Obrazy na stronie

telligent people essential to commercial operations. The system of banking pursued at Athens gave occasion to a new kind of money, constructed upon the credit of individuals or of companies, and acting as a substitute for the legal currency. In the time of Demosthenes (vol. 2, p. 1236, ed. Reiske), and even at an earlier period, bankers appear to have been numerous, not only in Piraeus, but also in the upper city; and it was principally by their means that capital, which would otherwise have been unemployed, was distributed and made productive. Athenian bankers were, in many instances, manufacturers or speculators in land, conducting the different branches of their business by means of partners or confidential servants, and acquiring a sufficient profit to remunerate themselves, and to pay a small rate of interest for the capital intrusted to them. But this was not the only benefit they imparted to the operations of commerce. Their legers were books of transfer, and the entries made in them, although they cannot properly be called a part of the circulation, acted in all other respects as bills of exchange. In this particular their banks bore a strong resemblance to modern banks of deposite A depositor desired his banker to transfer to some other name a portion of the credit assigned to him in the books of the bank (Demosth., orpoo Ka27tt.—vol. 2, p. 1236, ed. Reiske); and by this method, aided, as it probably was, by a general understanding among the bankers (or, in the modern phrase, a clearing house), credit was easily and constantly converted into money in ancient Athens. “If you do not know,” says Demosthenes, “that credit is the readiest capital for acquiring wealth, you know positively nothing.” (El rodro dyvoeic, Ört triarur doopui, röv tragöv kori ueytorm orpèc xpmuqtuquov, triiv av dyvoñaetaç.—vol 2, p. 958, ed. Reiske.) The spirit of refinement may be traced one step farther. Orders were certainly issued by the government in anticipation of future receipts, and may fairly be considered as having had the force and operation of exchequer bills. They were known by the name of divouažoyńuara. We learn, for instance, from the inscription of the Choiseul marble (Böckh, Corp. Inscript., vol. 1, p. 219), written near the close of the Peloponnesian war, that bills of this description were drawn at that time by the government at Athens on the receiver-general at Samos, and made payable, in one instance, to the paymaster at Athens; in another, to the general of division at Samos. These bills were doubtless employed as money, on the credit of the in-coming taxes, and entered probably, together with others of the same kind, into the circulation of the period. (Cardwell's Lectures on the Coinage of the Greeks and Romans, p. 20, seqq.) Pir ENE, a fountain near Corinth, on the route from the city to the harbour of Lechaeum. According to the statement of Pausanias (2, 3), the fountain was of white marble, and the water issued from various artificial caverns into one open basin. This fountain is celebrated by the ancient poets as being sacred to the Muses, and here Bellerophon is said to have seized the winged horse Pegasus, preparatory to his enterprise against the Chimaera. (Pind, Olymp., 13, 85. —Eurip., Med., 67.-Id., Troad., 205–Soph., Electr., 475, &c.) The fountain was sabled to have derived its name from the nymph Pirene, who was said to have dissolved in tears at the death of her son Cenchreas, accidentally slain by Diana. (Pausan., l.c.) Pirithūus, son of Ixion and Dia, and one of the chieftains (or, according to another account, the monarch) of the Lapithae. . He is memorable in mythological narrative for his friendship with Theseus, which, though of a most intimate nature, originated nevertheless in the midst of arms. The renown of Theseus having spread widely over Greece, Pirithous, it seems, became * of not only beholding him, but also

of witnessing his exploits, and he accordingly made an irruption into the plain of Marathon, and carried off the herds of the King of Athens. Theseus, on receiving information, went to repel the plunderers. The moment Pirithous beheld him, he was seized with secret admiration, and, stretching out his hand as a token of peace, exclaimed, “Be judge thyself! What satisfaction dost thou require ("—“Thy friendship,” replied the Athenian; and they thereupon swore eternal fidelity. Theseus and Pirithous were both present at the hunt of the Calydonian boar; and the former also took part in the famous conflict between the Centaurs and Lapithae. The cause of this contest was as follows: Pirithous, having obtained the hand of Hippodamia, daughter of Adrastus, king of Argos, the chiefs of his nation, the Lapithae, were all invited to the wedding, as were also the Centaurs, who dwelt in the neighbourhood of Pelion. Theseus, Nestor, and other strangers were likewise present. At the seast, Eurytion, one of the Centaurs, became intoxicated with the wine, and attempted to offer violence to the bride. A dreadful conflict thereupon arose, in which several of the Centaurs were slain, and they were finally driven from Pelion, and obliged to retire to other regions. (Wid. Lapithae.)