Obrazy na stronie

the remarks of Böckh, ad Schol., l.c., in not.— Pind., Op., vol. 2, p. 310.)—As regards the name of the artist himself, most authors adopt the form Perillus, as we have given it; Lucian, however, and the scholiast on Pindar have Perilaus, and Bentley also prefers this. The change, indeed, from IIEPIAAOX to IIEPIAAOX is so extremely easy, that one or the other must be a mere error of transcription. A similar name has been critically discussed by Hermann in his work entitled, “Ueber Böckhs Behandlung der Griech. Inschriften (p. 106.—Sullig, Dict. Art., s. v.). PERINThus, a city of Thrace, on the coast of the Propontis, west of Byzantium. It was originally colonized by the Samians (Scymn., Ch., v. 713.-Scylar, p.28), and was said to have received its name from the Epidaurian Perinthus, one of the followers of Orestes. Another account, however, assigned its foundation to Hercules, and the inhabitants themselves would seem to have believed this, from their having a figure of Hercules on the reverse of their coins. Perinthus soon became a place of great trade, and, surpassing in this the neighbouring Selymbria, eventually rivalled Byzantium. When this last-mentioned city, however, sell under the Spartan power, Perinthus was compelled to follow its example. . It subsequently suffered from the attacks of the Thracians, but principally from those of Philip of Macedon, who besieged and vigorously pressed the city, but was unable to take it. The city was situate on a small peninsula, and the isthmus connecting it with the mainland was only a stadium broad, according to Ephorus, but Pliny (4, 11) makes it somewhat more. The place was built along the slope of a hill, and afforded to one approaching it the appearance of a theatre, the inner rows of dwellings being overtopped by those behind. . (Diod, 16, 76.) Perinthus continued to be a flourishing city even under the Roman power, and received a great accession of power when its rival Byzantium sell under the displeasure of the Emperor Severus. The case was altered, however, when Constantine transferred the seat of empire to Byzantium; and about this period we find Perinthus appearing with the additional name of Heraclea, without our being able to ascertain either the exact cause or period of the change. Ptolemy, it is true, says “Perinthus or Heraclea,” but this is evidently the interpolation of some later scholiast. The coins of this place reach upward to the time of Aurelian: they bear no other name but that of Perinthus. With the writers of the fourth century, on the other hand, the more usual name is Heraclea; though they almost all add that the city was once called Perinthus, or else, like Ammianus Marcellinus, join both names together. Hence it would appear that the change of appellation was a gradual one, and not suddenly made, in accordance with the command of any emperor, as in the case of Constantinople. After this last-mentioned place Perinthus was the most important city in this quarter of Thrace. Justinian rebuilt the ancient palace in it, and repaired the aqueducts. (Procop., AEdif., 4, 9.) It could not, indeed, be an unimportant city, as all the main roads to Byzantium from Italy and Greece met here. The modern Erekli occupies the site of the ancient city. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 7, p. 174, seqq.) PeripAtktíci (IIepurarmrukot), a name given to the followers of Aristotle. According to the common account, the sect were called by this appellation from the circumstance of their master's walking about as he discoursed with his pupils (IIeputrarmrukot, drà row reportareiv). Others, however, more correctly, derive the name from the public walk (repitatos) in the Lycaeum, which Aristotle and his disciples were accustomed to frequent. (Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil., vol. 1, p. 788.) A summary of the doctrine of this school will be found under the article Aristoteles.— Before withdrawing from his public labours, Aristotle

