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teenth, ascended the throne of Egypt conjointly with his sister Cleopatra, whom he had narried according to the directions of his father Auletes. (Wid. Cleopatra VII.)—XIV. Apion, king of Cyrene, was the illegitimate son of Ptolemy Physcon. After a reign of twenty

ears he died ; and, as he had no children, he made the #. heirs of his dominions. The Romans presented his subjects with their independence.—XV. Ceraunus, a son of Ptolemy Soter by Eurydice, the daughter of Antipater. Unable to succeed to the throne of Egypt, Ceraunus fled to the court of Seleucus, where he was received with friendly marks of attention. Seleucus was then king of Macedonia, an empire which he had lately acquired by the death of Lysimachus in a battle in Phrygia; but his reign was short; and Ceraunus perfidiously murdered him, and ascended his throne 280 B.C. The murderer, however, could not be firmly established in Macedonia as long as Arsinoë the widow, and the children of Lysimachus, were alive, and entitled to claim his kingdom as the lawful possession of their father. To remove these obstacles, Ceraunus made offers of marriage to Arisnoë, who was his own sister. The queen at first refused, but the protestations and solemn promises of the usurper at last prevailed upon her to consent. The nuptials, however, were no sooner celebrated than Ceraunus murdered the two young princes, and confirmed his usurpation by rapine and cruelty. But now three powerful princes claimed the kingdom of Macedonia as their own: Antiochus, the son of Seleucus; Antigonus, the son of Demetrius; and Pyrrhus, the king of Epirus. These enemies, however, were soon removed; Ceraunus conquered Antigonus in the field of battle, and stopped the hostilities of his two other rivals by promises and money. He did not long remain inactive: a barbarian army of Gauls claimed a tribute from him, and the monarch immediately march. ed to meet them in the field. The battle was long and bloody. The Macedonians might have . the victory if Ceraunus had shown more prudence. He was thrown down from his elephant, and taken prisoner by the enemy, who immediately tore his body to pieces. Ptolemy had been king of Macedonia only eighteen months. (Justin, 24, &c. — Pausan., 10, 10–XVI. An illegitimate son of Ptolemy Soter II., or Lathyrus, king of Cyprus, of which he was tyrannically dispossessed by the Romans. Cato was at the head of the forces which were sent against Ptolemy by the senate, and the Roman general proposed to the monarch to retire from the throne, and to pass the rest of his days in the obscure office of high-priest in the temple of Venus at Paphos. This offer was rejected with the indignation which it merited, and the monarch poisoned himself at the approach of the enemy. The treasures found in the island amounted to the enormous sum of £1,356,250 sterling, which were carried to Rome by the conquerors.—XVII. A son of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, by Antigone, the daughter of Berenice. He was left governor of Epirus . Pyrrhus went to Italy to assist the Tarentines against the Romans, where he presided with great prudence and moderation. He was killed, bravely fighting, in the expedition which Pyrrhus undertook against Sparta and Argos.—XVIII. Claudius, a celebrated astronomer, chronologer, musical writer, and geographer of antiquity, * in Egypt, and who flourished about the

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middle of the second century of our era, under the An. tonines. During the middle ages, it was generally sup. posed that he had reigned in Egypt, and the first ej. tion of his Almagest, that of Grynaeus, 1538, is dedi. cated to the King of England as the production of a king. This error is thought to have originated with Albumazar, an Arabian of the ninth century, who was led into the mistake by the Arabic name of the astronomer (Bathalmius), which, according to Heitelot, means in Arabic “a king of Egypt” (i. 0ment, s. v.), just as the ancient monarchs of the land were named Féraoun (Pharaohs). Ptolemy, bow. ever, is styled King of Alexandrea almost two cent. ries before Albumazar, by Isidorus of Seville. (Onginum, 3, 25.)