—Like faithful comrades, Theseus and Piritholis aided each other in every project, and, the death of Hippodamia having subsequently lest Pirithotis free to form a new attachment, the two sriends, equally ambitious in their love, resolved to possess each a daughter of the king of the gods. Theseus fixed his thoughts on Helen, then a child of but nine years. The friends planned the carrying her off, and succeeded. Placing her under the care of his mother Æthra, at Aphidnae, Theseus prepared to assist his friend in a bolder and more perilous attempt: for Pirithous resolved to venture on the daring deed, of carrying away from the palace of the monarch of the under-world his queen Proserpina. Theseus, though aware of the risk, would not abandon his friend. They descended together to the region of shadows; but Pluto, knowing their design, seized them, and placed them upon an enchanted rock at the gate of his realms. Here they sat, unable to move, till Hercules, passing by in his descent for Cerberus, freed Theseus, having taken him by the hand and raised him up ; but when he would do the same for Pirithous, the earth quaked, and he left him. Pirithous therefore remained everlastingly on the rock, in punishment of his audacious attempt. (Apollod., 1, 8, 2.-Id., 2, 5, 12. —Plut., Wit. Thes. Hygin... fab., 14, 79, 155.— Virg., AEn, 7, 304.—Keightley's Mythology, p. 316, 323, 392.) Pisa, an ancient city of Elis, giving name to the district of Pisatis, in which it was situated. Tradition assigned its foundation to Pisus, grandson of Æolus (Pausan., 6, 22); but, as no trace of it remains, its very existence was questioned in later ages, as we are informed by Strabo (356), some affirming that there was only a sountain of the name, and that those writers who spoke of a city meant only to express the kingdom or principality of the Pisate, originally composed of eight towns. Other authors, however, have acknowledged its existence (Pind., Ol., 2, 4–Id, Ol, 10, 51); and Herodotus states that the distance from Pisa to Athens was 1485 stadia (2,7). Its site was commonly supposed to be on a hill between two mountains, named Ossa and Olympus, and on the left bank of the Alpheus (Strabo, l.c.); but Pausanias could nowhere discover any vestiges of a town, the soil being entirely covered with vines. (Pausan., l.c. —Plin., 4, 5–Schol, ad. Pind., Olymp., 10, 55.) It is generally agreed that the Pisatae were in possession of the temple of Olympia, and presided at the celebration of the games from the earliest period of their institution, till their rights were usurped by the Eleans and Heraclidae. They did not, ***** submit to this injury on the part of their more powerful neighbours, and, having procured the assistance of Phidon, tyrant of Argos, recovered Olympia, where, in the eighth Olympiad, they again celebrated the festival; but the Eleans, in their turn, obtaining succour from Sparta, defeated Phidon, and once more expelled the Pisata from Olympia. (Ephor., ap. Strab., 358. —Pausan, 6, 22.) These, during the 34th Olympiad, being at that time under the authority of Pantaleon, who had possessed himself of the sovereign power, made another effort to regain their ancient prerogative, and, having succeeded in vanquishing their opponents, retained possession of the disputed ground for several years. The final struggle took place in the forty-eighth Olympiad, when the people of Pisa, as Pausanias affirms, supported by the Triphylians, and other neighbouring towns which had revolted from Elis, made war upon that state. The Eleans, however, aided by Sparta, proved victorious, and put an end for ever to this contest by the destruction of Pisa and the other confederate towns. (Pausan, 6, 22.Strabo, 355.) According to the scholiast on Pindar, the city of Pisa was distant only six stadia from Olympia, in which case we might fix its site near that of Miracca, a little to the east of the celebrated spot now called Antilalla; but Pausanias evidently leads us to suppose it stood on the opposite bank of the river. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 93, seqq.) Pisae (or Pisa, as it is sometimes written), a city of Etruria, on the river Arnus or Arno, about a league from its mouth. We learn from Strabo (222), that formerly it stood at the junction of the Ausar (Serchio) and Arnus, but now they both flow into the sea by separate channels. The origin of Pisa is lost amid the sables to which the Trojan war gave rise, and which are common to so many Italian cities. If we are to believe a tradition recorded by Strabo (l.c.), it owed its foundation to some of the followers of Nestor, in their wanderings after the fall of Troy. The poets have not failed to adopt this idea. (Virg., AEn, 10, 179.