Obrazy na stronie

tony. Piso, in his outward deportment, if we believe the picture drawn of him by Cicero, affected the mien and garb of a philosopher; but this garb of rigid virtue covered a most lewd and vicious mind. (Cic, an Pis.—Middleton's Life of Cicero)—IX. L. Calpurnius Piso, son of the preceding, inherited many of the vices of his father, but redeemed them, in some degree, by his talents. He was at first one of the warmest opponents of the party of Caesar, and took an active part in the war in Africa. (Hirt., Bell. Af.) Aster the death of Caesar, he followed the fortunes of Brutus and Cassius, until the overthrow of the republican forces. Being at length restored to his country, he refused all public offices, until Augustus prevailed upon him to accept the consulship. This was in A.U.C. 731, Augustus himself being his colleague. He was afterward named governor of Pamphylia, and conducted himself with great ability in his province. Having subsequently received orders to pass into Europe, in order to oppose the Bessi, a Thracian tribe, he gained a complete victory over them. He was appointed, after this, prefect of the city by Tiberius, whose favour he is said to have gained by drinking with him for two days and two nights in succession. (Plin., 14, 28.) Piso appears to have been a man of pleasure, who passed his evenings at table, and slept till noon; but he possessed such capacity for business, that the remainder of the day sufficed for the despatch of those important affairs with which he was successively intrusted by Augustus and Tiberius. It was to this individual and his two sons that the epistle of Horace, commonly called the “Art of Poetry,” was addressed. (Sueton., Wit. Tib., 42. —Senec., Ep., 83. – Well. Paterc., 2, 92.)—X. Cn. Calpurnius Piso, son of the preceding, was a man of violent passions, impatient of control, and possessing much of the haughty spirit of his sire. To the pride derived from such a father he united the insolence of wealth, acquired by his marriage with Plancina, who, besides her high descent, possessed immoderate riches. Tiberius appointed him governor of Syria, and was said to have given him secret instructions to thwart the movements of Germanicus. Plancina, in like manner, had her lesson from Livia, with full instructions to mortify, in every possible way, the pride of Agrippina. These machinations proved but too successful. Germanicus was cut off, and Piso, accused of having poisoned him by both his widow Agrippina and the public voice, and finding himself deserted by all, even by the emperor, put an end to his existence, A D. 20. (Tacit.. Ann., 2,43– Id. 2, 55.—Id., 2, 69, seqq.)—XI. C. Calpurnius Piso, leader of the celebrated conspiracy against Nero. His eloquence and his amiable qualities had conciliated to such a degree the public esteem, that the majority of the conspirators intended him as the successor of the emperor. The plot was discovered on the very morning of the day intended for its execution, and Piso, instead of at once adopting energetic measures, and attempting to seize upon the throne by open force, as his friends advised him to do, shut himself up in his mansion and opened his veins. (Tacit., Ann., 15,48, seqq)—XII. C. Piso Licinianus, adopted son of the Emperor Galba, made himself universally esteemed by his integrity, his disinterestedness, and by an austerity of manners that recalled the earlier days of Rome. He was put to death, by order of Otho, after the fall of Galba, at the age of 31 years. (Tacit., Hist, 1, 14. —Id. ib., 3, 68.-Id. ib., 4, 11, 40.) Pistor (Baker), a surname given to Jupiter by the Romans, because, when their city was taken by the Gauls, the god was believed to have inspired them with the idea of throwing down loaves from the Tarpeian Hill where they were besieged, that the enemy might suppose that they were not in want of provisions, though, in reality, they were near surrendering through famine. This deceived the Gauls, and they soon

