected their sup-gotiation; but the terms could not be agreed on, and pression. They were highly respected by Alexander, the war was renewed. He then attempted a surprise though he kept a garrison in their city, which, on re- by night. Under cover of the darkness, a chosen body ceiving the news of his death, they immediately ex-of soldiers entered the town through a breach which pelled. As the Macedonian supremacy appears to have been generally favourable to oligarchy, notwithstanding the patronage which Alexander, in the outset of his career, found it expedient to bestow on the democratical interest in Asia Minor, it is possible that this change was accompanied with an increase of power in the great body of the people. The Rhodians stood aloof from the quarrels of the chiefs who divided the empire of Alexander, and kept friendship with them all, thus enjoying peace when every other state was at

had been made; and the rest of the ariny supported them at daybreak by a general assault on the walls. But the Rhodians were cool and firm. All who were defending the ramparts remained at their posts, and made them good against the enemies without; while the rest of the citizens, with the auxiliaries from Egypt, went against those within the city. In the violent contest which ensued, the townsmen were victorious, and few of the storming party escaped out of their hands.-Letters now came from Antigonus, directing

RHŒCUS, I. one of the Centaurs, slain by Atalanta. (Apollod., 3, 9, 2.)-II. One of the giants, slain by Bacchus under the form of a lion, in the conflict between the giants and the gods. (Horat., Od., 2, 19, 23.) The Greek form most in use is 'Poikos, but, as Bentley remarks, the Latin writers in general prefer the form Rhatus. (Compare Heyne, ad Apollod., 3,

nis son to make peace with the Rhodians on what | called upon by law to undertake, on receiving a certain conditions he could; and Demetrius accordingly wish- fixed salary. (Strab., 653.) Rhodes produced many ed for an accommodation on any terms that would distinguished characters in philosophy and literature: save his credit. The Rhodians were no less anxious among these may be mentioned Panatius (whom Cifor peace; and the more so, as Ptolemy had written cero has so much followed in the Offices), Stratocles, to them, promising farther aid in case of need, but Andronicus, Eudemus, and Hieronymus. Posidonius advising them to put an end to the war on any reason- the Stoic resided for a long time in this island, and gave able conditions. Peace was soon concluded on the lectures in rhetoric and philosophy. The poet Pisanterms that the Rhodians should be independent, and der, author of the Heracleid, as well as Simmias and should retain all their revenues; but that they should Aristides, are likewise found in the list of the Rhodian assist Antigonus in all his wars, excepting against literati.-The serene sky of the island, its soft climate, Ptolemy, and should give one hundred hostages in fertile soil, and fine fruits, are still praised by modern pledge of fidelity to their engagements. Thus re- travellers. "Rhodes," observes Dr. Clarke, "is a leased from danger, the Rhodians proceeded to fulfil truly delightful spot: the air of the place is healthy, their promises, and reward those who had served them and its gardens are filled with delicious fruit. Here, well. Fit honours were bestowed upon the bravest as in Cos, every gale is scented with the most powercombatants among the free inhabitants, and freedom, ful fragrance, which is wafted from groves of orange with citizenship, given to such of the slaves as had and citron trees. Numberless aromatic herbs exhale deserved it. Statues were erected to Ptolemy, Ly- at the same time such profuse odour, that the whole simachus, and Cassander, all of whom had assisted atmosphere seems to be impregnated with a spicy perthem largely with provisions. To Ptolemy, whose fume. The present inhabitants of the island confirm benefits had been by far the most conspicuous, more the ancient history of its climate; maintaining that extravagant honours were assigned. The oracle of hardly a day passes throughout the year in which the Ammon was consulted, to learn whether the Rhodians sun is not visible. The winds are liable to little vamight not be allowed to worship him as a god; and, riation: they are north or northwest during almost evpermission being given, a temple was actually erected ery month."-(Travels, vol. 3, p. 278, Lond. ed. — in his honour. Such instances had already occurred in Compare Turner's Tour in the Levant, vol. 3, p. 10.) the case of Alexander, and in that of Antigonus and Demetrius at Athens; but it must be remembered that such a practice would not bear, in Grecian eyes, the same unnatural and impious character which it does in ours, since the step was easy from hero-worship, which had long formed an important part of their religion, to the adoration of distinguished men, even while alive (Hist. of Greece, p. 161, seqq.-Libr. | 9, 2.) Us. Knowl.)-After mingling more or less in the vari- RHETEUм, a promontory of Troas, on the shore of ous collisions which ensued between the successors of the Hellespont, in a northeastern direction nearly from Alexander and their respective descendants, Rhodes Signum. On the sloping side of it the body of Ajax sided with the Romans, and became a valuable auxili-was buried, and a tumulus still remains on the spot. ary to the rising power. In return for the important services thus rendered, it received from its new friends the territories of Lycia and Caria; but suspicion and distrust eventually arose, the Rhodians were deprived of their possessions in Asia, and at last, in the reign of Vespasian, of their freedom, and with it of the right they had so long enjoyed of being governed by their own laws. A new province was formed, consisting of the islands near the coast, of which Rhodes was the capital, and the island henceforth became an integral part of the Roman empire, and shared in its various vicissitudes. In a later age, it fell into the hands of the knights of St. John, after they had lost possession of Palestine, A.D. 1309. In 1480 they repelled an attack of the Turks, but in 1522 were compelled to surrender the island to Soliman II. The population is differently estimated: Savary makes it 36,500, of which about one third are Greeks, with an archbishop. The capital, Rhodes, has a population of about 6000 Turks. The suburb, Neochorio, is inhabited by 3000 Greeks, who are not permitted to reside within the city. The town is surrounded with three walls and a double ditch, and is considered by the Turks as impregnable. It has two fine harbours, separated only by a mole.-Rhodes was celebrated for its Colossus, an account of which will be found elsewhere. (Vid. Colossus.) Its maritime laws were also in high repute, and were adopted as the basis of marine law on all the coasts of the Mediterranean. Their main principles are still interwoven into the maritime codes of modern times. The legislative enactments at Rhodes respecting the condition of the poorer classes were also very remarkable. The government, though far from being a democracy, had a special regard for the poor. They received an allowance of corn from the public stores; and the rich were taxed for their support. There were likewise certain works and offices which they wore

