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y, in bringing the Mithradatic war to a close, have

een related elsewhere. (Wid. Mithradates VI.) Aster Pompey had settled the affairs of Asia, he visited Greece, where he displayed his respect for philosophy by making a valuable gift to the city of Athens. On his return to Italy, he dismissed his army as soon as he landed at Brundisium, and entered Rome as a private man. The whole city met him with acclamations; his claim of a triumph was admitted without opposition, and never had Rome yet witnessed such a display as on the two days of his triumphal procession. Pompey's plan was now, under the appearance of a private individual, to maintain the first place in the state; but he found obstacles on every side. Lucullus and Crassus were superior to him in wealth; the zealous republicans looked upon him with suspicion; and Caesar was laying the foundation of his future greatness. The last-mentioned individual, on his return from Spain, aspired to the consulship. To efsect this purpose, he reconciled Pompey and Crassus with each other, and united them in forming the coalition which is known in history under the name of the First Triumvirate. He was chosen consul B.C. 59, and, by the marriage of his daughter Julia with Pompey (AEmilia having died in childbed), seemed to have secured his union with the latter. From this time Pompey countenanced measures which, as a good citizen, he should have opposed as subversive of freedom. He allowed his own eulogist, Cicero, to be driven into banishment by the tribune Clodius, whom he had attached to his interest; but, having afterward himself quarrelled with Clodius, he had Cicero recalled. He supported the illegal nomination of Caesar to a five years' command in Gaul; the fatal consequences of which compliance appeared but too plainly afterward.—The fall of Crassus in Parthia left but two masters to the Roman world; and, on the death of Julia in childbed, these friends became rivals. (Encyclop. Americ., vol. 10, p. 239, seqq.). Pompey's studied deference to the senate secured his influence with that body; and he gained the good-will of the people by his judicious discharge of the duties of commissary of supplies during a time of scarcity. In the mean time, he secretly fomented the ão. of the state, and the abuses practised in the filling up the magistracies, many of which remained vacant for eight months, and others were supplied by insufficient and ignorant persons, through the disgust of those who were capable of sustaining them with ability and honour. The friends of Pompey whispered about the necessity of a dictator, and pointed to him as the man whose great services, and whose devotion to the senate and the people, entitled him to expect the general suffrage; while he himself appeared to decline the station, and even made a show of being indignant at the proposal. His position at Rome, while Caesar was absent in his province, was singularly advantageous to his pretensions: he had, in fact, always kept himself in the public eye; and in the triumvirate division of power, which he had himself planned (B.C. 50), in order to strengthen his own influence by the rising talents and activity of Caesar, and the high birth and riches of Crassus, he had taken care to reserve to himself Rome, where he continued to reside, governin the Spains by his lieutenants, while he des . Crassus to Asia and Caesar to the Gauls. He had also acquired a popularity by rescinding, under one of his consulships, the law which Sylla, for his own pur

oses, had enacted, to restrain the power of the tri[. of the commons. At this time he gratified both senate and people by procuring, through the agency of the tribune Milo (B.C. 57), the recall of Cicero from the banishment into which he had been driven by the tribune Clodius, on a charge of having executed Cethegus and Lentulus (implicated in the Catilinarian conspiracy) without the forms of law. Cicero had