after raised the siege. (Ovid, Fast., 6,377, segg.— Lactant., 1, 20.) Pistoria, a town of Etruria, northeast of Luca, and at the foot of the Apennines. Pliny calls it Pistorium (3, 5), but Ptolemy (p. 64) and others give it the appellation of Pistoria. The modern name is Pistoia. This town is memorable in the history of Rome as having witnessed in its vicinity the close of Catiline's desperate but short career. (Sall., Cat. 62.) The spot on which the action was fought is too imperfectly marked by the concise narrative of Sallust to be now recognised. We may conjecture that it was to the north of Pistoia, and near the modern road from that place to Modena. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 177.) PitāNE, a town of Æolis, in Asia Minor, to the northwest of the mouth of the river Caicus. Scylax makes mention of it, and Strabo gives it two harbours. (Scylar, Peripl., p. 37.-Strab., -614.) The small river Evenus flowed near its walls. Herodotus names this place among the eleven cities of Æolis. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 3, p. 398.) Pithecus A. Wid. AEnaria. Pitholeon, a foolish poet, the author of some silly epigrams, in which Greek and Latin expressions were intermingled together. (Schol, ad Hor., Sut., 1, 10, 22.) Bentley thinks that the individual to whom Horace refers was the same of whom Suetonius (Wit. Jul., 75) makes mention, under the name of Pitbolaus. as having been the author of some defamatory verses against Julius Caesar, and that Horace styles him Ptholeon, because Pitholaus would have been unmanageable in hexameter verse. (Bentl. ad Horat, i c.) Pittàcus, a native of Mytilene in Lesbos, and one of the so-called wise men of Greece, was born about 650 B.C. Having obtained popularity among his countrymen by successfully opposing the tyrant Melanchrus, he was intrusted with the command of a fleet, in a war with the Athenians concerning some territory which they had seized in the island. In the course of this war, the Athenian commander Phrytoo, a man of uncommon size and strength, challenged him to single combat. Providing himself with a pet, which he concealed under his buckler, he took the first opportunity to throw it over the head of his antagonist, and by this means gained an easy victory. (Dhog. Laert., Wit. Pit.— Polyan., 1, 25.) According to Strabo's account, Pittacus came into the field armed with a casting-net, a trident, and a dagger (Strab., 599), and it is said that from this stratagem of the MytIlenean was borrowed the mode of fighting practised by the Roman gladiators called Retiarii. (Polyea, l. c.—Festus, s. v. Retiarius.) From this time Pittacus was held in high esteem among the Mytileneans, and was intrusted with the supreme power in the state. (Aristot., Polit., 3, 15.-Diog. Laert., in Wit.) Among other valuable presents, his countrymen offered him as much of the lands which had been recovered from the Athenians as he chose ; but he only accepted of so much as he could measure by a single cast of a javelin: and one half of this small portion he asterward dedicated to Apollo, saying, concerning the remainder, that the half was better than the whole. (Plut, de Herod. Malign., p. 857. Op., ed. Reiske, vol. 9, p. 265– Hes., Op. et. D., 40.) Cornelius Nepos says, that the Mytileneans offered him many thousand acres, but that he took only a hundred. (Wit. Thrasyb., 4, 11.) Pittacus displayed great moderation in his treatment of his enemies, among whom one of the most violent was the poet Alcaeus, who frequently made him the object of his satire. Finding it necessary to lay sewere restrictions upon drunkenness, to which the Lesbians were particularly addicted, Pittacus passed a law which subjected offenders of this class to double punishment for any crime committed in a state of intoxication. When he had established such regulations in the island as promised to secure its peace and rosperity, he voluntarily resigned his power, which e had held for ten years, and retired to private life. —The following maxims and precepts are ascribed to him. The first office of prudence is to foresee threatening misfortunes, and prevent them. Power discovers the man. Never talk of your schemes before they are executed, lest, if you fail to accomplish them, you be exposed to the double mortification of disappointment and ridicule. Whatever you do, do it well. Do not that to your neighbour which you would take ill from him. Be watchful of opportunities. (Diog. Laert., in Vit.— Plut., Conviv. Sap. Larcher, ad Herod., 1, 27.—Enfield, Hist. Phil., vol. 1, p. 144.) Pittheus, a king of Troezene in Argolis, son of Pelops and Hippodamia. He gave his daughter Æthra in marriage to AEgeus, king of Athens, and brought up Theseus at his court. (Vid. Theseus.) He also reared Hippolytus, the son of Theseus. (Eurip., Hippol., 11.—Schol, ad loc.) Pittheus was famed for his wisdom, and Pausanias ascribes to him a work on the art of speaking, given to the world by a native of Epidaurus, and which he says he himself saw. He also states, that Pittheus taught this same art in a temple of the Muses at Troezene. The same writer likewise mentions the tomb of Pittheus, which was still seen in his day, and on which were three thrones or seats of white stone, on which the monarch and two assistants were accustomed to sit when dispensing justice. The whole story of this monarch, however, appears to be mythical in its character. (Pausan., 2, 31.-Plut., Wit. Thes.) Pityonesus, a small island off the coast of Argolis. It lay opposite to Epidaurus, and was situate six miles from the coast, and seventeen from AEgina. (Plin., 4, 11.) Pityūsa, a small island off the coast of Argolis, near Aristera. The modern name is Tulea. (Plin., 4, 12.) PityūsAE, a group of small islands in the Mediterranean, off the coast of Spain, and lying to the southwest of the Baleares. They derived their name from the number of pine-trees (trirvo, a pine) which grew in them. The largest is Ebusus or Ivica, and next to it is Ophiusa or las Columbretes. (Mela, 2, 7.Plin., 3, 5.) Placentia, a city of Gallia Cisalpina, at the confluence of the Trebia and Padus. It is now Piacenza. This place was colonized by the Romans, with Cremona, A.U.C. 535, to serve as a bulwark against the Gauls, and to oppose the threatened approach of Hannibal. (Polyb., 3, 40.--Liv., 21, 25.—Well. Paterc, 1, 14.) Its utility in this latter respect was fully proved, by its affording a secure retreat to the Roman general after the battle of Ticinus, and more especially after the disaster of Trebia. (Polyb., 3, 66–Liv., 21, 56.) Placentia withstood all the efforts of the victorious Hannibal, and also, eleven years after, the attempts which his brother Hasdrubal made to obtain possession of it. The resistance which it offered to the latter caused a delay that led to his overthrow, and thus eventually, perhaps, saved the empire. After the termination of the second Punic war, it was, however, taken and burned by the Gauls, headed by Hamilcar the Carthaginian (Liv., 31, 10), but soon after was restored by the consul Valerius, 557 A.U.C. (Liv., 34, 21.) Placentia had acquired the rights of a municipal city in Cicero's time. (Or. in F. 1.) Strabo speaks of it as a celebrated town (216), and Tacitus extols it as a powerful and opulent colony. (Hist., 2, 17, seqq.) Its theatre, situate without the walls, was burned in the civil war between Otho and Vitellius. (Suet., Oth., 9.-Plin., 3, 15.-Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. ..., p. 79, seqq.) . Placidia, a daughter of Theodosius the Great, and sister to Arcadius and Honorius. She resided most