7 I

(Mela, 1, 18.—Plin., 5, 30.-Liv., 37, 37.) Between this promontory and that of Sigæum was the position of the Grecian camp. (Consult Rennell, Topography of Troy, p. 70.) According to Leake, Paléo Kastro, near the Turkish village of It-ghelmes, marks the probable site of Rhoteum. (Tour, p. 275.)

RHOSUS, a city of Syria, the southernmost one in the district of Pieria, fifteen miles from Seleucia, and lying on the Sinus Issicus. It was northwest of Antiochia. When Pliny speaks of it as lying near the Syrian Pass, he must be understood as speaking of the southern pass, not the northern one on the confines of Syria. (Plin., 5, 22.-Cic., Ep. ad Att., C, 1.)

RHOXALANI, a Sarmatian race to the north of the Palus Mæotis. From the testimony adduced by Malte-Brun and others, there is no reason to doubt that the appellation of Russians is derived from that of the Rhoxalani or Rhoxani. This derivation is neither difficult nor improbable. The x, it is supposed, was substituted by the Greeks for the ss or th of the barbarians. In the Doric and Eolic dialects, that character was expressed by the simple s. Hence, from Rhoxani to Rhossani, Rossani, Rosi (the proper orthography requires the o, not the u, in the first syllable), the transition is natural and easy. A manuscript of Jornandes, in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, has Rossomannorum instead of Rhoxolannorum, a reading which confirms the identity of sound between the x and the ss. The addition by that historian of the Gothic termination mann to the primitive word will surprise no one. In the time of Strabo, the Rhoxalani were settled on the vast plains near the source of the Tanaïs and Borysthenes. Appian tells us that they were warlike and powerful, and we learn from other writers of at least equal weight, that, having joined their arms to those of a neighbouring nation, they frequently attacked the Roman confines near the Dan