appointed Theophrastus his successor in the chair (vid. Theophrastus), and the latter was followed consecutively by Strato of Lampsacus, Lycon or Glycon of Troas, Ariston of Ceos, and Critolaus the Lycian. With Diodorus of Tyre, who came immediately after Critolaus, the uninterrupted succession of the Peripatetic school terminated, about the 140th Olympiad. The Peripatetic doctrines were introduced into Rome, in common with the other branches of the Greek philosophy, by the embassy of Critolaus, Carneades, and Diogenes, but were little known until the time of Sylla. Tyrannion the grammarian and Andronicus of Rhodes were the first who brought the writings of Aristotle and Theophrastus into notice. The obscurity of Aristotle's works tended much to hinder the success of his philosophy among the Romans. Julius Caesar and Augustus patronised the Peripatetic doctrines. Under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, however, the adherents of this school, in common with those of other sects, were either banished or obliged to remain silent on the subject of their peculiar tenets. This was the case, also, during the greater part of the reign of Nero, although, in the early part of it, philosophy was favoured. Ammonius the Peripatetic made great exertions to extend the authority of Aristotle; but about this time the Platonists began to study his writings, and prepared the way for the establishment of the Eclectic Peripatetics under Ammonius Sacas, who flourished about a century after Ammonius the Peripatetic. After the time of Justinian, philosophy in general languished. But in that mixture of ancient opinions and theological dogmas which constituted the philosophy of the middle ages, the system of Aristotle predominated. About the 12th century it had many adherents among the Saracens and Jews, particularly in Spain; and at the same period, also, it began to be diligently studied, though not without much opposition, among the ecclesiastics of the Christian Church. Out of this latter circumstance gradually arose the Scholastic philosophy, which took its tone and complexion from the writings of Aristotle, and which continued long to perplex the minds of men with its frivolous though subtile speculations. The authority of Aristotle received a severe shock at the Reformation, but it survived the fall of the scholastic system. His opinions were patronised by the Catholic Church on account of their supposed savourable bearing upon certain doctrines of faith; and, although Luther and others of the Reformers determinedly opposed them, they were maintained by such men as Melanchthon, who himself commented on several portions of the works of the Stagirite. Many individuals, distinguished for their genius and learning, exerted themselves to revive the Peripatetic philosophy in its primitive purity; nor did it cease to have numerous illustrious supporters until the time of Bacon, Grotius, and Des Cartes. (Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil.-Enfield, Hist. Phil., vol. 2, p. 95, seqq.—Tennemann, Hust. Phil., p. 121, 168, 275.) PERMEssus, a river of Boeotia, rising in Mount Helicon, and which, after uniting its waters with those of the Olmius, flowed along with that stream into the Copaic Lake near Haliartus. Both the Olmius and Permessus received their supplies from the fountains of Aganippe and Hippocrene. The river Permessus, as well as the fountain Aganippe, were sacred to the Muses. (Strab., 407.-Propert., 2, 10, 26.) Pero, a daughter of Neleus, king of Pylos, by Chloris. She married Bias, son of Amythaon. (Wid. Melampus.) PERPENNA, I. M., was consul B.C. 130, and defeated and took prisoner Aristonicus in Asia. (Liv., 44, 27.-Id., 44, 32.—Well. Pat., 2, 4.)—II. M. Wento, was proscribed by Sylla, whereupon he passed into Spain, and became one of the lieutenants of Sertorius. Dissatisfied eventually with playing only * 100

art, and envious of the same and successes of his eader, he conspired against him, along with others of his officers. Sertorius was assassinated by the conspirators at a banquet, and Perpenna took the command of the forces; but he soon showed his utter incapacity, and was defeated by Pompey and put to death. (Plut., Wit. Sertor.)