commonly at the court of the latter, and was present when Rome was first invested by the arms of Alaric, being then about twenty years of age. Placidia became a hostage in the hands of the victor, according to some a captive, and her personal attractions won for her the hand of Ataulphus or Adolphus, the brotherin-law of Alaric, and king of the Visigoths. After the death of Ataulphus, she married Constantius, and became the mother of Valentinian III. Having lost her second husband, she acted as guardian for her son, and reigned twenty-five years in his name, and the character of that unworthy emperor gradually countenanced the suspicion, that Placidia had enervated his youth by a dissolute education, and studiously diverted his attention from eyery manly and honourable pursuit. Amid the decay of military spirit, her armies were commanded by two generals, Aëtius and Boniface, who may be deservedly named as the last of the Romans. Placidia died at Rome, A.D. 450. She was buried at Ravenna, where her sepulchre, and even her corpse, seated in a chair of cypress wood, were preserved for ages. (Ducange, Fam. Byzant., p. 72. – Tillemont, Hist, des Emp., vol. 5, p. 260, 386, &c.— Id. ib., vol. 6, p. 240. – Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. 31, 33, 35.) PLANAsia, a small island between Corsica and Ilva, now Pianosa. Tacitus relates, that Augustus was persuaded by Livia to banish his nephew Agrippa Posthumus hither. (Ann., 1, 3 —Ibid., 2, 39.) This island is also noticed by Strabo (123) and Ptolemy (p. 67). Plancina, granddaughter of L. Munatius Plancus, and wife of Piso, governor of Syria in the reign of Tiberius. (Wid. Piso X.) She was supposed to have been an accomplice with her husband in shortening the days of Germanicus, but was saved by the influence of Livia, her protectress. As long as Piso, who had been put to his trial, had any hope of acquittal, her language was that of a woman willing to share all changes with her husband, and, if he was doomed to fall, determined to perish with him. But, when she had obtained safety for herself, she left him to his fate. At a later period, however, she was about being proceeded against for her criminal conduct, when, in despair, she laid violent hands on herself, and suffered at last the slow but just reward of a flagitious life. (Tacit., Ann., 2, 43, 55, 75; 3, 9, 15; 6, 26.) PlaNcus, I. T. Bursa, a tribune of the commons, 52 B.C. He took part in the troubles excited by the death of Clodius, and, on the expiration of his office, was accused and condemned, notwithstanding the interest made by Pompey in his behalf. (Cic., Ep. ad Fam., 2, 9.)—II. L. Munatius, a native of Tibur, was in early life a pupil of Cicero's, and obtained considerable eminence in the oratorical art. He afterward commanded a legion under Caesar in Gaul. On the assassination of that individual, Plancus acted at first a very equivocal part, and frequently changed sides, attaching himself successively to each party according as it became powerful. Thus we find him, after the victory at Mutina, affecting the utmost zeal for the cause of Brutus and freedom ; and subsequently, when he saw Antony re-established in power, he went over to him with four legions which he had at the time under his command. He obtained upon this the consulship along with Lepidus, B.C. 42. Tired at last of Antony, É. sided with Octavius, who received him with the utmost cordiality. It was Plancus who proposed in the senate that the title of Augustus should be bestowed on Octavius. The ancient writers reproach him, besides his political versatility, with a total forgetfulness on one occasion of all dignity and self-respect. This was at the court of Cleopatra, in Alexandrea, when he appeared on the public stage in the character of a sea-god, having his person painted green, and in a state of almost complete nudity; "os a crown 1071