1169

66

ube and the Carpathian Mountains; that in A.D. 68 | Punic war, and commencing his more circumstantial they surprised Masia; in 166 carried on war against narrative of the Roman history only at the point where the Marcomanni, and in 270 were numbered among its events had begun to be noted by contemporary anthe enemies over whom Aurelian triumphed. During nalists. Bayle and Beaufort were popular writers, and the first three centuries they occupied the southern their remarks produced a wide and general effect. At parts of Poland, Red Russia, and Kiovia, the very a somewhat earlier period, Perizonius, a scholar of an seats possessed by the Russians of the ninth century. acute and comprehensive mind, had criticised the RoJornandes assigns them the same region; and the man History with great freedom and originality in his anonymous geographer of Ravenna fixes them in Li- Animadversiones Historica;" but the consequence thuania and the neighbouring countries. These au-of his outstripping his age was, that his disquisitions thorities are to us decisive that the Rhoxalani and the remained in obscurity. Bayle and Beaufort take no Russians are the same people; but, if any doubt re- notice of him; and his inquiries were unknown even mained, it would be removed by the concurrent tes-to Niebuhr when he published his history (note 678, timony of the native chronicles, the Polish traditions, the Byzantine historians, and the Icelandic sagas, all of which are unanimous in applying the term Russian to the inhabitants of the countries formerly possessed by the Rhoxalani. Hence, as they were the most celebrated of the original tribes, that term, by synecdoche, became generic. (Foreign Quarterly Review, No. 5, p. 151, seqq.)

RHUTENI OF RUTHENI, a people of Gallia Aquitanica, in Narbonensis Prima. The territory was situate on either side of the Tarnis or Tarn. Segodunum, now Rodez, was their chief town. (Cas., B. G., 1, 7.-Plin., 4, 19.)

vol. 1). Perizonius anticipated Niebuhr in his perception of the poetical origin of the history of the early ages of Rome, and pointed out the evidence for the existence among the Romans of popular songs in praise of the heroes of old time. That Niebuhr should have perceived this truth in an age in which scholars are accustomed to comprehend a wide range of objects and to form independent judgments, is not extraordinary especially after Wolf's prolegomena to Homer had given birth to a new school of criticism in all that re lates to the early literature of nations. But that Pet zonius should have discovered it at a time when learned men had scarcely ceased to receive with unquestioning faith everything that was written in Latin of Greek, gives a high notion of the originality and strength of his conceptions. Niebuhr, therefore, in

RHYNDICUS, a river of Asia Minor, rising in Mount Temnus, on the northern borders of Phrygia. Pliny states, that the Rhyndacus was formerly called Lycus, and took its source in the lake Antynia, near Miletop-showing the early history of Rome to be unworthy of olis; that it received the Macestus and other rivers, credit, has only followed a path already open, or, rath and separated the province of Asia from Bithynia. er, already beaten. He has done more, however, th (Plin., 5, 32.) His account, though quite at variance those who have preceded him, by resolving the vulgat with that of Strabo, is confirmed by other writers, and narrative into its elements, and showing how it especially by modern geographers, so that he alone is quired its present shape. He has thus examined the to be followed. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 1, p. 50.) | whole subject thoroughly, and made it impossible f RIGODULUM, a town of Gallia Belgica, in the terri- any one ever to revive the old belief. Still, however, tory of the Treveri, and northeast of Augusta Trevero-though we may now safely withhold our assent from It lay on the river Mosella, and answers to the large portion of what used to pass current as the early modern Reol. (Tac., Hist., 4, 71.) history of Rome, we must take care not to carry thus ROBIGO or ROBIGUs, a deity of the Romans, wor- scepticism so far as to reject, by one sweeping s shipped to avert mildew. The Robigalia were cele-tence of condemnation, every portion that has come brated on the 25th of April, just before the Floralia. (Ovid, Fast., 4, 911.-Pliny, 18, 2.- Tertull. ad Gent., 16, 25.)