—Another opinion, not less generally received, but probably just as erroneous as the somer, is that which makes Ptolemy to have been hon at Pelusium. Suidas and Eudoxia call him a philoso. pher of Alexandrea; but it has been said that this appellation has only been given him on account of his long sojourn in the capital of Egypt. No ancient writer makes mention of his native country, though many manuscripts of the Latin translations of his works, and also the printed editions of these versions, style him Pheludiensis, which many regard as a cut ruption for Pelusiensis. Raidel (Comment, in C. Ptol. Geogr., Norimb., 1737, 4to, p. 3) cites the Ano scholiast on the Tetrabiblos, Ali-Ihn-Redman, named Haly, to prove'that Pelusium was the native plate of our astronomer. Buttmann, on the other hand, prove the citation of Raidel to be false. Haly, or his trans. lator, makes no mention whatever of the native place of Ptolemy; he only calls this writer al-Feludki (Poludianus), from the surname which the Arabs hire given him. It is true, in a biography or preface food at the head of a Latin version of the Almagest, made from the Arabic, we read the following: “Hit aula ortus et educatus fuit in Alexandrea majon, to AEgypti. Hujus tamen propago de terra Sem, ti provincia qua dicitur Phculudia.” This absurd or sage, however, which does not even say that Poems was born out of Alexandrea, proves nothing else but the desire of the Arab translator to represent the * tronomer as the descendant of an Arabian or a Syman (de terra Sem.—Museum der Alterthums., Was" schaft, vol. 2, p. 463, seqq.). —Theodorus Meleno states that Ptolemy was born at Ptolemais, or Hero ion, in the Thebaid, and that he was contemporo with Antoninus Pius. This writer does not, it stro, cite his authority; yet nothing prevents our admilo the accuracy of his statement, derived, no doubt to some ancient writer, provided we can reconcile two the surname Al Feludi, which the Arabians have go” to Ptolemy. This surname has only thus far to found in the Latin translations: in the Arabic * Ptolemy is sometimes named Bathalmius, el Ao (Abulpharagii Hist., p. 73, l. 5; p. 105, l. 3; p. 1. I. antep.–Casiri, Biblioth. Anah. Hist, vol. I, p * —Memoires sur l'Egypte, p. 389, where an extric" #. from Abderaschid el Bakin, who calls Polo' rthalmyous el Qloudy). Kaludi is expresse." Claudius in the Latin versions. The change from Kr ludi to Faludi is extremely simple, since in Amo" letter K is distinguished from F only by an oddo' point. Thus Phcludianus is merely comupted ** Claudius, and ought not to be rendered by Poluo. Thus, too, Bathalmius al Kaludi is only an A* version of IIroàeuaioc & KAaidioc, as Suidas wne the name, the praenomen being mistaken by the Arabi: an translators for an appellative.—Another Poo. more importance, is to ascertain the place where Po emy made his bbservations, because on this depend the degree of precision of which his observations on . tude were susceptible. The astronomer state. Fo tively that he made these observations undero. allel of Alexandrea; while, on the other hand, * exists a scholsam of Olympiodorus (in Phaed., Plat.— Bouilland, Testimonia de Ptolemaeo, p. 205), which informs us that Ptolemy passed 40 years of his life &v wrepoic roi, Kavajbov (“in the wings of Canobus”), occupied with astronomical observations, and that he placed columns there on which he caused to be cut the theorems of which he had been the author. An inscription has come down to us which illustrates this remark of Olympiodorus: 9eo Xarâpt Kāavówoo IIrożepuaios dpxão Rai útotéaeus Mathnuatuxão, k. T. A., “Claudius Ptolemy deducates to the God, the Preserver, his mathematical principles and theses,” &c. Combining this dedication with the scholium of Olympiodorus, the Abbé Halma states, that he would be inclined to believe the deity alluded to in the inscription to be Canobus, if the inscription did not expressly declare, farther on, that the monument containing it was placed in the city of Canobus (ov Kavč60), whence he infers that the protecting deity is Serapis, and that Ptolemy made his observations in the side-buildings connected with the temple of this god. He thinks that this position is not in contradiction with the passage in which Ptolemy informs us that he made them under the parallel of Alexandrea; for, according to Halma, the city of Alexandrea was gradually extended to Canopus, which became a kind of suburbs to it, so that Ptolemy, though residing at Canopus, may nevertheless be said to have observed at Alexandrea, or that, observing at Canopus, he had no need of reducing his observations to the parallel of Alexandrea, by reason of the trifling difference of latitude. A difficulty here presents itself, of which the Abbé Halma is aware, and which he proposes to remedy by an alteration of the text. If Ptolemy had made his observations in the temple of Serapis at Canopus, Olympiodorus, in place of saying by Trepoic Toij Kavé tov, “in the wings of (the temple of) Canobus,” would have had Év Trepoic to Kavč,00v, “the sude-buildings of (the city of) Camobus.” Halma therefore proposes to substitute the latter reading for the former, or else to regard Canobus as the same divinity with Serapis, and to suppose that Ptolemy observed in the temple of Canobus at Cano

us. This reasoning of Halma's has been attacked