Perrhaebia, a district of Thessaly. Strabo, in his critical examination of the Homeric geography of Thessaly, affirms, that the lower valley of the Peneus, as far as the sea, had been first occupied by the Perrhaebi, an ancient tribe, apparently of Pelasgic origin. (Simond, ap. Strab., 44.1.). On the northern bank of the great Thessalian river, they had peopled also the mountainous tract bordering on the Macedonian districts of Elimiotis and Pieria, while to the south they stretched along the base of Mount Ossa, as far as the shores of Lake Boebe is. These possessions were, however, in course of time, wrested from them by the Lapithae, another Pelasgic nation, whose original abode seems to have been in the vales of Ossa and the Magnesian district. Yielding to these more powerful invaders, the greater part of the Perrhaebi retired, as Strabo informs us, towards Dolopia and the ridge of Pindus; but some still occupied the valleys of Olympus, while those who remained in the pians became incorporated with the Lapithae, under the common name of Pelasgiota. (Strab., 439.) The Perrhaebi are noticed in the catalogue of Homer among the Thessalian clans who fought at the siege of Troy. (Il., 2, 794.) Their antiquity is also attested by the fact of their being enrolled among the Amphictyonic states. As their territory lay on the borders of Macedonia, and comprised all the defiles by which it was possible for an army to enter Thessaly from that province, or return from thence into Macedonia, it became a frequent thoroughfare for the troops of different nations. The country occupied by them seems to have been situated chiefly in the valley of the river Titaresius, now Saranta Poros. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 363, seqq.)

ox. the inhabitants of Persia. (Vid. Persia.)

PersephūNE, the Greek name of Proserpina. (Wid. Proserpina.)

Persepúlis, a celebrated city, situate in the royal province of Persis, about twenty stadia from the river Araxes. It is mentioned by Greek writers after the tine of Alexander as the capital of Persia. The name, however, does not occur in Herodotus, Ctesias, Xenophon, or Nehemiah, who were well acquainted with the other principal cities of the Persian empire, and make frequent mention of Susa, Babylon, and Ecbatana. Their silence may be accounted for by the fact that Persepolis never appears to have been a place of residence for the Persian kings, though we must conclude, from the account of Arrian and other writers, that it was from the most ancient times regarded as the capital of the empire. The kings of Persia appear to have been buried here or at Pasargada. There was at Persepolis a magnificent palace, which, at the time of Alexander's conquest, was full of immense treasures, that had accumulated there since the time of Cyrus. (Diod. Sic, 17, 71.—Strab., 729.) We know scarcely anything of the history of Persepolis. The palace of the Persian kings was burned by Alexander (Arrian, 3, 18. —Curt., 5, 7.-Strab., 729.-Diod. Sic., 17, 70), and Persepolis was plundered by the Macedonian soldiers in retaliation, according to Diodorus Siculus (17,69), for the cruelties inflicted by the Persians upon the Greek prisoners that had fallen into their hands; for Alexander had inet, in his approach to the city, with a body of about 800 Greek captives shamefully mutilated. Curtius, after speaking of the plundering of Persepolis, states that Alexander, while under the influence of wine, was instigated by Thais, the courtesan, to set