provoked the enmity of Clodius by prosecuting him for intruding, in the disguise of a musician, into a se male religious assembly, where he sought an assigna tion with Pompeia, the wife of Caesar. Caesar, though he divorced the lady, with the observation that “Cae sar's wife should not even be suspected,” overlooked the affront of Clodius to himself, withheld his own evidence against him at the trial, and even furthered his election to the tribuneship. He was actuated in this by resentment towards Cicero, who had termed the triumvirate a conspiracy against the public liberty; and, under a similar feeling, Pompey had at first connived at Cicero's banishment (B.C. 58); but, as Clodius, who had seized Cicero's villas and confiscated his property, began to carry himself arrogantly towards Pompey, and conceive himself his equal, Pompey, as has been said, within two years procured the decree to be reversed. The sequel of this intrigue was such as to accelerate his advance to the dictatorship. Clodius, as he was returning to Rome on horseback from the country, was set upon and murdered by Milo and some attendants, who were quitting the city. As Milo was on his way to his native town, in disgust at the perfidy of Pompey, who had disappointed him of the consulship promised as the price of his services, it should not seem that this affray was the result of Pompey's instigation. The populace, struck with consternation, passed the night in the streets, and, with the dawn of day, brought in the body of Clodius. At the suggestion of some tribunes, his friends, it was carried into the senate-house, either to intimate suspicion of the senate, or in honour of the senatorian rank of the deceased. Here the benches were torn up, a pile constructed, and the body consumed; but the conflagration caught the senate-house and several adjoining buildings. Milo, less apprehensive of punishment than irritated at the respect paid to Clodius, returned to the city with his colleague Caecilius, and, distributing money to a part of the multitude, addressed them from the tribunal as if they were a regular assembly; excusing the affair as an accidental rencounter, and endeavouring to obtain a verdict of acquittal; he ended with inveighing against Clodius. While he was haranguing, the rest of the tribunes, and that part of the populace which had not been bribed, rushed into the forum armed: Milo and Caecilius put on slaves' habits and escaped; but a bloody, indiscriminate assault was made on the other citizens, of which the friends of Milo were not alone the objects, but all who passed by or sell in the way of the rioters, especially those who were splendidly dressed and wore gold rings. The tumult continued several days, during which there was a suspension of all government; stones were thrown and weapons drawn in the streets, and houses set on fire. The slaves armed themselves, and, breaking into dwellings under pretence of searching for Milo, carried off everything of value that was portable. The senate assembled in a state of great terror, and, turning their eyes upon Pompey, proposed to him the acceptance of the dictatorship. But, by the persuasion of Cato, they invested him with the same power under the title of Sole Consul. This was probably with the secret understanding of Pompey himself, as the title of dictator had become odious since the tyranny of Sylla. That Pompey and Cato were in agreement, appears from this: that the vote of the latter was recompensed by the appointment of quaestor to Cyprus; the senate having decreed the reduction of that island to a Roman province, and the confiscation of the treasures of King Ptolemy, on account of the exorbitant ransom demanded for Clodius when taken by pirates. Pompey proceeded to restore order and to pass popular acts. He condemned Milo for murder. #. framed a law against bribery and corruption, and instigated an inquiry into the acts of administration of all who had held magis tracies from the time of his own * oup This, although plausibly directed at what Pompey justly called the root of the state disorders, seemed to e aimed covertly at Caesar; though Pompey appeared offended at the suggestion, and affected to consider Caesar as above suspicion. He presided in the court during the trials with a guard, that the judges might not be intimidated. Several, convicted of intrigue and malversation, were banished, and others fined. With a great appearance of moderation, he declined to hold the single consulship to the extent of the full period, and for the rest of the year adopted his father-in-law, Lucius Scipio, as his colleague ; but, even after the return to the regular consulships, as well as for the months during which Scipio was associated with himself in office, he continued, in reality, to direct the af. fairs of state. The senate gave him two additional legions, and prolonged his command in his provinces. Hitherto Pompey had proceeded with infinite address; but the crastiness of his policy was no match for the frankness and directness of that of Caesar, who acted in this conjuncture, so critical to the Roman liberty, with a real moderation and candour that absolutely disconcerted his rival. Caesar, indeed, who was made acquainted, by the exiles that flocked to his camp, with everything passing at Rome, and who found himself obliged to stand on the defensive, availed himself of the means which his acquired wealth placed in his hands, and which the practice of the age too much countenanced, to divide the hostile party by buying off the enmity of some of them newly elected to office. Aware of the cabals which were forming against him, Caesar knew that, in returning to a private station, he should be placed at the feet of Pompey and his party. he therefore resisted the decree of his recall till he could assure himself of such conditions as would prevent his obedience from being attended with danger. His demands were reasonable; his propositions fair and open, and his desire of effecting a compromise apparently sincere. The unintermitted continuation of a consul's office through several years, and even his creation in his absence, were not unconstitutional : both had been granted to Marius; and Caesar himself had been re-elected, while absent, by the ten tribunes; Pompey, when he brought in the law against allowing absent candidates to stand, having made a special exception in favour of Caesar, and recorded it. His requests that he might stand for the consulship in his absence; that he might retain his army till chosen consul; that he might have his command prolonged in the province of Hither Gaul, should that of Farther Gaul not be also conceded to him, were refused. In the irritation of the moment, he is said to have grasped the hilt of his sword, and ejaculated, “This shall give it me.” Curio, in the mean time, loudly protested against Caesar's being recalled, unless Pompey would also disband his legions and resign his provinces; and the people were so satisfied with the equity of the proposal, that they accompanied the tribune to his own door, and strewed flowers in his way. Pompey professed that he had received his command against his will, and that he would cheerfully lay it down, though the time was not yet expired; thus contrasting his own moderation with the unwillingness of Caesar to relinquish office, even at the termination of the full period. Curio, however, contended openly that the promise was not to be taken for the performance; but exclaimed against Pompey's avarice of power; and urged with such adroitness the necessity either of both retaining their commands, that the one might be a check on any unconstitutional designs of the other, or of both alike resigning, that he brought the senate over to his opinion, the consul Marcellus bitterly observing to the majority, “Take your victory, and have Caesar for your master.” But on a rumour that Caesar had crossed the Alps and was on his march to Romn, the consul ran to Pompey, and, presenting him