-Rutil... Itin., 1,565.) Lycophron says it was taken by Tyrrhenus from the Ligurians (v. 1241). Servius reports, that Cato had not been able to discover who occupied Pisae before the Tyrrheni under Tarcho, with the exception of the Teutones, from which account it might be inferred that the most ancient possessors of Pisa, were of northern origin. (Serp. ad. AEn., 10, 179.) Dionysius of Halicarnassus names it among the towns occupied by the Pelasgi in the territory of the Siculi. The earliest mention we have of this city in Roman history is in Polybius (2, 16, and 27), from whom we collect, as well as from Livy (21, 39), that its harbour was much frequented by the Romans, in their communication with Sardinia, Gaul, and Spain. It was here that Scipio landed his army when returning from the mouths of the Rhone to oppose Hannibal in Italy. It became a colony 572 A.U.C. (Liv., 41, 43.) Strabo speaks of it as having been formerly an important naval station: in his day it was still a very flourishing commercial town, from the supplies of timber which it furnished to the fleets, and the costly marbles which the neighbouring quarries af. sorded for the splendid palaces and villas of Rome. (Consult Plin., 3, 5–Ptol., p. 64.) Its territory produced wine, and the species of wheat called siligo. (Plin., 14, 3–Id., 18, 9.) The Portus Pisanus was at the mouth of the river, and is described by Rutilius. (Itin., 1,531.-Cramer, Anc. It, vol. 1, p. ii.3.) The modern Pisa occupies the site of the ancient city. Pisander, I. an early Greek poet, born at Camirus, in the island of Rhodes, and supposed to have flourished about 650 B.C., although some made him earlier than Hesiod, and contemporary with Eumolpus. He wrote a poem, entitled “Heraclea,” on the labours and exploits of Hercules, of which frequent mention is made by ogonunu. The Alexandrean critics 10

assigned him a rank among epic poets after Homer, Hesiod, Panyasis, and Antimachus. We have an epigram in his praise, . those ascribed to Theocritus (ep. 20), and Strabo likewise mentions him among the eminent natives of Rhodes. (Strab., 655.-Id, 688.-Compare Quintilian, 10, 1, 56.) Reiske has advanced the opinion, that the 24th and 25th Idyls of Theocritus are portions of the poem of Pisander. Both these Idyls, though of considerable length, are imperfect. One is entitled "Hoaxãioxor, “The Young Hercules;” the other'Hpakāj: Aeovropóvoc, “Hercules, the lion-slayer.” There is also an Idyl of Moschus, the 4th, entitled Meyāpa, Yvvi, 'Hpax2.Éour, “Megara, wife of Hercules,” which Reiske assigns to the same source with the two other pieces just mentioned. (Consult Harles, ad Theocrit., Id., 25.Heyne, Ezcurs., 1, ad AEm., 2, p. 285.)—II. A Greek oet, born at Laranda, a city of Lycaonia, in Asia Minor, and who lived during the reign of Alexander Severus. He composed a long poem, entitled 'Howikai 6eoyauiat, in which he sang of the nupuals of gods and heroes. The 16th book of this poem is cited, and Suidas calls the whole production a history varied after the epic manner. One of the interlocutors in the Saturnalia of Macrobius (5, 2) accuses VIIgil of having translated from Pisander almost all the second book of the AEneid, and particularly the story of the wooden horse. It is evident that Macrobius refers in this to Pisander of Camirus ; but he is altogether wrong. We know, from the Chrestomathy of Proclus, that Virgil borrowed from Arctinus and ches the history of the horse; and, in fact, the later Pisander, who lived in the time of Severus, borrowed from Virgil himself. (Heyne, Excurs., 1, ad AEm., 2, p.287–Scholl, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 5, p. 381)–III. An epigrammatic poet, supposed by Jacobs to be the same with the native of Camirus above mentioned. (Catal. Poet. Epigr., p. 939.) Heyne, however, thinks that he was identical with the younger Pisander. (Ercurs., 1, ad AEn., 2, p. 288.)—IV. An Athenian, one of the leaders of the oligarchical party, and instrumental in bringing about the establishment of the Council of Four Hundred. (Plut., Wit. Alcib.)— V. A Spartan admiral, in the time of Agesilaus, slain in a naval battle with Conon near Cnidus, B.C. 394. (Corn. Nep, Vit. Con-Justin, 6, 3.) Pisaurum, a city of Umbria, on the seacoast, below Ariminum, and near the river Pisaurus. Its origin is uncertain. It became a Roman colony A.U.C. 568 (Liv., 39,44), but whether it was colonized again by Julius Caesar or Augustus is uncertain. Inscriptions, however, give it the title of Col. Julia. The climate of Pisaurum seems to have been in bad repute, according to the opinion of Catullus (81, 3). The modern name of the place is Pesaro. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 256.) Pisaurus, a river of Umbria, running into the Adriatic near Pisaurum. Lucan (2, 406) writes the name Isaurus. (Consult Corte, ad loc.) The modern appellation is la Foglia. Pisidia, a country of Asia Minor, bounded on the west and north by Phrygia, on the east by Isauria, and on the south by Pamphylia. It was a mountainous country, inhabited by a race of the same origin probably as the rude inhabitants of Cicilia Trachea. They seldom paid obedience to the Persian kings; and Alexander the Great found them divided into a mumber of small independent republics. After the time of Alexander, this country was frequently the lurking-place of the inferior party. In the time of the Seleucidae: several Pisidian dynasties arose on the frontiers of Phrygia: they enlarged their territories by conquest: so that several of the towns founded by the kings of Syria came to be called Pisidian cities, such as Antiochia, Laodicea, &c. In the time of the Romans, the number of these states of freebooters seems to have

increased, while in the interior the old republics, such as Termessus, Selge, and others, mere mountain-fortresses, still remained unrepressed, so that it was very seldom any of the towns paid tribute to the mistress of the world. It is true that Augustus did subject the whole of Pisidia to the Roman empire, but it was only in name. Even the Goths could do nothing against it. History, therefore, does not recognise it as the province of any great kingdom.—The boundary-line between Pisidia and Pamphylia is a matter not very clearly ascertained. The following remarks of Rennell are worthy of a place here. “The ancients seem to have been agreed in the opinion that Pamphylia occupied the seacoast from Phaselis to Coracesium; but the boundary between it and Pisidia appears not to have been decided. For instance, Termessus is said to be in Pamphylia by Livy (38, 15), and also by Ptolemy; but Strabo places it in Pisidia, and Arrian calls it a colony of Pisidia. Livy and Ptolemy arrange Pamphylia and Pisidia as one country, under the name of Pamphylia. The former, who describes in detail the history of the Roman wars there, and who may be supposed to have studied its geograhy, includes Pisidia, if not Isauria, in Pamphylia. or he says that part of Pamphylia lay on one side, and part on the other side of Taurus (38, 39). Now Pisidia is said by Strabo to occupy the summits of Taurus, between Sagalassus and Homonada, together with a number of cities, which he specifies, on both sides of Taurus, including even Antiochia of Pisidia. Livy, then, actually includes in Pamphylia the province described by Strabo as Pisidia, and appears to include Isauria also. At the same time, he admitted the existence of a province under the name of Pisidia; for he repeatedly mentions it, and says that the people of Sagalassus are Pisidians. On the whole, therefore, one cannot doubt but that he regarded Pisidia as a province of Pamphylia. Ptolemy, as we have observed, arranged Pamphylia and Pisidia together as one country; or, rather, makes Pisidia a province of Pamphylia, and subdivides it into Pisidia proper and Pisidia of Phrygia. He has also a province of Pamphylia. In the distribution of the parts of Pamphylia at large, Ptolemy assigns to the province of that name the tract towards the sea, which includes Olbia, Attalea, and Side, on the coast; Termessus. Selge, Aspendus, Perge, &c., more inland. And Pisidia contained the inland parts, extending beyond Taurus northward, and containing the cities of Baris, Amblada, Lysinoë, Cormasa, &c. Moreover, his Pisidia extended to the neighbourhood of Celaenae and Apamea Cibotus. Pliny is much too brief on the subject. It is only to be collected from him (5,27), that the capital of Pisidia was Antiochia; and that the other principal cities were Sagalassus, and Oroanda. That it was shut in by Lycaonia, and had for neighbours the people of Philomelium, Thymbrium, Peltae, &c. And, finally, that the state of Homonada, formed of close and deep valleys, within Taurus, had the mountains of Pisidia lying above it. From all this we may collect, that the Pisidia of Pliny extended along the north of Pamphylia and of Taurus, from the district of Sagalassus westward, to that of Homonada eastward ; the latter being on the common frontiers of Lycaonia, Cilicia Trachea, and Pisidia. The Pisidia of Pliny, therefore, agrees with that of Ptolemy, and will be found to agree also with that of Strabo. Strabo (667) clearly distinguishes, Pisidia and Pamphylia as two distinct countries: that is, Pamphylia as a maritime country, extending from Lycia to Cilicia Trachea, in length along the coast 640 stadia; and Pisidia (p. 569, seqq.) occupying the summits of Taurus, or, rather, the whole base of that region, from Sagalassus and Termessus to Homonada; and that it occupied certain tracts of land below Taurus on both sides. And besides the general extent given it by this de