also concurs. The city was not destroyed by fire on this occasion, as some suppose. The palace was the only building that suffered, Alexander having reperted of the rash act almost the very instant after the work of destruction had commenced. That the city was not laid in ruins on this occasion is proved by the circumstance of Peucestes, the satrap of Persis, having given in Persepolis, only a few years after, a spiendid entertainment to the whole army. (Diod... 19, 22.) Alexander, moreover, found the city still standing on his return from India. (Arrian, 7, 1.) Persepolis is mentioned also by subsequent writers, and even under the sway of Mohammedan princes, this city. with its name changed to Istakhar, was their usual place of residence. Its destruction was owing to the fanatic Arabs. (Langlé, Voyages, &c., vol. 3, p. 1991) Oriental historians say that the Persian name for Persepolis was likewise Istakhar or Estekhar. (D'Horbelot, Biblioth. Oriental.) The fullest account of tre ruins of Persepolis is to be found in the Travels of Sir Robert Ker Porter. The most remarkable part of these ruins is the Shehel-Minar, or Forty Columns. The general impression produced by this part of the ruins is said to be the strong resemblance which they bear to the architectural taste of Egypt. It is somewhat doubtful, however, whether the ruins called Shehel-Minar are in reality those of Persepolis, and whether we are not to look for the remains of the ancient city more to the north. The sculptures of Persepolis, though of no value as works of art, serve to elucidate some passages in Greek and Roman writers which relate to Persian affairs. (Compare the remarks of Hirt, Geschichte der Baukunst, vol. 1, p. 168.) Perses, a son of Perseus and Andromeda. From him the Persians, who were originally called Cephener, are fabled to have received their name. (Herod, 7, 61.) Perseus, I. son of Jupiter and Danae the daughter of Acrisius. A sketch of his fabulous history has already been given under a previous article (rid. Danae); and it remains here but to relate the particulars of his enterprise against the Gorgons.—When Perseus had made his rash promise to Polydectes, by which he bound himself to bring the latter the Gorgon's head, full of grief, he retired to the extremity of the islatd of Scyros, where Mercury came to him, promising that he and Minerva would be his guides. Mercury brought him first to the Graia (vid. Phorcydes), whose eye and tooth he stole, and would not restore these until they had furnished him with directions to the abode of the Nymphs, who were possessed of the winged shoes, the magic wallet, and the helmet of Pluto which made the wearer invisible. Having obtained from the Graiae the requisite information, he came unto the Nymphs, who gave him their precious possessions: he then flung the wallet over his shoulder, placed the helmet on his head, and fitted the shoes to his feet. Thus equipped, and grasping the short curved sword (harpe) which Mercury gave him. he mounted into the air, accompanied by the gods, and flew to the ocean, where he found the three Gorgons asleep. (Vid. Gorgones.) Fearing to gaze on their faces, which changed the beholder to stone, he looked on the head of Medusa as it was reflected on his shield, and Minerva guiding his hand, he severed it from her body. The blood gushed forth, and with it the winged steed Pegasus, and Chrysaor the father of Geryon, for Medusa was at that time pregnant by Neptune. Perseus took up the head, put it into his wallet, and set out on his return. The two sisters awoke, and pursued the fugitive; but, protected by the helmet of Pluto, he eluded their vision, and they were obliged to give over the bootless chase. Perseus pursued his aerial route, and after having, in the course of his journey, punished the inhospitality of Atlas by changing him into a rocky mountain (rid. Atlas), he