y Letronne, and ably refuted. The latter shows, that Canopus, situate at the distance of 120 stadia, or more than two and a half geographical miles, northeast of Alexandrea, never made part of that capital, since there were several places, such as Nicopolis and Taposiris Parva, between the two cities; that, consequently, the Serapeum, in which Ptolemy observed, could not have belonged to Canopus; and, finally, that Ptolemy knew the difference in latitude between Canopus and Alexandrea, and could not confound them together in one point. It is more probable, as Letronne remarks (Journal des Savans, 1818, p. 202), that Olympiodorus was mistaken as to the place where Ptolemy observed. It is ascertained that there was a temple of Serapis at Canopus as well as at Alexandrea. (Strabo, 801.) Olympiodorus, therefore, must have supposed that the word Serapeum, in the author from whom he copied his remark, belonged exclusively to the first of these cities, when it referred, in fact, in this particular instance, to Alexandrea the capital. The error of Olympiodorus, moreover, is the easier to be explained, from the circumstance of the Serapeum at Canopus having become at one time a celebrated seat of the New-Platonists, and having acquired great distinction on this account among the last apostles of paganism. A commentator on Plato, therefore, would be very ready to suppose that this last asylum of true light, as he believed it, was the place where the great Ptolemy also made his observations and discoveries. -We will now proceed to the works of this distinguished writer. 1. Meyáān Xiurašac (“Great Construction”), in thirteen books. This work contains all the astronomical observations of the ancients, such as

those of Aristyllus, Timochares, Meton, Euctemon, and, above all, of Hipparchus. After the example of all his predecessors, excepting Aristarchus, Ptolemy regards the earth as the centre of the universe, and makes the stars to revolve around it. This system was that of all succeeding astronomers until the days of Copernicus. Ptolemy is the inventor of epicycles, as they are called, an erroneous but ingenious system, and the only one that can explain the irregular revolutions of the planets, if we deny the sun to be the centre of our system. He inserted into his work, with additions, the catalogue of the stars made by Hipparchus; the list, however, contains only 1022 stars, divided into 48 catasterisms. He corrected the theory of the lunar revolutions, by determining the equation in the mean distances between the new and full moon; he reduced to a more regular system the parallax of the moon, though he has, in fact, traced it too large; he determined that of the sun by the size of the shadow which the earth casts on the moon in eclipses; he taught the mode of finding the diameter of the moon, and of calculating lunar and solar eclipses. “Ptolemy,” says Delambre, “was not, indeed, a great astronomer, since he observed nothing, or, rather, has transmitted to us no observation on which we can rely with the least confidence; but he was a learned and laborious man, and a distinguished mathematician. He has collected together into one body all the learning that lay scattered in the separate works of his predecessors; though, at the same time, it must be acknowledged, that he might have been more sober in his details, and more communicative respecting certain observations which are now lost to us for ever.” The same modern writer, after complaining of the little reliance that can be placed on the calculations of Ptolemy, praises the trigonometrical portion of the Terpá616%0c, and the mathematical theory of eclipses; adding, however, the remark, that here Ptolemy would seem only to have copied from Hipparchus, who had resolved all these problems before him. Indeed, it ought to be borne in mind, as a general remark, that Ptolemy owed a part of his great reputation to the circumstance of the writings of Hipparchus being extremely rare, and having been, soon after Ptolemy's time, completely lost.—An analysis of the Meydān Xivrašić is given by Halma in the preface of his edition. This work of Ptolemy's was commented upon by Theon of Alexandrea, Pappus, and Ammonius. Of these commentaries we have remaining only that of Theon, and some notes of Pappus. We have, however, the labours of Nilus (or Nicolaus) Cabasilas, a mathematician of the thirteenth century, on the third book. The Meyā2m Xuvrašic of Ptolemy was translated into Arabic in the 9th century. The Arabians gave it the title of Tahrir al magesthi, the last word being corrupted from the Greek uéytotor (“the greatcst”), and this title is intended to express the admiration with which the work had inspired them. From the Arabic words just given was formed the