with a sword, said, “We order you to march against Caesar and fight for your country.” Curio fied to Caesar, who had lately returned from Britain, and was approaching Ravenna; and urged him to draw together his forces and advance upon Rome. But Caesar was still apparently anxious for peace; and sent, by Curio, letters to the senate, in which he distinctly of. fered to resign his command, provided Pompey would do the same; otherwise he would not only retain it, but would come in person, and revenge the injuries offered to himself and to the country. This was received with loud cries, as a declaration of war; and Lucius Dornitius was appointed as Caesar's successor, and ordered to march with four thousand new-raised troops. Neither the senate nor Pompey seem to have been in the least prepared. Pompey, with his usual art, had redemanded from Caesar the legion which he had lent him, on pre

otence of an expedition to Syria against the Parthians.

Caesar had not only sent back the legion, but added another of his own. They halted at Capua, and spread the report, either from ignorance, or, as they were handsomely paid by Caesar, probably from instructions given them, that Caesar's army was disaffected to him, and, if occasion served, would gladly come over to Pompey. His credulity and security were such, that he neglected to make the necessary levies till the opportunity was lost. While he was at last exerting himself, under the authority of the senate, in collecting 13,000 veterans from Thessaly, and mercenaries from fereign nations, and in making forced contributions of money and munitions of war in the cities of Italy, Caesar, leaving his commanders to concentrate and hasten the march of the rest of his army, took the field with some cavalry and a division of 5000 men. He sent forward a picked detachment to surprise Ariminum, the first Italian city after passing the frontier of Gaul, and, throwing himself into his chariot while his friends were sitting at the supper-table, crossed the Rubicon, with the exclamation, “The die is cast." When the news reached Rome, the senate repented their rejection of Caesar's equitable proposals; and Cicero moved that an embassy should be sent to him to treat for peace, but was overruled by the consuls. Pompey had boasted that, if need were, he could raise an army by stamping with his foot; and Favonius reminded him, in a tone of raillery, that “it was high time for him to stamp.” Domitius, who had been sent to supersede Caesar, was by him besieged in Corfinium, taken prisoner, and honourably dismissed, his troops going over to Caesar. Pompey, with the consuls, and the greater part of the senate and the nobility, abandoned Rome and passed over into Greece. On entering Rome, Caesar was, by the remnant of the senate, created dictator; but he held the office only eleven days, exchanging it for that of consul, and taking Servilius as his colleague. Having seized the treestry, and secured Sicily and Sardinia, the granaries of Rome, by appointing his governors, he set out for Spain, where, in the hither province, he reduced, by cutting off their supplies, the Pompeian army under Petreius and Afranius, consisting of five legions, whom he dismissed in safety, and allowed to join Pompey; and in the farther province he compelled the surrender of Varro with his legion. It is singular that his lieutenants were everywhere unsuccessful: Dolabella and Caius Antonius, who had it in charge to secure the Adriatic, were surrounded with a superior fleet by Pompey's lieutenant, Octavius Libo; Domitius lost an army in Pontus; and Curio, in Africa, after his troops had susfered much by drinking of poisoned waters, risked a rash action with Varus and Juba, king of Mauritania, the ally of Pompey, and was slain. Caesar himself experienced a reverse in Illyricum, where, his army being reduced to such straits as to eat bread made with herbs, he assaulted, near Dyrrachium, the intrenched camp of Pompey, whose policy had been to decline a battle,