fire to the royal palace, an account in which Diodorus

came to the country of the AEthiopians. Here he lib

erated Andromeda from the sea-monster, and then returned with the Gorgon's head to the island of Seriphus. This head he gave to Minerva, who set it in the middle of her shield. The remainder of his history, up to the death of Acrisius, is given elsewhere. (Vid. Danaë, and Acrisius.) After the unlooked-for fulfilment of the oracle, in the accidental homicide of his grandfather, Perseus, feeling ashamed to take the inheritance of one who had died by his means, proposed an exchange of dominions with Megapenthes, the son of Proetus, and thencesorward reigned at Tiryns. He afterward built and fortified Mycenae and Midea. (Apollod, 2, 4, 2, seqq. Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod., 4, 1091, 1515. — Keightley's Mythology, p. 415, seqq.)—We now come to the explanation of the whole legend. The Perseus of the Greeks is nothing more than a modification of the Persian Mithras (Creuzer, Symbolik, par Guigniaut, vol. 1, p. 368, in notis), and a piece of ancient sculpture on one of the gates of the citadel of Mycenae fully confirms the analogy. (Guignaut, l.c.—Gell, Specimens of Ancient Sculpture, Lond, 1810. Id., Itinerary of Greece, p. 35, seqq.—Knight, Carm, Homeric. Prolegom, 58, p. 31.)—Perseus, however, if we consult his genealogy as transmitted to us by the mythographers, will appear to have still more relation to Egypt than to Asia. Descended from the ancient Inachus, the father of Phoroneus and Io, we see his family divide itself at first into two branches. From Phoroneus sprang Sparton, Apis-Serapis, and the Argive Niobe. The union of Io and Jupiter produced Epaphus, Belus, Danatis, and, omitting some intermediate names, Acrisius, Danaë, and the heroic Perseus. If we examine closely the import of the names that form both branches of this completely mythic genealogy, we shall discover an evident allusion to Mithriac ideas and symbols. For example, Sparton has reference to the sowing of seed; Apis, become Serapis, is the god-bull upon or under the earth; Io is the lowing heiser, wandering over the whole earth, and at last held captive ; Epaphus, another and Graecised name of Apis, is the sacred bull, the representative of all the bulls in Egypt; Belus is the Sun king both in Asia and Egypt, &c. It is in the person, however, of Perseus that all these scattered rays are in some degree concentrated. The name of his mother Danaë would seem to have reference to the earth in a dry and arid state, Jupiter, descending in a shower of gold, impregnating and rendering her the mother of Perseus, is Mithras, or the golden Sun, fertilizing the earth. Perseus, coming forth from the court of the king of the shades (Polydectes, the “all-recipient;” troAvc and déxouai), roceeds under the protection of the goddess Minerva, #. in his hand the harpé (àpirm), symbol of fertility, to combat in the West the impure and steril Gorons: after this, returning to the East, he delivers Anão from the sea-monster, and becomes the parent of a hero of light, another Perses, a son resembling his sire. Having returned victorious to Argolis, he builds, by the aid of the Cyclopes subterranean workmen whom he leads in his train, a new city; Mycenae, the name of which, according to different traditions, had reference either to the lowings of Io, or to the Gorgons mourning for the fate of their sister (učkm, “lowing :” uvkáouai, -ăual, “to low.”— Mvkīvat). Others, again, derive the appellation from the scabbard (uğkmc) of the hero's sword, which fell upon the spot; and others, again, from a mushroom (učknc) torn up by Perseus when suffering from thirst, and which yielded a refreshing supply of water in the place it had occupied. (Pausan, 2, 16.-Plut., de flum., 18, p. 1034, ed. Wytt.) In all these there is more or less of mystic meaning, the leading idea being still that of the earth; just as in the legend which makes Perseus to have killed Acrisius (the “confused,” “dark,” or “gloomy one,” 4 and kpivo), there is an evident allu

sion in the discus, by which the blow was given, to the orb of the sun.-If now we closely compare the principal features of these legends with the essential symbols presented by the Mithriac bas-reliefs, we cannot but discover, as well in the myths as in the sculptures of Mycenae, a wonderful accordance with these symbols. The Argive fables tell of a heifer, a heifer lowing and distracted by pain. An allusion to the sword plunged into the bosom of the earth (represented by the heifer and by the Mithriac bull) is preserved in the legend of the scabbard that fell to the earth, and gave name to the city of which it presaged the founding. The shower of gold, the mushroom, and the never-ending stream of water, of which this last is the pledge, are emblems of the solar emanations, the signs of terrestrial fertility, and all Mithriac ideas. The Gorgons have reference to the moon, regarded as a dark body; and in the early language of Greece the moon was called yopyävlov, in allusion to the dark face believed to be seen in it. (Clem. Alex., Strom., 5, p. 667.) They typify the natural impurity of this planet, and which the energies of the sun (MithrasPerseus, armed with his golden sword) are to remove, and to give purity in its stead. Here, then, at the very foundation of the mythus, we find ideas of purification. Perseus, and Hercules who descends from him, are purifiers in heaven and on earth. They purify the stains of evil by force and by the shedding of blood. They are just murderers; and the wings given in preference to Perseus enter into this general conception. (Olympiodor, Comment. in Alcib., 1, p. 156, seqq., ed. Creuzer.) Both, assuming an aspect more and more moral, end with intermingling themselves in human history; and thus Perseus, according to one tradition, put to death the sensual and voluptuous Sardanapalus. (Malal., Chron., 21, Oron. —Suid... s. v. Xapóav.—Reines., Obs. in Suid., p. 222, ed. Müller.) This brings us to consider the numerous points of approximation, acknowledged to exist even by the ancient writers themselves, between the Greek hero Perseus and various countries of antiquity, such as Asia Minor, Colchis, Assyria, and Persia. At Tarsus in Cilicia, of which city both Perseus and Sardanapalus passed as the founders, the first was worshipped as a god, and very probably the second also. (Hellanic, frag., p. 92, ed. Sturz, ad loc.—Dio Chrysost., Orat., 32, p. 24, seqq., ed. Reiske.—Amm. Marcell., 14, 8.) The name of Perseus (or Perses) is found in the solar genealogies of Colchis. (Hesiod, Theog., tab. 5, p. 164, ed. Wolf. Apollod., 1, 9, 1.-Diod. Sic., 4, 45.) Perses, the son of Perseus and Andromeda, was, according to Hellanicus, the author of civilization in the district of Persia called Artaca. (Fragm., p. 94.) Herodotus also was acquainted with the traditions which, emanating originally from Persia itself, claimed Perseus for Assyria (6, 54). Finally, in the place of Perses, it is Achaemenes (Djemschid) whom the ancient expounders of Plato make to have sprung from Perseus and Andromeda. (Olympiodor., l.c., p. 151, Coll., 157. – Schol. Plat., Alcib., 1, p. 75, ed. Ruhnken.) We have here, under the form of a Greek enealogy, the fundamental idea of the worship of