rum.

down to us on this head. Even allowing a considera ble degree of doubt and uncertainty to pervade the first records of the Roman history, from the alleged ROMA, the celebrated capital of Italy and of the Ro- foundation of the city to its capture by the Gauls, for man empire, situate on the Tiber, below the junction that is a point which Livy himself does not scrupie lo of that river with the Anio. The history of the impe- concede (6, 1), we must yet regard even this dubious rial city is identified with that of the empire itself, and period as luminous and authentic, when compared with may be found scattered under various heads throughout the times which preceded the foundation of Rome. the present volume. A much more interesting subject Few sober-minded critics, indeed, will be disposed to of inquiry is that which relates to the authenticity indulge in scepticism, so far as to imagine that every of the earlier Roman history, as it has been handed thing which relates to the kings of Rome is fcution down to us by the Romans themselves. The re- and apocryphal. It appears to us that there are cer searches of modern scholars have here produced the tain facts recorded in the early history of that city, most surprising results, and especially those of the which rest on too undisputed a basis, too universal a celebrated Niebuhr. In what may be called, however, consent of authorities to be easily set aside. Where the work of demolition, even Niebuhr himself appears these are borne out by the succeeding and indubitabl to have had several predecessors. The sceptical tem- parts of the history, and exhibit a connected account per of Bayle did not suffer him to acquiesce in a nar- of the growth and progress of the constitution of this rative so open to a reasonable incredulity as the early great city, surely it would be injudicious to reject history of Rome. Beaufort's treatise on the "Uncer-them, except in the case of evident contradiction or tainty of the Roman History," though it did not go to striking improbability. Great uncertainty exists, o the bottom of the matter, was sufficiently convincing doubt, on many points; but, after all, it is more to all persons who were not unwilling to be convinced. matters of detail than of real importance, and especial His views are often false; but his arguments utterly ly in the relation of those petty events and circume destroyed the credit of the received stories. Hooke stances with which Livy and Dionysius have, perhaps, endeavoured to refute him; but all that he could make without due discrimination, endeavoured to dress up out was a general presumption that Beaufort pushed the meager chroniclers who preceded them, and to th his case too far, when he considered the history of the fuse some spirit into the dry records of the pontifical republic down to the destruction of the city by the volumes. Let us retrench, if it must be so, the gray Gauls as uncertain as the history of the kings. To decorations and fanciful ornaments with which these this modification of Beaufort's conclusions even Nie-historians have embellished their work, but let us not, buhr assents. Ferguson showed the conviction which at the same time, overthrow the whole fabric. We Beaufort's treatise had worked in his mind, by passing may prune what is exuberant or decayed, and weed very rapidly over all the period anterior to the second what is rank and unprofitable; but we must beware,