and was repulsed, with the general panic of his troops and the loss of many standards; and his own camp would have been taken is Pompey had not drawn off his forces in apprehension of an ambuscade; on which Caesar remarked that “the war could have been at an end, if Pompey knew how to use victory.” Caesar retreated into Thessaly, and was followed by Pompey. A general battle was fought on the plains of Pharsalus; the army of Pompey being greatly superior in numbers, as it consisted of 40,000 foot and 12,000 horse, composed of the transmarine legions and the auxiliary forces of different kings and tetrarchs; while that of Caesar did not exceed 30,000 foot and 1000 horse. Pompey was, however, out-manoeuvred, his army thrown into total rout, his camp pillaged, and himself obliged to fly, leaving the field with only his son Sextus and a few followers of rank. He set sail from Mytilene, having taken on board his wife Cornelia, and made for Egypt, intending to claim the hospitality of the young King Ptolemy, to whom the senate had appointed i. guardian. As he came near Mount Casius, the Egyptian army was seen on the shore, and their fleet lying off at some distance, when, presently, a boat was observed approaching the ship from the land. The persons in the boat invited him to enter, for the purpose of landing; but, as he was stepping ashore, he was stabbed in the sight of his wife and son; and his head and ring were sent to Caesar, who, shedding tears, turned away his face, and ordered the head to be burned with persumes in the Roman method.—(Elton's Roman Emperors, p. 4, seqq., Introd.)—Cornelia and her friends instantly put to sea, and escaped the pursuit of the Egyptian fleet, which at first j. intercept them. Their feelings, as is natural, were, for the moment, so engrossed by their own danger that they could scarcely comprehend the full extent of their loss (Cic., Tusc. Disp., 3, 27); nor was it till they reached the port of Tyre in safety that grief succeeded to apprehension, and they began to understand what cause they had for sorrow. But the tears that were shed for Pompey were not only those of domestic affliction; his fate called forth a more general and honourable mourning. No man had ever gained, at so early an age, the affections of his countrymen; none had enjoyed them so largely, or preserved them so long with so little interruption; and, at the distance of eighteen centuries, the feeling of his contemporaries may be sanctioned by the sober judgment of history. He entered upon public life as a distinguished member of an oppressed party, which was just arriving at its hour of triumph and retaliation; he saw his associates plunged in rapine and massacre, but he preserved himself pure from the contagion of their crimes; and when the death of Sylla . him at the head of the aristocratical party, he served them ably and faithfully with his sword, while he endeavoured to mitigate the evils of their ascendancy, by restoring to the commons of Rome, on the earliest opportunity, the most important of those privileges and liberties which they had lost under the tyranny of their late master. He received the due reward of his honest patriotism in the unusual honours and trusts that were conferred upon him; but his greatness could not corrupt his virtue; and the boundless powers with which he was repeatedly invested, he wielded with the highest ability and uprightness to the accomplishment of his task, and then, without any undue attempts to prolong their duration,

e honestly resigned them. At a period of general cruelty and extortion towards the enemies and subJects of the commonwealth, the character of Pompey, in his foreign commands, was marked by its humanity and spotless integrity; his conquest of the pirates was effected with wonderful rapidity, and cemented by a merciful policy, which, instead of taking vengeance for the past, accomplished the prevention of evil for the