scription, he classes so many places belonging to it as to prove that it has a great extent in point of breadth; for Selge appears to have been at a great distance to the south of the main ridge, and Antiochia of Pisidia is from thirty to thirty-five miles to the north of it.” (Rennell's Geography of Western Asia, vol. 2, p. 71, seqq.) Pisistratidae, a patronymic appellation given to Hippias and o the sons of Pisistratus. isistritus, a celebrated Athenian, who obtained the tyranny at Athens. His family traced their descent from Peleus; and Codrus, the last king of Athens, belonged to the same house. (Larcher, ad Herod., 1, 59.) Herodotus relates, that Hippocrates, the father of Pisistratus, being present on one occasion at the Olympic games, met with a remarkable prodigy. According to the historian, he had just offered a sacrifice, and the caldrons were standing near the altar, filled with pieces of the flesh of the victim and with water, when, on a sudden, these bubbled up without the agency of fire, and began to run over. Chilo, the Lacedæmonian, who happened to be present, and was a witness of what had taken place, advised Hippocrates not to marry, or, if he had already a wise, to repudiate her. His counsel, however, was disregarded, and Pisistratus was born to Hippocrates. (Herod., 1, 59.)—Not long after the legislation of Solon had been established at Athens, and while the lawgiver himself was away in foreign lands, the state became again distracted by contentions between the old parties of the Plain, the Coast, and the Highlands. The first of these was headed by Lycurgus; the second by Megacles, a grandson of the archon who brought the memorable stain and curse upon his house by the massacre of the adherents of Cylon; and the third by Pisistratus. Solon, therefore, on his return to Athens, sound that faction had been actively labouring to pervert and undo his work. He had early detected the secret designs of Pisistratus, and is said to have observed of him, that nothing but his ambition prevented him from displaying the highest qualities of a man and a citizen. But it was in vain that he endeavoured to avert the danger, which he saw threatened by the struggle of the factions, and in vain did he use all his influence to reconcile their chiefs. This was the more difficult, because the views of all were perhaps equally selfish, and none was so conscious of his own integrity as to rely on the professions of the others. Pisistratus is said to have listened respectfully to Solon's remonstrances; but he waited only for an opportunity of executing his project. When his scheme appeared to be ripe for action, he was one day drawn in a chariot into the public place, his own person and his mules disfigured with recent wounds, inflicted, as the sequel proved, by his own hand, which he showed to the multitude, while he told them that on his way into the country he had narrowly escaped a band of assassins, who had been employed to murder the friend of the people. While the indignation of the crowd was fresh, and from all sides assurances were heard that they would defend him from his enemies, an assembly was called by his partisans, in which one of them, named Aristo, came forward with a motion, that a guard of fifty citizens, armed with clubs, should be decreed to protect the person of Pisistratus. Solon, the only man who ventured to oppose this proposition, warned the assembly of its pernicious consequences, but in vain. The body-guard was decreed; and the people, who eagerly passed the decree, not keeping a jealous eye on the manner of its execution, Pisistratus took advantage of this to raise a force and make himself master of the citadel. Perhaps his partisans represented this as a necessary precaution, to guard it against the enemies of the people. Megacles and the Alcmaeonidae left the city. Solon, after an ineffectual attempt to rouse his countrymen against the growing power who" making such rapid strides towards tyranny, is said to have taken down his arms, and laid them in the street before his door, as a sign that he had made his last ef. fort in the cause of liberty and the laws. Lycurgus and his party seem to have submitted quietly for a time to the authority of Pisistratus, waiting, as the event showed, for a more favourable opportunity of overthrowing him. The usurper was satisfied with the substance of power, and endeavoured as much as possible to prevent his dominion from being seen and felt. He made no visible changes in the constitution, but suffered the ordinary magistrates to be appointed in the usual manner, the tribunals to retain their authority, and the laws to hold their course. In his own person he affected the deineanour of a private citizen, and displayed his submission to the laws by appearing before the Areopagus to answer a charge of murder, which, however, the accuser did not think fit to prosecute. He continued to show honour to