of reeds on his head, and with the tail of a fish attached to his body behind. Plancus, however, appears to have been a man of literary tastes, and we have an ode addressed to him by Horace on one occasion, when he had become suspected of disaffection by Augustus, and was meditating his departure from Italy. (Plut., Vit. Ant.—Well. Paterc., 2, 63.−Horat., Od., 1, 7, &c.) PLANúdrs, Maximus, a Greek monk, commonly designated “ of Constantinople,” probably by reason of his having long resided there; for he was, in fact, a native of Nicomedia. He was a man of great learning and various acquirements, and flourished in the fourteenth century. In 1327, the Emperor Andronicus Palaeologus sent him as ambassador to the Venetian republic. He is said to have been the first Greek that made use of the Arabic numerals, as they are called. Planudes has given us, 1. A collection of AEsopic fables, together with a very absurd life of the ancient fabulist himself; 2. An Anthology, selected from that of Constantine Cephalas; 3. A poetical Eloge on Claudius Ptolemaus; 4. Some grammatical works; 5. A Greek translation of Caesar's Commentaries of the Gallic war; 6. A prose translation of the Metamorphoses and Heroides of Ovid ; 7. A translation of the Disticha of Cato into Greek verse ; 8. Various unedited works. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 1, p. 252.) PLATAEA (gen. -at) and PLATAEAE (gen. -arum), a town of Boeotia, of very ancient date, situate at the foot of Mount Cithaeron, and near the river Asopus, which divided its territory from that of Thebes. (Strabo, 412.) Homer writes the name in the singular (T124rata), but the historians use the plural (TIAaratat). The Plataeans, animated by a spirit of independence, had early separated themselves from the Boeotian confederacy, conceiving the objects of this political union to be hostile to their real interests ; and had, in consequence of the enmity of the latter city, been induced to place themselves under the protection of Athens. (Herod, 6, 108.) Grateful for the services which they received on this occasion from that power, they testified their zeal in its behalf by sending a thousand soldiers to Marathon, who thus shared the glory of that memorable day. (Herod., l.c.) The Plataeans also manned some of the Athenian vessels at Artemisium, and fought in several battles which took place. off that promontory; though not at Salamis, as they had returned to their homes after the Greeks withdrew from the Euripus, in order to place their families and valuables in safety, and could not, therefore, arrive in time. (Herod., 8, 45.) They also fought most bravely in the great battle which took place near their city against Mardonius the Persian general, and earned the thanks of Pausanias and the confederate Greek commanders for their gallant conduct on this as well as other occasions. (Herod., 9, 28. Thucyd., 3, 53, seqq.) But it is asserted by Demosthenes that they afterward incurred the hatred of the Lacedaemonians, and more especially of their kings, for having caused the inscription set up by Pausanias, in commemoration of the victory over the Persians, to be altered. (In Naper., p. 1378.) Plataea, which was afterward burned by the army of Xerxes (Herod., 8, 50), was soon restored with the assistance of Athens, and the alliance between the two cities was cemented more closely than before. The attack made upon Plataea by a party of Thebans at night was the first act of aggression committed on the Peloponnesian side in the war which took place not long aster. The enterprise failed. (Thucyd., 2, 1, seqq.) The natural enmity of Thebes against this little republic was now raised to its height by this defeat, and pressing solicitations were made to the Spartan government to assist in taking signal vengeance on the Plataeans for their adherence to the Athenian interests. Accordingly, in the third year of