future: his presence in Asia, when he conducted the war with Mithradates, was no less a relief to the provinces from the tyranny of their governors, than it was their protection from the arms of the enemy. It is true that wounded vanity led him, after his return from Asia, to unite himself, for a time, with some unworthy associates; and this connexion, as it ultimately led to all the missortunes, so did it immediately tempt him to the worst faults of his political life, and involved him in a career of difficulty, mortification, and shame. But after this disgraceful fall, he again returned to his natural station, and was universally regarded as the fit protector of the laws and liberty of his country, when they were threatened by Caesar's rebellion. In the conduct of the civil war he showed something of weakness and vacillation; but his abilities, though considerable, were far from equal to those of his adversary; and his inferiority was most seen in that want of steadiness in the pursuit of his own plans, which caused him to abandon a system already sanctioned by success, and to persuade himself that he might yield with propriety to the ill-judged impatience of his followers for battle. His death is one of the few tragical events of those times which may be regarded with unmixed compassion. It was not accompanied, like that of Cato and Brutus, with the rashness and despair of suicide; nor can it be regarded, like that of Caesar, as the punishment of crimes, unlawfully inflicted, indeed, yet suffered deservedly. With a character of rare purity and tenderness in all his domestic relations, he was slaughtered before the eyes of his wife and son; while flying from the ruin of a most just cause, he was murdered by those whose kindness he was entitled to claim. His virtues have not been transmitted to posterity with their deserved fame; and while the violent republican writers have exalted the memory of Cato and Brutus, Pompey's many and rare merits have been forgotten in the faults of the Triumvirate, and in the weakness of temper which he displayed in the conduct of his last campaign. (Encycl. Metropol., div. 3, vol. 2, p. 252.)—W. Cneius, elder son of Pompey the Great, was sent by his father into Asia, at the commencement of the civil war, to raise a large naval and land force from all the provinces of the East. After the death of his parent he assed into Spain, where two lieutenants of Pompey ad reunited some of the scattered remnants of the republican army. His party soon became powerful, and he saw himself in a few months at the head of thirteen legions, and in possession of a considerable fleet. Caesar, finding that he must act in person against him, left Rome for the Spanish peninsula, and, by a series of bold manoeuvres, compelled the son of Pompey to engage in battle in the plain of Munda (45 B.C.). This action, the last that was fought between the Pompeian party and Caesar, terminated, after the most desperate efforts, in favour of the latter; and the son of Pompey, having been wounded in the fight, was slain in endeavouring to make his escape. (Auct, Bell. Hisp. Appian, Bell. Civ., 2, 87, seqq.)—VI. Sextus, second son of Pompey the Great, and surnamed sometimes, for distinction' sake, Pompey the Younger, is celebrated in Roman history for the part that he played after the death of Caesar, and for the resistance which he made to Antony and Octavius. After the battle of Pharsalia, he proceeded, with some senators, to rejoin his father in Pamphylia; but, hearing of the latter's death, he fled to Cyprus, thence to Asrica, and finally to Spain, where he joined his brother Cneius with a few vessels. The disastrous battle of Munda, however, again compelled him to fly; but he found himself, after some lapse of time, at the head of a considerable force, composed of the remnants of the army at Munda, and he succeeded in defeating two lieutenants of Caesar. After the death of the latter, Sextus Pompey applied to the Roman * for the restitution of his father's property. Antony supported his claim, and Sextus, without obtaining precisely what he solicited, still received as an indemnity a large sum of money from the public treasury, and with it the title of commander of the seas. In place, however, of going to Rome to enjoy his success, he got together all the vessels he could find in the harbours of Spain and Gaul, and, as soon as he saw the second triumvirate formed, he made himself master of Sicily, and gained over Octavius the battle of Scylla. While proscription was raging at Rome, Sextus opened an asylum for the fugitives, and promised to any one who should save the life of a proscribed person twice as much as the triumvirs offered for his head. Many were saved in consequence by his generous care. At the same time, his fleet increased to so large a size in the Mediterranean as to intercept the supplies of grain intended for the Roman capital, and the people, dreading a famine, compelled Antony and Octavius to ne§. for a peace with the son of Pompey. Sextus emanded nothing less than to be admitted into the triumvirate at the expense of Lepidus, who was to be displaced ; and he would, in all likelihood, have obtained what he sought, had not his friends compelled him to hasten the conclusion of the alliance. As it was, however, the terms agreed upon were extremely favourable to Sextus. Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and Achaia were given him; he was promised the consulship for the ensuing year, and the proscribed persons whom he had saved were erased from the fatal list. The peace, however, proved a hollow one. Hostilities soon commenced anew, and Octavius encountered two defeats, one through his lieutenant Calvisius, and another in person. Two years after, however, having repaired his losses, he proved more successful. Agrippa, his lieutenant, gained an important advantage over the fleet of Pompey off Mylae, on the coast of Sicily, and afterward a decisive victory between Mylae and Naulochus. Sextus, now without resources, fled with sixteen vessels to Asia, where he excited new troubles; but, at the end of a few months, he fell into the hands of Antony's lieutenants, who put him to death B.C. 35. In allusion to his great naval power, Sextus Pompey used to style himself “the son of jo (Neptunius.— Horat. Epod., 9, 7. — Mitsch., ad loc.— Dio Cass., 48, 19. — Well. Paterc., 2, 72. Flor., 4, 2.—Plut., Vit. Ant.—Appian, Bell. Civ., 2, 105.Id. ib., 4, 84, &c.) Pompiélo, a city of Hispania Tarraconensis, in the territory of the Vascones, now Pampeluna. (Plin., 1, 3.-Strab., 161.) Pompilius NUMA, the second king of Rome. (Wid. Numa.) Powponius, I. Atticus. (Vid. Atticus.)—II. Mela. (Wid. Mela.)—III. Festus. (Wid. Festus.)—IV. Andronicus, a native of Syria, and a follower of the Epicurean sect. He pursued, at Rome, the profession of a grammarian, but his attachment to philosophical pursuits prevented him from being very useful as a philological instructer. He was a contemporary of M. Antonius Gnipho, who was one of Cicero's instructers. Finding this latter grammarian, as well as others of inferior note, preferred to himself, he retired to Cumae, where he i. in great poverty, and composed several works. These were published by Orbilius after the death of Andronicus. (Sueton., de Illustr. Gram., 9.)—V. Marcellus, a Latin grammarian in the time of Tiberius. Suetonius describes him as a most troublesome exactor of correctness in Latin style. He occasionally pleaded causes, and is said to have been originally a pugilist. (Sueton., de Illustr. Gram., 22.)—VI. Secundus, a Roman tragic poet, who flourished in the middle of the first century of our era, and died 60 A.D., after having held the office of consul. His works are lost. He is said to have been more re