Solon, to court his friendship, and ask his advice, which Solon did not think himself bound to withhold where it might be useful to his country, lest he should appear to sanction the usurpation which he had denounced. He probably looked upon the government of Pisistratus, though at variance with the principles of his constitution, as a less evil than would have ensued from the success of either of the other parties; and even as good, so far as it prevented them from acquiring a similar preponderance. Solon died the year following that in which the revolution took place (B.C. 559), and Pisistratus soon after lost the power which he had usurped, the rival sactions of Lycurgus and Megacles having united to overthrow him. But no sooner had these two parties accomplished their object, than they quarrelled among themselves, and, at the end of five years, Megacles, finding himself the weaker, made overtures of reconciliation to Pisistratus, and offered to bestow on him the hand of his daughter, and to assist him in recovering the station he had lost. The contract being concluded, the two leaders concerted a plan for executing the main condition, the restoration of Pisistratus. For this purpose Herodotus supposes them to have devised an artifice, which excites his astonishment at the simplicity of the people on whom it was practised, and which appears to him to degrade the national character of the Greeks, who, he observes, had of old been distinguished from the barbarians by their superior sagacity. Yet, in itself, the incident seems neither very extraordinary, nor a proof that the contrivers reckoned on an enormous measure of credulity in their countrymen. In one of the Attic villages they found a woman, Phya by name, of unusually high stature, and comely form and features. . Having arrayed her in a complete suit of armour, and instructed her to maintain a carriage becoming the part she was to assume, they placed her in a chariot, and sent heralds before her to the city, who proclaimed that Minerva herself was bringing back Pisistratus to her own citadel, and exhorted the Athenians to receive the favourite of the goddess. Pisistratus rode by the woman's side. When they reached the city, the Athenians, according to Herodotus, believing that they saw the goddess in person, adored her and received Pisistratus. This story would indeed be singular if we consider the expedient in the light of a stratagem, on which the confederates relied for overcoming the resistance which they might otherwise have expected from their adversaries. But it seems quite as probable that the pageant was only designed to add extraordinary solemnity to the entrance of Pisistratus, and to suggest the reflection that it was by the especial favour of Heaven he had been so unexpectedly restored. The new coalition must have rendered all resistance hopeless. As the procession passed, the populace no doubt gazed, some in awe, all in wonder; but there is no reason to think that the result would

have been different if they had all seen through the artifice. Pisistratus, restored to power, nominally performed his part of the compact by marrying the daughter of Megacles; but it was soon discovered that he had no intention of really uniting his blood with a family which was commonly thought to be struck with an everlasting curse, and that he treated his young wife as one only in name. The Alcmaeonidae were indignant at the affront, and at the breach of faith, and once more determined to make common cause with the party of Lycurgus. Once more the balance inclined against Pisistratus, and, unable to resist the combined force of his adversaries, he retired into exile to Eretria in Euboea. Here he deliberated with his sons Hippias, Hipparchus, and Thessalus, the offspring of a previous marriage, whether he should not abandon all thoughts of returning to Attica. They appear to have been divided in their wishes or opinions; but Hippias, the eldest, prevailed on his father again to make head against his enemies. He possessed lands on the river Strymon in Thrace, which yielded a large revenue, and his interest was strong in several Greek cities, especially at Thebes and Argos. He now exerted it to the utmost to gather contributions towards his projected enterprise, and by the end of ten years he had completed his preparations; a body of mercenaries was brought to him from Argos, the Thebans distinguished themselves by the liberality of their subsidies, and Lygdamis, one of the most powerful men in the island of Naxos, came to his aid with all the troops and money he could raise. In the eleventh or twelfth year after his last expulsion, he set sail from Eretria, and landed on the plain of Marathon, to recover his sovereignty by open force. The government of his opponents was not popular, and Pisistratus had many friends in the country and in Athens, who, on his arrival, flocked to his