appellation of Almagest, under which name the work is still frequently cited ; for the knowledge of this production was brought into Europe by the Arabians, who, during the middle ages, were the sole depositaries of all the sciences. The first Arabic translation was made about 827 A.D., by Al-Hacer-ben-Jusef and the Christian Sergius. The Caliph Almamoun himself also lent his literary aid to the undertaking. The second version is that of Honain or Ishac-ben-Honain, a Christian physician, who had fled to the court of the Caliph Motawakl. It was on these Arabic translations that a Spanish one was made by Isaac-ben-Sid-elHaza. The Emperor Frederic II., a member of that Suabian house under which Germany began to emerga from barbarism, and to enjoy a dawning of national literature before any other of the countries of Europe, directed Ægidius Tchuldinus to turn o Spanish 11

version into Latin. Another translation was made from the Arabic text into Latin by Gerard of Cremona, an astronomer of the twelfth century, who established himself for some time at Toledo, in order to learn the Arabic language. He did not understand it perfectly, and was therefore unable to translate certain technical terms, which he was consequently compelled to leave in the original language. His classical erudition could not have been very profound, since he was unacquainted with Hipparchus, whom he everywhere calls Abrachir, as the Arabic translator had done.—It was not until the fifteenth century that a manuscript of the original Greek was discovered, from which the astronomer, John Müller, better known by the name of Regiomontanus, made his Latin abridgment. About the same period, George of Trebisond made a Latin translation from this original, but a very unfaithful one.—The Alexandreans called the work of Ptolemy which we have just been considering the Great Astronomer, Méyac àarpováuoc, in contradistinction to another collection which they called the Little Astronomer, Mukpoc àarpováuoc, and which was composed of the works of Theodosius of Tripolis; the Data, Optics, Catoptrics, &c., of Euclid; the works of Autolycus, Aristarchus of Samos, Hypsicles, &c.— The best and most useful edition of the Almagest is that of Halma, Paris, 1813–1828, 2 vols. 4to. It contains a new French version, and notes by Delambre.—2. The second work of Ptolemy, as we have arranged it, is the IIpáxelpou Kavóvec. This is a collection of Manual Tables intended for makers of almanacs, to facilitate their calculations, and which are often only extracts from the Almagest. Halma gave the editio princeps of this work in the first volume of his edition of Theon's Commentary, which he published in 1822.-3. Terpá616Åoc, , Xuvrašic uab. quartaff (“Tetrainblus, or Mathematical Syntaris”), in four books, consisting of astronomical predictions. It is commonly cited under the title of Quadripartitum. Some critics consider this work as unworthy of Ptolemy, and supposititious. Proclus has made a paraphrase of it. The latest edition is that of Melancthon, Basil, 1553, 8vo.—4. Kaprác (“Fruit”), that is, one hundred astrological propositions collected from the works of Ptolemy. It is usually cited under the title of Centum Dicta. It is published with the Quadripartitum.–5. Págets državčváarépov kai ovvayoyo &Tiamuaguay (“Appearances of the fixed stars, and a collection of the things indicated by them”). This is a species of almanac, giving the rising and setting of the stars, the prognostics of the principal changes of temperature, &c. The work is intended for all climates; and, to make it answer this end, and prove useful to all the Greeks spread over the surface of the o Ptolemy gives the appearance of the stars for we parallels at once, namoly, Syene, Lower Egypt, Rhodes, the Hellespont, and the Pontus Euxinus. The best edition is that of Halma, Paris, 1820, 4to. It was preceded by the edition of Ideler, Berol., 1819. –6. TIepi 'Avažňuuatoc (“Of the Analemma"). The Analemma was a species of sundial, and in this work we have an exposition of the whole gnomonic theory of the Greeks—7, Yróðegic Töv Taavouévov (“Hypothesis of the Planets”). The latest edition is that of Halma, Paris, 1820, 4to.—8. "Arawato &mdaveiac coatpac (“Planisphere”). This work exists only in an Arabic version, by Maslem, and a Latin translation made from this. It is a treatise on what is called stereographic projections. • The work is probably one of Hipparchus’s. The latest edition is that of Commandinus, from the press of Paulus Manutius, Venet., 1558, 4to.—9. "Apuovuká (“Elements of Harmony”), in three books. Ptolemy has the merit of having reduced the thirteen or fifteen tones of the ancients to seven. It is generally supposed, also, that he determined the true relations of certain intervals, and thus ren.