for tragic spirit. (Dial. de caus. corr. eloq., 13.-Lapsius, ad Tac., Ann., 11, 13.-Bahr, Gesch. Rom. Lat., p. 88.)—VII. Sextus, a Roman lawyer, who appears to have lived in the time of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius. He attained to high reputation as a jurist, and wrote several works on Jurisprudence. (Bahr, Gesch. Rain. Lit., p. 749.) Pomptin AE PALüdes. Vid. Pontinae Paludes. PontiA, now Ponza, an island off the coast of Latium, and south of the promontory of Circeii. According to Livy (9, 38), it received a Roman colony A.U.C. 441, and it obtained the thanks of the Roman senate in the second Punic war. It became afterward the spot to which the victims of Tiberius and Caligula were secretly conveyed, to be afterward despatched, or doomed to a perpetual exile. (Suet, Tib., 64.—Id., Cal., 15.) Among these might be numbered many Christian martyrs. (Cramer's Ariz. Italy, vol. 2, p. 135.) Pontin AE, Pometinae, or Pomptin AE PAlü DEs, a marshy tract of country in the territory of the Wolsci, deriving its appellation from the town of Suessa Pometia, in whose vicinity it was situate. These fens are occasioned by the quantity of water carried into the plain by numberless streams which rise at the foot of the adjacent mountains, and, for want of a sufficient declivity, creep sluggishly over the level space, and sometimes stagnate in pools, or lose themselves in the sands. Two rivers principally contributed to the formation of these marshes, the Ufens or Uffense, and the Nymphaeus or Ninfo. The flat and swampy tract spread to the foot of the Volscian mountains, and covered an extent of eight miles in breadth and thirty in length with mud and insection. We are informed by Mucianus, an ancient writer quoted by Pliny, that there were at one time no less than twenty-three cities to be found in this district (3,5). Consequently, it is to be inferred that formerly these marshes did not exist, or that they were confined to a much smaller space of ground. That it was cultivated appears clearly from Livy (2, 34); and we are told by the same historian that the Pomptinus ager was once portioned out to the Roman people (6, 21). Indeed, it is evident that the waters must have been gradually increasing from the decline of the Roman empire, until the successful exertions made by the Roman pontiffs arrested their baneful progress. When this district was occupied by flourishing cities, and an active and industrious population was ever ready to check the increase of stagnation, it might easily be kept under; but after the ambition of Rome and her system of universal dominion had rendered this tract of country desolate, these wastes and sens naturally increased, and, in process of time, gained so much ground as to render any attempt to remedy the evil only temporary and inefficient. It is supposed that, when Appius Claudius constructed the road named after him, he made the first attempt to drain these marshes ; but this is not certain, as no such work is mentioned in the accounts we have of the formation of this Roman way. (Liry, 9, 29.) But about one hundred and thirty years after, there is a posttive statement of that object having been partly essected by the consul Corn. Cethegus. (Lir, Erit., 46.) Julius Caesar is said to have intended to divert the course of the Tiber from Ostia, and carry it through these marshes to Terracina; but the plan perished with him, and gave way to the more moderate but more practicable one of Augustus. This emperor endeavoured to carry off the superfluous waters by opening a canal all along the Via Appia, from Forum Appi to the grove of Feronia. It was customary to enbark on the canal in the nighttime, as Strabo relates and Horace practised, because the vapours that arise from these swamps are less noxious in the cool