camp. The result proved a fortunate one. The leaders of the hostile factions sound themselves deserted eventually by all but their most zealous adherents, who, with them, abandoned the city, and left Pisistratus undisputed master of Athens. What he had so hardly won, he prepared to hold hencesorth with a firmer grasp. He no longer relied on the affections of the common people, but took a body of foreign mercenaries into constant pay; and seizing the children of some of the principal citizens, who had not made their escape, and whom he suspected of being ill-disposed towards him, he sent them to Naxos, which he had reduced under the power of his friend Lygdamis, to be kept as hostages. Pisistratus appears to have maintained a considerable naval force, and to have extended the Athenian power abroad; while at home he still preserved the forms of Solon's institutions, and courted popularity by munificent largesses, and by throwing open his gardens to the poorer citizens. (Athenæus, 12, p. 532.) At the same time he tightened the reins of government, and he appears to have made use of the authority of the Areopagus to maintain a rigorous police. He enforced Solon's law, which required every citizen to give an account of his means of gaining a subsistence, and punished idleness; and hence by some he was supposed to have been the author of it. It afforded him a pretext for removing from the city a great number of the poorer sort, who had no regular employment, and for compelling them to engage in rural occupations, in which, however, he assisted the indigent with his purse. The same policy prompted him, no less, perhaps, than his love for the arts, to adorn Athens with many useful or magnificent works. Among the latter was a temple of Apollo, and one dedicated to the Olympian Jove, of which he only lived to complete the substructions, and which remained unfinished for 700 years, exciting the wonder, and sometimes the despair, of posterity by the vastness of the design, in which it surpassed every other that the ancient world ever raised in honour of the father of the gods. Among the monuments in which splendour and usefulness were equally combined, were the Lyceum, a garden at a short distance from Athens, sacred to the Lycian Apollo, where stately buildings, destined for the exercises of the Athenian youth, rose amid shady groves, which became one of the most celebrated haunts of philosophy; and the sountain of Callirrhoë, which, from the new channels in which Pisistratus distributed its waters, was afterward called the fountain of the Nine Springs ('Evveakpovvoc). To defray the expense of these and his other undertakings, he laid a tithe on the produce of the land: an impost which seems to have excited great discontent in the class affected by it, and, so far as it was applied to the public buildings, was, in fact, a tax on the rich for the emso of the poor; but which, if we might trust a ate and obscure writer, was only revived by Pisistratus after the example of the ancient kings of Attica. (Diog. Laert., 1, 53.) He is also believed to have been the author of a wise and beneficent law, which Solon, however, is said to have suggested, for supporting citizens disabled in war at the public expense. According to a tradition once very generally received, posterity has been indebted to him for a benefit greater than any which he conferred on his contemporaries, in the preservation of the Homeric poems, which till now had been scattered in unconnected rhapsodies. After every abatement that can be required in this story for misunderstanding and exaggeration, we cannot doubt that Pisistratus at least made a collection of the poet's works, superior in extent and accuracy to all that had preceded it, and thus certainly diffused the knowledge of them more widely among his countrymen, perhaps preserved something that might have been lost to future generations. In either case he might claim the same merit as a lover of literature: . this was not a taste which derived any part of its

tification from the vanity of exclusive possession. #. is said to have been the first person in Greece who collected a library, and to have earned a still higher praise by the genuine liberality with which he imparted its contents to the public. On the whole, though we cannot approve of the steps by which he mounted to power, we must own that he made a princely use of it; and may believe that, though under his dynasty Athens could never have risen to the greatness she afterward attained, she was indebted to his rule for a season of repose, during which she gained much of that strength which she finally unfolded. Pisistratus retained his sovereignty to the end of his life, and died at an advanced age, thirty-three years after his first usurpation, B.C. 527. He was succeeded by his sons, Hippias, Hipparchus, and Thessalus. (Thirlwall's Greece, vol. 2, p. 55, seqq.)