the war, a large Peloponnesian sorce, under Archidamus, king of Sparta, arrived under the walls of Plataea, and, having summoned the inhabitants to abandon their alliance with Athens, proceeded, on their refusal, to lay siege to the town. The narrative of these operations, and the heroic defence of the Plataeans, the circumvallation and blockade of the city by the enemy, with the daring and successful escape of a part of the garrison, are given with the greatest detail by Thucydides, and certainly form one of the most interesting portions of his history. (Thucyd., 2, 71, seqq.—Id., 3, 20, seqq.) Worn out at length by hunger and fatigue, those Plataeans who remained in the town were compelled to yield to their persevering and relentless foes, who, instigated by the implacable resentment of the Thebans, caused all who surrendered to be put to death, and razed the town to the ground, with the exception of one building, constructed out of the ruins of the city, which they consecrated to Juno, and employed as a house of reception for travellers. From Pausanias we learn, that Plataea was again restored after the peace of Antalcidas; but when the Spartans seized on the Cadmean citadel, the Thebans, suspecting that the Plataeans were privy to the enterprise, took possession of the town by stratagem, and once more levelled its foundations to the ground (9, 1). Though it seems to have been the intention of Philip, and also of Alexander, to restore Plataea (Arruan, 1, 9. – Plut., Vit. Alez., c. 34), this was not carried into effect till the reign of Cassander, who is said to have rebuilt both Thebes and Plataea at the same time. (Pausan., 9, 3.) Dicaearchus, who lived about that period, represents the town as still existing, when he says, “The inhabitants of Plataea have nothing to say for themselves, except that they are colonists of Athens, and that the battle between the Persians and the Greeks took place near their town.” (Stat., Graec., p. 14.)—The ruins of Plataea, according to Dr. Clarke, are situated upon a promontory projecting from the base of Cithaeron.—The place has now the usual appellation bestowed upon the ruins of Grecian citadels; it is called Palaeo Castro. The walls are of the earliest kind of military structure,

consisting of very considerable masses, evenly hewt,

and well built. (Clarke's Travels, vol. 7, p. 106,

Lond ed.)—The walls of Plataea, according to Sir MV. Gell, may be traced near the little village of

Kockla in their circuit. The whole forms a triangle,

having a citadel of the same form in the southern an

gle, with a gate towards the mountain at the point.

The northwestern angle seems to have been the Por

tion which was restored after the destruction of the

city. The north side is about 1025 yards in length,

the west 1154, and the east 1120. It is about six ge

ographical miles from the Cadmeia of Thebes. (Inn.,

p. 111.—Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 212, segg.)

—As the battle of Plataea, between the Greeks and Persians, forms so important a feature in their history, some account of it may be here appended.—Mardonius,

being informed by the Argives, who were secretly in

his interest, that the Lacedaemonians were in motion,

withdrew his army into Boeotia, for the sake of enga

ging near the friendly city of Thebes, and in a more

level country, and, therefore, more favourable to his cavalry. Before leaving Athens he burned and demol

ished what remained of the city. The Athenians

crossed from Salamis, and the confederate army being assembled at Eleusis, advanced to Erythrae, on the border of Boeotia, where it took up a position on the roots

of Mount Cithaeron. The heavy-armed troops of the Grecian army amounted to 38,700, of whom the Lacedarmonians contributed 10,000. Of these 5000 were Spartans, from the city, each of whom was attended by