dered the diatonic octave more conformable to hat. mony. Some critics, however, are inclined to ascribe this improvement rather to the New-Pythago. rean Didymus, whom Ptolemy has frequently cnt. cised, though he obtained from his writings a large portion of his own work. The best edition is that of Wallis, Oron., 1682, 4to. — 10. 'Orrukh "pajudred (“A treatise on Optics”), cited by Heliodorus of Larissa, and frequently also by the Arabians, but tow lost. exists in an unedited state in the Royal Library it Paris. It contains, however, only four books of the five which composed the original. In this work Pool. emy gives the most complete idea of astronomic re. fraction of any writer down to the time of Kepler11. Kavov Baatzów.v (“Canon, or Table, of Kings"), a part, properly, of the IIpóxelpot Kavóvec. This table contains fifty-five reigns, twenty of which belong to kings of Babylon subsequent to Nabonassar, ten to kings of Persia, thirteen to kings of Egypt of the line of the Ptolemies, and the remainder to Roman emperets after the time of Augustus. This canon was not so pared with an historical view, but was intended for to: tronomers, to facilitate the calculation of intervals of time that may have elapsed between different astronomy ical observations. As, however, the years of each monarch's reign are indicated in it with great exk ness, it becomes, consequently, of great value and * terest in historical chronology. It must be remai’ ed, at the same time, that all the dates of this cano are given in Egyptian years, an arrangement very " adapted to the object in view, but productive of some inconvenience for chronology. Thus, for example, the reigns of the Babylonian, Persian, and Roman monarchs, calculated according to the method of to respective countries, ought to be in advance of oro hind, the years numbered in Ptolemy's canon, by so days, or even months. In the case of the Roman to perors, the difference, in Ptolemy's time, amo. to forty days, and the variation must have been still more marked as regarded the Babylonian and Peño reigns. The only exact part is that which relate" the line of the Ptolemies. Halma gave the so edition of this work in 1820, Paris, 4to.-12. To ypaçuki, 'Aonymouc (“Geographical Narration * System of Geography”). This work is in * books, and during o, fourteen centuries was to only known manual of systematic geography. Ho remains for us one of the principal sources who we derive our insormation respecting the geogos of the ancients. Pursuing the plan traced of Marinus of Tyre, Ptolemy undertook *: te labours of that geographer. The map of Marino and Ptolemy was covered, as it were, with a speco o network; the meridians were traced on it for o five degrees; the degrees of latitude were marked by lines running parallel to the equator, and * through the principal cities, such as Syene, Ao. drea, Rhodes, Byzantium, and, consequently, were at unequal distances from each other. . In this.” were marked the points, the height of who been taken according to their true latitude; but of der to determine their longitude, and the Poo. also, of other places, which were only known o: geometric distance, it was necessary to fix the o: of a degree on one of the great circles of the Fo Marinus and Ptolemy, without themselves mo any great distances, took the most accurate *. ments existing in their day, and gave 500 o: the length of a degree. This was one sixth lo have the truth, and from this error must necessano Pick resulted many faults and erroneous deduction": ". emy determined the length, from west to ... the known part of the globe, under the Po Rhodes, at 72,000 stadia, following geometrical mess. urements. These 72,000 stadia make, according”

A Latin translation, from two Arabian MSS, calculation, 180 degrees; and in this way he believed he had discovered the extent of one half of the globe. The fact, however, is, that he was acquainted with only 125 degrees. His error, consequently, is nearly a third, namely, one sixth by reason of the mistake he commits relative to the measurement of a degree as above mentioned, and about a sixth as the result of errors in geometric distances. With regard to latitudes, a large number of which were based on astronomical determinations, the errors committed by Ptolemy are very unimportant; and the latitude, for example, which he gives to the southern point of Spain is so exact, as to lead us to imagine that observations had been made in this quarter by some of his predecessors—Strabo had limited to 42 degrees the latitude of the known part of the earth (situate between the 12th and 54th degree of north latitude). Ptolemy, on the other hand, makes 80 degrees, from 16° south latitude to 63° north; and yet he believed that he knew only about a quarter more than the earlier geographers, because these allowed 700 stadia to a degree, which makes nearly 30,000 stadia altogether; whereas Ptolemy, admitting only 500 stadia, sound the sum total to be 40,000.