markable for eloquence and brilliancy as a writer, than

of the night than in the heat of the day. This canal

still remains, and is called Cavata. These marshes were neglected after the time of Augustus until the reigns of Nerva and Trajan, the latter of whom drained the country from Treponti and Terracina, and restored the Appian Way, which the neglect of the marshes in the previous reigns had rendered nearly impassable. During the convulsions of the following centuries, the marshes were again overflowed, until again drained in the reign of #. by Caecilius Decius, a public-spirited individual, and apparently with good effect. (Cassiod, 2, Epist, 32 and 33.) They were never, however, completely exhausted of their water until the ontificate of Pius VI., although many preceding popes ad made the experiment. #. the French invasion, however, the precautions necessary to keep open the canals of communication were neglected, and the waters again began to stagnate. These marshes, therefore, are again formidable at the present day, and, though contracted in their limits, still corrupt the atmosphere for many miles around. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 96, seqq.) Pontius, an able commander of the Samnites, who entrapped the Roman army in the defile of Samnium called the “Caudine Forks” (Furcat Caudina), and compelled them to pass under the yoke. (Liv., 9, 2, seqq.) He was afterward defeated in his turn, and subjected to the same ignominy by the Romans. (Lir., 9, 15.) Pontus, I. a country of Asia Minor. The name implies a political rather than a geographical division of territory: having been applied, in the first instance, to the coast of the Euxine, situated between the Col. chian territory and the river Halys, it was, in process of time, extended to the mountainous districts which lie towards Cappadocia and Armenia; and it even, at one time, included Paphlagonia and part of Bithynia. The denomination itself was unknown to Herodotus, who always designated this part of Asia by referring to the particular tribes who inhabited it, and who then enjoyed a separate political existence, though tributary to the Persian empire. Xenophon also appears to have been ignorant of it, since he adheres always to the same local distinctions of nations and tribes used by Herodotus; such as the Chalybes, Tibareni, Mosynaeci, &c. It was not till after the death of Alexander that the Pontine dynasty makes any figure in history; and an account of it will be found under the article Mithradates.—After the overthrow of Mithradates the Great, Pompey annexed the greater part of Pontus to Bithynia, and the rest he assigned to Deiotarus, tetrarch of Galatia, and a zealous ally of Rome; a small portion of Paphlagonia being reserved for some native chiefs of that country. (Strab., 541, seqq.— Appian, Bell. Mithrad., c. 114.) During the civil wars waged by Caesar and Pompey, Pharnaces made an attempt to recover his hereditary dominions, and succeeded in taking Sinope, Amisus, and some other towns of Pontus. But Julius Caesar, after the defeat and death of Pompey, marched into Pontus, and, encountering the army of Pharnaces near the city of Zela, gained a complete victory; the facility with which it was obtained being expressed by the victor in those celebrated words, “Veni, Vidi, Vici.” (Hirt, Bell. Alez., c. 72. Plut., Wit. Caos.-Sueton., Wit. Jul., c. 37. Dio Cass., 42, 47.) After his defeat, Pharnaces retired to the Bosporus, where he was slain by some of his own followers. (Appian, Bell. Mithr., 120.-Dio Cass., l.c.) He left a son named Darius, who was made king of Pontus for a short time by Antony, but he was soon deposed, and Polemo, son of Zeno of Apamea, was appointed in his stead. This person, who had the art to ingratiate himself alike with Antony, Augustus, and Agrippa, was made king of the eastern portion of Pontus, named from him Polemoniacus. Polemo was slain in an expedition against some barbarians of Sindice, near the Palus Maeotis;