seven light-armed Helots. In the rest of the army it is computed that to each heavy-armed soldier there was one light-armed attendant. Besides, there were 1800 light-armed Thespians, the remaining strength of that little state, all its heavy-armed troops having fallen at Thermopylae, and those who remained being probably the poorer citizens, who were unable to purchase the full armour, or to maintain themselves in distant warfare. With these the entire numbers were nearly 110,000. The army was led by Pausanias, the Spartan commander, who was cousin and guardian to the minor-king Pleistarchus, the son of Leonidas. The Athenian force of 8000 heavy-armed men was led by Aristides. Mardonius's army consisted of 300,000 Asiatics and about 50,000 Macedonian and Greek auxiliaries.—The first attack was made by the Persian cavalry, who, continually riding up in small parties, discharged their arrows and retired, annoying the Greeks without any retaliation. The Megarians being }. in the most exposed part of the line, sent to ausanias to say that they could no longer maintain their ground, and a picked band of 300 Athenians volunteered to relieve them. They took with them some archers, a service which the Athenians cultivated with an attention and success unusual in Greece; and soon after their arrival, Masistius, the general of the Persian cavalry, his horse being wounded with an arrow, was dismounted and killed. All the horse now making a desperate charge, forced back the 300, till the rest coming up to support the Athenians, they were repulsed with great slaughter. The army was encouraged by this success, but its present position was inconvenient, particularly for want of water, and it was resolved to move into the territory of Plataea. A dispute arose between the Athenians and the Tegeans for the post of honour at the extremity of the left wing; but it was prevented from proceeding to extremity by the wise moderation of the Athenian commanders, who, still maintaining their claim of right, professed themselves willing, nevertheless, to take their place wherever the Lacedaemonians might appoint. The Lacedaemonians decided in their favour, placing them at the extremity of the left wing, and the Tegeans in the right, next to themselves.—Mardonius now drew up his army according to the advice of the Thebans, o the Persians to the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans, the Boeotians and other Greeks in his service to the Athenians, and to the other bodies that occuied the centre the Medes and the rest of the Asiatics. H. soothsayers on each side predicted success to the party which received the ... in compliance, probably, with the policy of the commanders, each of whom, being posted on ground advantageous to himself, was unwilling to leave it and enter on that which had been chosen by his adversary. Ten days were spent in inaction, except that the Persian horse were harassing the Greeks, and, latterly, intercepting their convoys; but, on the eleventh, Mardonius, growing impatient, called a council of war, and resolved, against the opinion of Artabazus, to attack the Greeks on the following day. The same night Alexander the Macedonian, riding alone and secretly to the Athenian encampment, .# to speak to the commanders, and gave them notice of the resolution taken.—Pausanias, being informed of this by the Athenian generals, proposed a change in the order of battle, by which the Athenians should be opposed to the Persians, of whose mode of fighting they alone had experience, while in their place the Lacedæmonians should act against the Boeotian and other Grecian auxiliaries. The Athenians readily consented, and the troops began to move while the morn was breaking; but M. made a countermovement of his Greek and Persian troops, and the Lacedaemonians desisted from their purpose when they saw that it was known. Mardonius sent a herald to reproach them with their fear, and then commenced the action with his horse, who harassed the Greeks severely, and filled up the spring from which their water had been supplied. The Greeks now suffered 6 U