—Marinus and Ptolemyderived some information respecting the easternmost parts of Asia from the Itineraries of a Macedonian trader, who had sent his factors on overland journeys from Mesopotamia, along Mount Taurus, through India, and even to the distant capital of the Seres. These journeys must have been prosecuted very soon after the time of Alexander the Great, under the first two monarchs of the dynasty of the Seleucidae : since it is not probable that, after the defection of the Bactrians and Parthians, a route remained open through these countries to the traffic of the Greeks. Ptolemy thus could hardly have gained much information respecting these lands from the narratives of overland travellers. The communication by sea, however, between Egypt and India, became frequent in the time of the Ptolemies. Strabo speaks of fleets that sailed for India, and, in the time of Pliny, the coast of the country this side of the Ganges was perfectly well known. The navigators of the West, however, did not go beyond this stream. It was supposed that from this point the shore of Asia bent directly to the north, and joined the eastern extremity of Taurus. At a later period navigators went beyond the mouths of the Ganges, and, to their great astonishment, found that the land redescended towards the south, and formed a large gulf (Bay of Bengal—Sinus Gangeticus). They pushed their adventurous career still farther: taking their departure from the southern part of the western peninsula of India, they crossed the gulf in a straight line, and reached the coast of Siam and the peninsula of Malacca; this last they called the Golden Chersonese, a proof of the profitable trade which was there carried on by them. Having doubled the extremity of this second peninsula, they entered on a new gulf (that of Siam—Magnus Sinus). From the eastern coast of the Golden Chersonese they passed in a southern direction, and reached a large continent, on the shore of which was situate the city of Kattigara. This country was probably the Isle of Borneo. The discoverer of this country was called Alexander. (Ptol, Geogr., 2, 14.) Ptolemy, who, as well as this adventurer, believed that the coast was a prolongation of that which formed the Gulf of Siam (the coast of Cambodia), founded thereon his hypothesis, that the Indian was a mediterranean sea. He supposed that, after Kattigara, the land extended from east to west as far as the southeast coast of Africa, with which it united, forming one common continent —Marinus and Ptolemy were well acquainted with the eastern coast of Africa, and mention is no longer made, in their pages, of the fabulous monsters which the credu

lity of a previous age had established as the dwellers of

this region. They knew the coast, however, only to the tenth degree of south latitude, that is, to the promontory of Prasum, which is probably the same with the modern Cape Del Gardo, as his city of Rapta would seem to be Melinda. From the promontory of Prasum, Ptolemy makes the African coast bend round to the east for the purpose of joining that of Kattigara. His island of Menuthias, placed by him near Cape Prasum, but which an ancient periplus brings near to Rapta, is Zanzibar, or one of the other islands off the coast of Zanguebar. Ptolemy's acquaintance with the eastern coast does not extend beyond the modern Madagascar.—After the decline of the commerce of Carthage and Gades, no new discoveries had been made on the western coast of Africa, and hence the knowledge of Ptolemy in this quarter was not extended beyond that of his predecessors; he introduces, however, more of method into the information obtained from Hanno and Scylax.-Ptolemy is the first who indicates the true figure of Spain, Gaul, and the southern part of Albion; but he gives an erroneous description of the northern part of this island, which, according to him, extends towards the east. Ireland, the Ierne of Strabo, and the Juvernia of Ptolemy, ceases to be situated to the north of Albion, as Eratosthenes and Strabo thought; it is placed by Ptolemy to the west, but its northern point is parallel to the northern extremity of Albion. To the north of this latter island he places the Orcades, and a little farther to the north (about 63° N. L.), the isle of Thule, the northernmost extremity of the geographical system of Ptolemy. This Thule is probably Mainland, situate about 60° N., the same that was seen by the Roman fleet under Agricola, covered with ice and eternal snow. (Tacit., Wit. Agr., c. 10.)