but his widow, Pythodoris, was reigning in his stead at the time that Strabo wrote his Geography. (Strab., 556, 578.-Dio Cass., 53, 25.-Id., 54, 24.)—Ptolemy divides Pontus into three districts, which he terms Galaticus, Cappadocicus, and Polemoniacus; and, under the Byzantine emperors, the two former were included under the name of Helenopontus, derived from Helena, the mother of Constantine, as they had been usually comprehended before by the Romans themselves under that of Pontica Prima. (Dio Cass., 51, 2.-Sueton., Wit. Ner., 18.-Ptol., p. 125.-Justin., Novell., 28, 1.)—Pontus was chiefly a mountainous country, especially towards the northeast frontier. Here we have some of the highest table-land in Asia, whence flow the great streams of the Euphrates and Tigris, the Araxes and Phasis. The climate was consequently extremely bleak and severe, the soil rugged and barren, and the different tribes scattered over its surface wild and savage to the last degree. (Xen., Anab., 5, 4.—Strab., 548, seq.). But the western portion of the country, around the Halys, and the valleys of the Thermodon and Iris, were rich and fertile, and abounded in produce of every kind, and furnished the finest flocks and herds. There were also mines of salt, iron, and rock crystal ; and the coast exhibited some large and flourishing Greek cities, possessed of good harbours, and having an extensive traffic with the other parts of the Euxine, the Hellespont, and the AEgean. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 1, p. 256, seqq.) Pontus Euxinus, the ancient name for the Black Sea. According to the common opinion, its earliest name was "Aşevoc (“inhospitable"), in allusion to the character of the nations along its shores; and this appellation was changed to Eifewog (“hospitable"), when Grecian colonies had settled on these same coasts, and had introduced the usages of civilized life. Some Biblical commentators, however, think they discover the name of Euxine, or rather "Aşevor, in the Scripture term Aschkenaz. (Rosenmüller, Schol, in Genes., 10, 3.)—The Pontus Euxinus is now probably in the same state that it was in the earliest historic age; the western part is shallow, but the eastern, which is very deep, has been attempted to be fathom: ed in some places without success. The water of that sea is, in many places, as fresh as that of the rivers which flow into it. The evaporation of the fresh water facilitates the formation of ice, which is not uncommon; the congelation is thus occasioned by the freshness of the water, and that large sea is sometimes frozen to a considerable distance from the shore. —The Pontus Euxinus is nothing more than a vast lake; it bears all the marks of one; flows, like those in North America, through a kind of river, which forms at first the narrow channel of Constantinople, or Thracian Bosporus; it then assumes the appearance of a small lake, called the Propontis, or Sea of Marmara, passes towards the southwest, and takes anew the form of a large river, which has been termed the Hellespont, or Dardanelles. These channels resemble many other outlets of lakes; the great body of water that flows through so narrow an opening need not excite wonder, although it has given rise to various hypotheses. (Wid. Mediterraneum Mare.—Malte-Brun, Geogr., vol. 6, p. 121, Am. ed.) Popilius, I. M. Popilius Laenas, was consul B.C. 356, and in that same year defeated the Tiburtines, who had made a nocturnal incursion into the Roman territory, and had advanced to the city gates. (Liv., 7, 12.) At a subsequent period he accused C. Licinius Stolo under his own law, and effected his condemnation. (Liv., 7, 16.) He obtained the consulship a second time, B.C. 353; and a third time, B.C. 347, in which year he defeated the Gauls, who had made an irruption into the Latin territory, and obtained for this a triumph. (Lit., 7, 23, seq.). Two years after this he was chosen consul for the fourth 'io (Liv., 7,

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