both from the attacks of the cavalry, and from the want of water and food, their convoys being cut off; and it was resolved to proceed at night to a position nearer Plataea, where water abounded, and the ground was less favourable to horse. Accordingly, in the night the army was moved; but the Greeks of the centre had been so disheartened by the attacks of the cavalry, that, instead of taking up the appointed position, they fled to the city of Plataea. There remained on the one wing the Lacedaemonians (10,000 heavy-armed) and the Tegeans (1500); on the other, the Athenians (8000), with the Plataeans (600), who always accompanied them, and who had carried their zeal so far, that, though an inland people, they helped to man the Athenian ships at Artemisium. Including the lightarmed, those who stood their ground were, of the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans 53,000, of the Athenians and Plataeans about 17,200. The march of the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans was delayed by the obstinacy of Amompharetus, a Spartan officer, who, viewing the intended movement as a flight, long refused to join in it. The day was dawning, and the Lacedæmonians, through fear of the horse, proceeded over the roots of Cithaeron. The Athenians, who had waited for the movement of the allies, went by the plain. Mardonius, on seeing the Greeks, as it seemed, retreating, was filled with exultation, and immediately led the Persians after them, while the other Asiatics followed tumultuously, thinking the day won. The Lacedaemonians, on the approach of the cavalry, sent to the Athenians for assistance, begging that, if they were unable to come, they would at least send the archers; but the Athenians, when preparing to comply with the summons, were prevented by the attack of the Greeks in the Persian service.—The battle was joined on both sides. The Persians fought with great bravery; but neither bravery nor vast superiority in numbers could compensate for their inferiority in arms and discipline, and they were at length defeated with great slaughter, Mardonius being killed. The other Asiatics fled immediately, when they saw the Persians broken. Of the Grecian auxiliaries opposed to the Athenians, many were slack in their exertions, as not being hearty in the cause; but the Boeotians, who formed the strongest body, were zealous for the success of Mardonius, and they sought long and hard before they were defeated. The Boeotians fled towards Thebes, the Asiatics to their intrenched camp, their flight being in some degree protected by the Asiatic and Boeotian cavalry. On hearing that their friends were victorious, the Greeks of the centre returned in haste and disorder to the field; and the Megarians and Phliasians, going by the plain, were charged and broken with considerable loss by some Theban horse.—The fugitives who escaped into the camp were in time to close the gates and man the walls against the Lacedæmonians and Tegeans; and, the assailants being unskilled in the attack of fortifications, they made a successful defence till the arrival of the Athenians, who went about the work more skilfully, and soon gained entrance. The passions of the Greeks were inflamed to the utmost by long distress and danger, and no mercy was shown. Of the 300,000 men who were lest with Mardonius, 40,000 had been led from the field by Artabazus when it first became evident that the Persians were losing the battle; but of the others not 3000 are said to have survived the battle and the subsequent massacre. (Herod., 9, 25, seqq.—Libr. Us. Knowl., Hist. Greece, p. 40, seqq.) Plato, I. a celebrated philosopher, by descent an Athenian, but the place of whose birth was the island of Ægina, where his father, Aristo, resided after that island became subject to Athens. His origin is traced back, on his father's side, to Codrus, and on that of his mother, Perictione, through five generations, to So lon. (Proclus, ad Timaeum, p. 25.) § time of t

his birth is commonly placed in the first year of the 88th Olympiad (B.C. 428), but, perhaps, may be more accurately fixed in B.C. 429. (Clinton, Fast. Hellen., p. 63.) Fable has made Apollo his father, and has said that he was born of a virgin. (Plut., Sympos., 8, 1–Hieron., adv. Jov, Op., vol. 4, p. 186, ed. Par.) He was originally named Aristocles, from his grandfather, and he received that of Plato (IIAaróv) from either the breadth of his shoulders or of his forehead, the appellation being derived from To attic, “broad.” This latter name is thought to have been given him in early youth. (Diog. Laert., 3, 4.— Senec., Ep., 58. — Apuleius, de dogm. Plat.— Op., ed. Oudend., vol. 2, p. 189.) Plutarch relates that he was humpbacked, but this, perhaps, was not a natural defect; it may have first appeared late in life, as a result of his severe studies. (Plut., de Audiend. Poet., 26, 53.) Other ancient writers, on the contrary, speak in high terms of his manly and noble mien. The only authentic bust that we have of him is at present in the gallery at Florence. It was discovered near Athens in the 15th century, and purchased by Lorenzo de Medici. In this bust, the forehead of the philosopher is remarkably large. (Wisconti, Icon. Gr., vol. 1, p. 172, ed. 4to.)—Plato first learned grammar, that is, reading and writing, from Dionysius. In gymnastics, Ariston was his teacher; and he excelled so much in these physical exercises, that he went, as is said, into a public contest at the Isthmian and Pythian games. (Diog. Lacrt., 3, 4. — Apul., p. 184. Olympiod., Wit. Plat.) He studied painting and music under the tuition of Draco, a scholar of Damon, and Metellus of Agrigentum. But his favourite employment in his youthful years was poetry. The lively fancy and powerful style which his philosophical writings so amply display, must naturally have impelled him, at an early period of life, to make some attempts at composition, which were assuredly not without influence on the beautiful form of his later works. After he had made use of the instruction of the most eminent teachers of oetry in all its forms, he proceeded to make an essay ...it in heroic verse ; but when he compared his production with the masterpieces of Homer, he consigned it to the flames. He next tried lyric poetry, but with no better success; and finally turned his attention to dramatic composition. He elaborated sour pieces, or a tetralogy, consisting of three separate trai. and one satyric drama; but an accident inuced him to quit for ever this career, to which he was not probably destined. A short time before the ses. tival of Bacchus, when his pieces were to be brought upon the stage, he happened to hear Socrates conversing, and was so captivated by the charms of his manners as from that moment to abandon poetry, and apply himself earnestly to the study of philosophy. (AElian, War. Hist., 10, 21, seqq.—Wal. Mar., I, 6. —Plin., 11, 29.) But, though Plato abandoned his poetic attempts, yet he still attended to the reading of the poets, particularly Homer, Aristophanes, and Sophron, as his favourite occupation (Olympiod, Wit. Plat.); and he appears to have derived from them, in part, the dramatic arrangement of his dialogues. It was then customary for young men who were preparing for the polite world, or to distinguish themselves in any manner, to attend a course in philosophy. Plato had already heard the instructions of Cratylus, a disciple of the school of Heraclitus. (Aristot, Metaphys., 1, 6. —Apul:, p. 185.) When Diogenes, Olympiodorus, and other writers assert that he did not become a scholar of Cratylus till after the death of Socrates, they give less credit to Aristotle and Apuleius than they deserve; the former a contemporary, the latter drawing his information from Speusippus. (Tennemann's Life of Plato, Edwards's transl., p. 316, seq.) Plato was 20 years of age when he became acquainted with Socrates, and he continued a stated disciple of that philos