in the process, of encroaching upon what is sound, or cles of Peparethus, an author mentioned by no ono rooting out what is wholesome and nutritious. Let it else, is said by Plutarch, in his Life of Romulus, to be granted that the rape of the Sabine women is a fic- have been the first to accredit the received accounts of tion, it may still be true that the Sabines became, at the circumstances relative to the origin of Rome; and one time, an element in the population of Rome. it was upon his authority that Fabius Pictor, the earThough it be uncertain, with respect to the Horatii and liest Roman historian, brought them into repute with Curiatii, which belonged to Rome and which to Alba, his countrymen. Now, unless we are informed what we may still believe that the latter city sank beneath peculiar sources of information were open to this obits more powerful rival. The elder Tarquin's reign scure writer, which were not possessed by the other does not cease to be an historical fact, because we hear early historians of his nation, to whom the name of an absurd story of an eagle uncovering his head on his Romulus seems to have been known, there can be no arrival at the gates of Rome. The constitution said to reason why we should give him the preference. It have been formed by Servius Tullius may have been will not be enough to say that the approval of Fabius the result of longer experience and more practical wis-is a sufficient testimony in his favour; for, as his acdom than falls to the lot of a single-reign; but it was count of the birth of their founder was most flattering such a constitution as Rome did receive, and which it to the vanity of the Romans, their partiality towards was afterward enabled to bring to a state of greater per- him would be easily accounted for, and, by a natural fection than any ancient form of government that we consequence, would tend to lower rather than raise are acquainted with. Suppose the story of Lucretia our opinion of his credibility. But the most solid obfalse, we cannot deny that monarchy was abolished at jection which can be urged against the popular acRome, and made way for consular authority about the count of the foundation of Rome by Romulus, is chieftime that Livy pretends, though that historian may ly grounded on the inconsistency of the circumstanbe wrong in giving Valerius Publicola, and not Hora- ces under which that city is said to have commenced tius Barbatus, as a colleague to Brutus. (Polyb., 2, its political career, with the character and condition 23.) The valour of Horatius Cocles, and the forti- which is ascribed to it immediately after. If it be tude of Mutius Scævola, may be left to the admiration true that Romulus was surrounded by so much state of schoolboys; but the siege of Rome by Porsenna is and dignity, and possessed not only the insignia of no idle tale invented for their amusement, though it royalty, but also a force such as no despicable city should be proved that the consequences of that event could display, since we are told that he could bring were not so honourable to the Romans as Livy has into the field formidable armies, then we may assert chosen to represent them. (Tacit., 3, 72.-Plin., 34, confidently that Rome did not date its beginning 14.) It is a disputed point whether two or five tribunes from a motley assemblage of lawless depredators and of the people were elected at first; but does that doubt runaway slaves, and that its first walls held within invalidate the fact of the secession to the Mons Sa- their circuit something more than the lowly huts of cer? Cancel three fourths of the Roman victories and shepherds, or the rude palace of a village king. Nor triumphs over the Equi and Volsci, will it be less were there traditions wanting to give strength to such true that the former were nearly destroyed, the latter an hypothesis, by ascribing to this great city an existcompletely subjugated? Say it was gold, and not the ence anterior to that which it had afterward as a colony valour of her dictator and his troops, which delivered of Alba. (Cramer's Anc, Italy, vol. I, p. 347, seqq). Rome from the Gauls; she may surely boast of having-But let us now proceed to the question respecting lived to revenge herself on the barbarian foe, and of the real origin of Rome. having, by a hundred triumphs, blotted out the stain of that transaction, and of the shameful rout on the banks of the Allia. In short, though we may sometimes When we inquire into the real origin of the city of pause when reading the early annals of Rome, and Rome, we meet with a tradition which carries it back hesitate what judgment to form on many of the events to the age of the Pelasgians. (Plut., Vit. Rom. init.) which they record, there are landmarks enough to pre- The Pelasgic origin of Rome is implied in the legend vent us from straying far from our course, and to lead us of the settlement of the Arcadian Evander on the Palon safely to the terra firma of her history. But we have atine Mount. The religion and the language of Rome not the same assistance for tracing our way, nor the sanction this belief. The same opinion was probably same guarantees to certify us that we are treading in the held, at least by the earliest of the many writers who, right path, when we come to explore the truth of the according to Dionysius, supposed it to be a Tyrrhenian accounts on which the origin of Rome, and the actions city. (Dion. Hal., 1, 29.) If any by this expression of its reputed founder, must mainly depend for their meant that it was Etruscan, we may oppose to this credibility. On the contrary, after reading all that the well-grounded opinion that the Etrurian sway was Plutarch has said in the opening of his life of Romu- not extended so far south as the lower part of the Tilus, and all that Dionysius has collected on the sub- ber till about the close of the second century of ject, it is impossible not to feel convinced that the re- Rome. We have, however, éxpress testimony that ceived story of the foundation of Rome rests on very Rome was a Siculian town. Varro informs us, that questionable grounds. Here it is not merely the more the old annals reported that the Siculi were sprung undisguised appearance of fiction, or the greater fre- from Rome (L. L., 4, 10); and the legend of Antioquency of the marvellous, which is calculated to awa- chus has been preserved, which derived the appellaken suspicion; but it is the inconsistency and improb- tion of the Siceli in Enotria and Sicily from a mythic ability of the whole, as an attempt to explain the first chief Sicelus, who fled from Rome, and was enterrise and progress of unquestionably the most interest-tained by Morges, king of Enotria. (Dion. Hal., 1, ing city of antiquity, which ought to startle the mind 73.) It is scarcely necessary to observe, that Sicelus and revolt the judgment of the philosopher and the is a personification of the nation, and that we have critic. It is not also because these tales are to be traced to a Greek source that we would reject them; for we are inclined to think that the early Greek historians who made the antiquities of Italy their study, and they form a numerous class, were better informed about what they wrote, and more trustworthy, than perhaps they are generally allowed to be. The objection rather lies against the particular authority on whose testimony they seem entirely to rest for support. Dio