—The description which Ptolemy gives of the shores of Germany as far as the Elbe, as well as of Scandinavia, extends no farther than the accounts already given by Pliny and Tacitus. He describes the Cimbric Chersonese, and the German coast of the Baltic as far as the Dwina, with considerable accuracy, but he is not aware that this sea is a mediterranean one, for his Gulf of Weneda is only a part of this sea, from Memel to Dantzic. The question has been asked, By what chance Ptolemy was enabled to obtain more accurate notions respecting those countries than those which Pliny and Tacitus possessed, and that, too, although the principal depôt of amber, the well-known production of the shores of the Baltic, was in the capital of Italy 1. The answer is, that if the amber was chiefly carried to Rome, the traffic was conducted by merchants from Alexandrea, and it was through them that Ptolemy obtained the materials for this portion of his work.—In the last book of his geography, Ptolemy teaches the mode of preparing charts or maps. We here find the first principles of projection; but the book itself has reached us in a very corrupt state through the fault of the copyists. The more modern maps long preserved traces of those of Ptolemy and his successors. The Caspian Sea, for example, retained the form traced for it by Ptolemy as late as the eighteenth century; for a part of the coasts of the Black Sea, and of Africa beyond Egypt, our maps still conform to the general outline of Ptolemy, and the substitution of modern for ancient names is the only difference. Such, at least, is the assertion of Mannert (Geogr., vol. 1, p. 191). — No good complete edition of Ptolemy's Geography has ever appeared. One, however, has recently been commenced in Germany, by Wilberg, of which the first fasciculus, containing the first book, has thus far appeared. Essendia, 1838, 4to. In 1475, Lichtenstein (Levilapis) printed at Cologne, in folio, the Latin translation of this work, made by Angelo, a Florentine scholar ol the fifteenth century, or, rather, commenced by Chrysolaras and finished by Angelo. It was revised, son

the purposes of this publication, by Vo Picar

dus. The translation of Angelo was reprinted, with corrections made from a manuscript of the Greek text, by Calderino, Roma, 1478, fol. Twenty-seven maps accompany this edition, which appears to have been printed by Arnold Pannartz. This is the second work, with a date, that is accompanied with engravings on copper. In 1482, Donis, a German monk, and a good astronomer for his time, gave a new edition to the world, printed by Holl, at Ulm, in folio. It has sewer mistakes in the figures than those which preceded it, but just as many in the names. Several editions followed, ut all swarming with errors. The celebrated Pico de Mirandola sent to Essler, at Strasbourg, a Greek manuscript of Ptolemy's work, by the aid of which that scholar gave a new edition, not in the translation of Angelo, but in another, very literal and somewhat barbarous, by Philesius. Essler made many changes in this version, and, to justify himself, generally added the Greek term to the Latin. He placed in it 46 maps cut on wood. Brunet calls this edition one of little value; in this he is mistaken. The edition we have just spoken of was reprinted at Strasbourg in 1520, and also in 1522. A new translation, made by the celebrated Pirckheymer, appeared in 1525, from the Strasbourg press, fol. It contains fifty maps cut on wood.—The first Greek edition was that of Erasmus, printed from a manuscript which Theobald Fettich, a physician, had sent him, and which issued from the press of Froben, at Bâle, 1533, in 4to. The manuscript was a very good one, but, through the fault of the printer, a great number of errors were allowed to creep in among the figures. Not having a sufficient quantity of the peculiar type or mark which indicated #, he employed in its place the letter r, which signifies #. He made use, also, of the same letter on many occasions to designate #. The fraction 3 is marked by yo, but the manuscript often places the o above the y, and in a smaller character. The compositor, not attending to this, contented himself with putting in its place y alone, which is equivalent to $. The confusion resulting from such a course is apparent, and the only mode to remedy the evil is to have recourse to the Latin editions which appeared previous to 1533. The Bâle edition was reprinted by Wechel, at Paris, 1546, 4to.—Michael Servetus (Wii. lanovanus) retouched the translation of Pirckheymer, af. ter a manuscript, and published it, with fifty maps cut on wood, at Lyons, in 1530, and again, with corrections and additions, in the same city, in 1541. These two editions of Ptolemy play a conspicuous part in the history of religious fanaticism; Calvin derived from them one of his grounds of accusation against Servetus. He was charged with having added to the description that accompanies the map of Palestine, a passage which contradicts what Moses says respecting the fertility of that country. The interpolated passage does actually exist, but it was added by Phrisius, who took charge of the cdition of 1522.