Piso, the name of a celebrated family at Rome, a branch of the Calpurnian gens, which house claimed descent from Calpus, the son of Numa Pompilius. The family of the Pisones had both a patrician and plebeian side. The principal individuals of the name were: I. C. Calpurnius Piso, city prietor in 212 B.C., and who had the command of the Capitol and citadel when Hannibal marched out against Rome. He was afterward sent into Etruria as commander of the Roman forces, and at a subsequent period had charge of Capua in Campania, after which his command in Etruria was renewed. (Lit., 25, 41.-Id., 26, 10, 15, et 28.-Id., 27, 6, &c.)—II. C. Calpurnius Piso, was praetor B.C. 187. He obtained Farther Spain for his province, where he signalized his valour, and, in conjunction with L. Quintius Crispinus, praetor of Hither Spain,

ined a decisive victory over the revolted Spaniards. §. than thirty thousand of the enemy fell in the battle. On his return to Rome he obtained a triumph. He subsequently attained to the consulship (B.C. 180), in which office he died, having been poisoned, as was

believed, by his wife Hostilia. (Liv., 39, 6–1d., 39,8 et 21.-Id, 39, 30, seq.—Id., 40, 35.-1d., 40, 37.)— III. L. Calpurnius Piso, surnamed Frugi, was tribune of the commons B.C. 149, and afterward twice consul (135 and 133 B.C.). Piso was one of the most remarkable men of the Roman state, from the union of talents and virtues that marked his character. An able speaker, a learned lawyer, a sound statesman, and a wise and valiant commander, he distinguished himself" still more by his purity of morals, and by a frugality and old-Roman plainness of life which obtained for him the surname of Frugi. He quieted the troubles to which the revolt of the slaves had given rise in Sicily, and signalized his valour against the insurgents. Piso wrote memoirs or annals of his time, which, according to Cicero (Brut., 27), were composed in a very dry and lifeless manner, although Aulus Gellius (11, 14) speaks of their “simplicissima suavitas.” (Cic., de at., 2, 29. Id., pro Font., 24.—Id., in Verr., 5, 69. — Val. Maz., 2, 7. —Id., 4, 3. — Le Clerc, Journaur chez les Romains, p. 26, 150.)—IV. L. Calpurnius Piso, son of the preceding, inherited, if not the talents, at least the virtues, of his father. He was sent praetor into Spain, where he died soon after. (Cuc., in Verr., 1, 35.—Id. ib., 3, 85, &c.)—W. C. Calpurnius Piso, was consul with Acilius Glabrio, 67 B.C., and signalized his magistracy by warmly defending the prerogatives of the consular office against the attacks of the commons and their tribunes. He was also the author of a law against bribery at elections. (Cic., pro Flacc., 75.—Val. Max., 3,8.)—VI. A young Roman, whom indigence (the result of profligate habits) and a turbulent disposition induced to take part in the conspiracy of Catiline. The leading men at Rome, anxious to get rid of a troublesome and dangerous individual, caused him to be sent as quaestor, with praetorian powers, into Hither Spain. He was not long after assassinated in his province, (Sall., Cat., 18, seq.)— VII. C. Calpurnius Frugi, a descendant of the individual mentioned above (No. III.), and son-in-law of Cicero. He was the first husband of Tullia, and is highly praised by Cicero for his virtues and his oratorical abilities. Piso exerted himself strenuously sor the recall of his father-in-law, but died a short time before this took place. (Cic., ad Q. post red., 3–Id., Ep. ad Fam., 14, 1.-Id., Brut., 78, &c.)—VIII. L. Calpurnius Piso, father-in-law of Caesar, and consul B.C. 58. Before attaining to this office he had been accused of extortion, and only escaped condemnation through the influence of his son-in-law. Cicero was allied to Piso by marriage, and the latter had given him many marks of friendship and confidence; but Clodius eventually gained Piso over to his views, by promising to obtain for him the province of Macedonia, and he accordingly joined the demagogue in his efforts to procure the banishment of Cicero, which event took place in Piso's consulship. Having obtained the reward of his perfidy, he set out for his province; but his whole conduct there was marked by debauchery, rapine, and cruelty. The senate recalled him, chiefly through the exertions of Cicero, who in this way avenged himself on Piso for his previous conduct. On Piso's return, he had the hardihood to attack Cicero in open senate, and complain of the treatment he had received at his hands. He reproached him also with the disgrace of exile, with excessive vanity, and other weaknesses. Cicero replied, on the spot, in an invective speech, the severest, perhaps, that ever fell srom the lips of any man, in which the whole life and conduct of Piso are portrayed in the darkest colours, and which must hand him down as a detestable character to all posterity. Notwithstanding this, however, Piso was afterward censor along with Appius Claudius (A.U.C. 702); and we find him, at a subsequent period, appointed one of the three commissioners who were sent by the senate to treat with An

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