1. Origin of Rome.

here a record of its original seat, and of its subsequent migration. The considerations which tend to show that the Siceli or Siculi were a Pelasgian tribe, will be found under another article. (Vid Siculi.) The Siceli fled from the Opici; and the Pelasgians of Latium were overpowered by the Casci, who were probably an Opican or Oscan tribe. Whether Rome fell into the hands of the conquerors we cannot be certain, but it is very probable. It is thus we must interpret

the legend preserved by Plutarch, that Romus, king | with a foreign woman as his wife; but, unless the inof the Latins, expelled the Tyrrhenians. (Plut., Vit. termarriage were sanctioned by public compact, his Rom.) Such a conquest would give rise to the tradi- children lost their paternal rank. Niebuhr has ob tion that Rome was founded as a colony from Alba. served, that even the poetic legend did not regard Palatium, the settlement on the Palatine Hill, probably Rome as a genuine and lawful colony from Alba; took its name from Palatium, a town of the Oscan otherwise it would, from the very beginning, have enAborigines, on the declivity of the Apennines. (Dion. joyed the right of intermarriage with the mother city Hal., 1, 14.) and the other Latin towns; and there would bare been no consistency in the story of the want of wonen (vol. 1, note 628). In the narrative of the war with the Latins, Livy calls Tatius only king of the Sabines; but when he mentions that, at the close of the war, the Sabine appellation Quintes was extended to the people of Romulus, he derives it from Cures. (Liv., 1, 10, 13.) Dionysius has followed the Asnalists, who expressly specified Cures as the seat of the kingdom of Tatius. Strabo adopted the same tradition. Now, when we consider the exceedingly narrow limits within which all the other incidents of the early Roman traditions are confined, and even the historical events of the first years of the republic, after the kingly dominion of the city was reduced, it seems very unlikely that Rome, in its infancy, could have come into collision with Cures, which was distant from it more than twenty miles. Moreover, nothing is told of the war before the seizure of the Capitoline Hill. This is the point from which all the attacks of the Sabines proceed. Again, after the termination of the war, we hear nothing of the return of Tatius to Cures. He apparently deserts his old dominion, and establishes himself and his Sabines on the Capitoline and Quirinal Hills. (Dion. Hal., 2, 46, 50.) The senate of the people of Romulus and Tatius met in conference in the valley between the Palatine and Capitoline Hills; and as the Palatine was the proper seat of the one, so the Capitoline must have been the of the other. Cures vanishes from our sight; and though the union of the Romans with the Sabine pes