opher for the space of eight years, until the death of the latter. During all this period, Socrates regarded him as one of his most faithful pupils. Light as must have been the task of education in respect to the mind, since Plato was quite teachable, and, in addition to his eminent talents, possessed of great susceptibility for moral studies, still, on the other hand, it was difficult for Socrates to satisfy the aspiring and inquisitive spirit of his pupil. In all his conversations, he started questions, raised doubts, and always demanded new reasons, without allowing himself to be satisfied with those already given. (Wit. Plat., 13– Bibliothek der Alten Lit.) This liveliness and activity of mind could not render Socrates displeased with his manner of thinking : so little, indeed, was this the case, that Plato already, in the lifetime of Socrates, wrote dialogues, in which he introduced his teacher as the principal person, and carried on the discussions in a method that was not entirely his own. Many writers think they have discovered that Socrates was by no means satisfied with the course of Plato, in falsely imputing to him so many things which he had never said. But they can adduce no satisfactory ground or competent testimony for their conclusion. The single thing to which they appeal can prove nothing for then, because it is ambiguous. It is said, that when Plato brought forward his Lysis in the presence of Socrates, the latter exclaimed, “By Hercules how many things does the young man falsely report of me!” (Dig. Laert, 3, 35.) The more probable opinion, however, is, that the story is incorrectly related, and that Socrates merely alluded to the rich and figurative style of Plato, as contrasted with his own simple manner of expression. (Tennemann, Life of Plato, Educ trans. p. 324.) Plato always cherished a deep affection and esteem for his master, and, when the latter was brought to trial, undertook to plead his cause; but the partialty and violence of the Judges would not permit him to proceed. After the condemnation, he presented his master with money sufficient to redeem his life, which, however, Socrates refused to accept. During his imprisonment Plato attended him, and was present at a conversation which he held with his friends concerning the immortality of the soul, the substance of which he afterward committed to writing in the beautiful dialogue entitled Phaedo, not, however, without interweaving his own opinions and language. (Compare Cicero, de Nat. Deor., 3, 33.) Upon the death of his master he withdrew, with several other friends of Socrates, to Megara, where they were hospitably entertained by Euclid, and remained till the ferment at Athens subsided. Brucker says, that Plato received instruction in dialectics from Euclid. (Hist. Crit. Philos., vol. 1, p. 61 1,633.) But no other writer has any reference to it. It is rather probable that both, in their philosophical conversations, sought to enrich and to settle each other's knowledge. Hence Cicero relates, that the Megarean philosopher drew many of his opinions from Plato. (Academ. Quaest., 4, 42.) Desirous of making himself master of all the wisdom and learning which the age could furnish, Plato, after this, travelled into every country which was so far enlightened as to promise him any recompense of his labour. He first visited that part of Magna Græcia where a celebrated school of philosophy had been established by Pythagoras. According to Cicero, Quintilian, and Valerius Maximus, the particular object of this visit was to enrich his theoretical knowledge; but, according to Apuleius, it was with more especial reference to moral improvement. It is commonly believed that Plato became formally a scholar of the Pythagoreans, and many persons are expressly named as his teachers in the doctrines of that sect of philosophy. But this multitude of teachers is of itself sufficient to excite suspicion; and, besides, Plato must then have been at least thirty years old, and was undoubtedly ac

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