—The last impression of the Greek text was in 1618 and 1619, in 2 vols. 4to, from the Amsterdam press, by Bertius. Many faults of the previous editions are corrected in this one, by the aid of a Heidelberg manuscript, but the same errors in the figures still remain, and, to augment the confusion, the editor has placed beside them those of the Latin editions, which often differ widely, The only recent edition of the mathematical part of Ptolemy's Geography is that of Halma, containing only the first book and the latter part of the seventh, with a French version and notes, Paris, 1828, 4to. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 5, p. 240, seqq.—Id, ibid., vol. 5, p. 271.-Id, ibid., vol. 6, p. 312, &c.—Comare Delambre, in Biogr. Univ., vol. 36, p. 263.)— IX. A native of Ascalon, who followed the profession of a grammarian at Rome before the time of Herodian, by whom he is cited. He wrote a work on Synonymes, IIepi Özapopug Aé;ewy (“On the difference

of Words”). It is properly the fragment merely of a larger work. Ptolemy was the author also of a Homeric Prosody, a treatise on metres, and a disser. tation on Aristarchus's revision of Homer. The frag. ment on “the Difference of Words” is given by Fa' bricius, Bibl. Gr., vol. 4, p. 515, of the old edition; vol. 6, p. 117, of the new.—XX. Surnamed Chennus, flourished under the emperors Trajan and Hadrian. Photius has preserved for us some fragments of his work, IIepi Tijo elç trožtuatiav Kalvi; intopiaç (“New History of varied Erudition"), in seven books. To give some idea of this compilation, we will mention some of the subjects of which it treats: the death of Protesilaus; that of Sophocles; that of Hercules; the history of Craesus; the death of Athl. les; that of Laius; the history of Tiresias; the death of Adonis; the origin of several epithets given to the heroes of the Iliad, and to other personages of the fabulous times. Ptolemy also wrote a drama ential the Sphinz. He dared even to enter the lists agains Homer with a poem in twenty-sour books or caulo entitled 'Avdopompoc (“The Anti-Homer”). Gale as placed the fragments of Ptolemy Chennus in his Ho toria Poético Scriptores, p. 303, seqq., and to to eighth chapter is prefixed a dissertation on this wo ter. The fragments are also given in the eduo Conon and Parthenius by Teucher. (Schöll, Hut Lit. Gr., vol. 5, p. 44.) - - Proleusis, I. a seaport town of Phoenicia (so Ace.)—II. A city on the coast of Cyrenaica in A* rica, and the port of Barce. It suffered so severly from want of water, that the inhabitants wo obliged to relinquish their dwellings, and dispo themselves about the country in different directo The attempts of Justinian to obviate this evil proved unavailing. The ruins are called at the present day Ptolemata. A description of the remains of to ancient city is given by Captain Beechey and go ers. (Modern Traveller, pt. 50, p. 114, so-Hi A city of Egypt, in the northern part. of Tho northeast of Abydus. It rose in importance * * last-mentioned city declined, and eventually no" Memphis in size. Ptolemais would seem to * been founded by one of the Ptolemies, or, at alle”, re-established by him on the site of some more ano city, as the Greek name, IIrońsual; # Epurios" emais, the city of Hermes), would seem to indicao The city, therefore, was originally consecrated "* Egyptian Hermes. It appears to have received.” were blow to its prosperity, by reason of its resis.” to the Emperor Probus. The modern village of * sich is in the immediate neighbourhood of Pick": (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 10, pt. 1, p. 381, sco –IV: Originally a small promontory, on the western co. the Sinus Arabicus. It was near the inland so * noleus. A fortified port was established hereby E. medes, a commander of Ptolemy Philadelphus; " the spot was selected on account of the large fores!” is vicinity, which furnished valuable naval timber o fleets of the Ptolemies. In this forest, also, will “ phants abounded; and, as Ptolemy wanted tho. mals for his armies, a regular hunting establishmen" was formed here, and the place received from *: cumstance its second name of 6mpov, and also o of 'Eruthpac (tri Jäpac). In a commercial Po: view it was of no great importance, as Amal." mentions among its exports tortoise-shell and "... but to the ancient astronomers and geographe" o: directly the reverse, since they regarded it * the to test place for measuring a degree, and thus o: ing the circumference of the globe. . The ho Mirza Mombanik, about 15 geographical no . of Massua, appears to indicate the ancient Ptolema (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 10, pt. 44, seq.). -- co Publicăla, a surname given to Publi” o: according to Dionysius and Plutarch, on “”

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