2. Original site, and subsequent growth of Rome. All traditions agree, that the original site of Rome was on the Palatine, whether they ascribe its foundation to Evander or to Romulus. The steepness of the sides of the hill would be its natural defence; and on one quarter it was still farther strengthened by a swamp which lay between the hill and river, which was afterward drained and called the Velabrum. In the course of time dwellings sprung up around the foot of the hill; but the Palatine must still have remained the citadel of the growing town; just as at Athens that which was the original city (62) became eventually the Acropolis (akрónоλiç). These suburbs were enclosed with a line, probably a rude fortification, which the learning of Tacitus enabled him to trace, and which he calls the pomarium of Romulus. (Ann., 12, 24.) It ran under three sides of the hill the fourth side was occupied by the swamp just mentioned, where it was neither needful nor possible to carry a wall. The ancient city comprised within this outline, or, possibly, only the city on the summit of the hill, was called by Roman antiquaries the "Square Rome" (Roma Quadrata. - Ennius, ap. Fest., s. v. Quadrata Roma.- Plut., Vit. Rom. Dio Cass., fragm.-Dion. Hal., 1, 88). There is reason to suppose, that some at least of the adjacent hills were the seat of similar settlements. The legend of the twin brothers, Romulus and Remus, appears to have arisen from the proximity to Rome of a kindred town called Remoria, either on the Aven-ple, with whom they had warred, endured unbroken, tine, or on an eminence somewhat more distant towards the sea. (Dion. Hal., 1, 85.-Niebuhr, Rom. Hist., vol. 1, note 618.)-The first enlargement of Rome seems to have been effected by the addition of the Calian Hill, which, as we shall presently show, was probably occupied by a different tribe from the people of the Palatine. Dionysius speaks of Romulus as holding both the Palatine and the Calian Mount (2, 50). The next addition to the city was the Esquiline Hill. The festival of Septimontium preserved the memory of a time when Rome included only Palatium, with its adjacent regions, Velia, Cermalus, and Fagutal; the Calian Hill; and Oppius and Cispius, the two summits of the Esquiline. (Festus, s. v. Sep. timontium. Niebuhr, vol. 1, p. 382.) The Capitoline, Quirinal, and Viminal Hills were not yet comprehended in the pomoerium: the Aventine was always excluded from the hallowed boundary, even when it was substantially a part of the city. Thus we see that the notion that Rome was built on seven hills, was fitted originally to circumstances different from those to which it was afterward applied.-The Quirinal and Capitoline Hills seem to have been the seat of a Sabine settlement, distinct from the Rome on the Palatine, and in early times even hostile to it. The most poetical incident in the legend of Romulus, the rape of the Sabine virgins, involves an historical meaning. It appears to refer to a time when the Romans did not possess the right of intermarriage with some neighbouring Sabine states, and sought to extort it by force of arms. (Niebuhr, vol. 1, p. 286.) By the right of intermarriage (connubium) is meant the mutual recognition, that the children of parents, citizens of the two states, were entitled to the full rank of citizens in the state of their father. This right among the ancient states of both Greece and Italy was established only by express treaty. A citizen might live

there is no trace of their possessing a wider territory than the district immediately adjacent to the hills of Rome.-These considerations are sufficient to expose the inconsistency of the vulgar legend: but the test mony to the incorporation of a part of the Sabres with the Roman people is far too strong to be set aside. The most probable supposition is, as has been before stated, that the Sabines, who in the early pe riod of their national existence extended themselves down the left bank of the Tiber, had advanced even to the neighbourhood of Rome, and had established a settlement on the Quirinal and Capitoline Hills Of this town the Capitoline must have been the citadel It was likewise the seat of its religious worship for the pontifical books recorded, that, before the building of the Capitol, its site was occupied by shrines and fanes consecrated by Tatius. (Liv., 1, 55) Tatos we can scarcely regard as a more certainly historical personage than Romulus, though the story of his death at Lavinium has an historical aspect. He is only the personification of the tribe of the Titienses or Ties, who are said to have taken their name from him. But his people had a real existence. The name of their town has been lost their own name was doubtedly Quirites. This people lived in close neighbourhood with the Romans on the Palatine; but they were of different, and even hostile races, and no intercourse subsisted between them. Between two petty states, so situated in immediate neighbourhood, it is not at all improbable that women may have been cause of contention. We can gather from the trad tions that war took place between them, which ended at last in a compact, by which not only the right of intermarriage, and a community of all other rights were granted, but the two nations were combined We can even trace the stages of their union

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