ithras: the beam of fire which the sun plunges into the bosom of the earth, produces a solar hero, who in his turn becomes the parent of one connected with agriculture. Djemschid-Perses, the chief and model of the dynasty of the Achaemenides, was the first to open the soil of Persia with the same golden sword wielded by Perseus and Mithras, and which is nothing else but an emblem of the penetrating and fertilizing rays of the luminary of day. If Perseus, however, seems, by his father or his primitive type, to have reference to Asia, on the mother's side he is connected with Egypt, the native country of Danaiis and the Danaides. (Herod., 2, 91, 171.—Apollod., 2, 1, 4.) At Chemmis he had a temple and statue ; and as Tarsus, where he was also worshipped, received its name from the impress made by the fertilizing foot of Pegasus or Bellerophon, who followed in the track of the high deeds achieved by Perseus in Lower Asia, so the Chemnites pretended that Egypt was indebted for its fertility to the gigantic sandal left by the demi-god upon earth at the

eriods of his frequent visitations. (Herod., 2, 91.)

hey alone of the Egyptians celebrated games in honour of this warlike hero of the Sun, this conqueror in his celestial career, this worthy precursor of Hercules, his grandson.—If we connect what has been here said with the traces of Mithriac worship in Ethiopia and Egypt, as well as in Persia and Greece, we will be tempted to conjecture, that these two branches of a very early religion, the fundamental idea in which was the contest incessantly carried on by the pure and fertilizing principle of light against darkness and sterility, unite in one parent trunk at the very centre of the East. (Creuzer, Symbolik, par Guigniaut, vol. 3, p. 156, seqq.)—II. Son of Philip V., king of Macedonia, began at an early age to serve in his father's army, and distinguished himself by some successes against the barbarous nations which bordered on Macedonia. His younger brother Demetrius was carried away as hostage by the consul Flamininus, at the time of the peace between Rome and Philip, and, after remaining several years at Rome, where he won the favour of the senate, was sent back to Macedonia. After a time, he was again sent by his father to Rome, on a mission, in consequence of fresh disagreements which had sprung up between the two states. Demetrius succeeded in maintaining peace, but, after his return to Macedonia, he was accused of ambitious designs, of aspiring to the crown, and of being in secret correspondence with Rome. Perseus, who was jealous of him, supported the charges, and Philip doomed his younger son to death; but, not daring to have him openly executed, through fear of the Romans, he caused him to be poisoned. It is said that, having discovered his innocence, his remorse and his indignation against Perseus hastened his death. Perseus ascended the throne B.C. 179. This monarch had been brought up by his father with sentiments of hatred against the Romans, for the humiliation which they had inflicted on Macedonia. He dissembled his feelings, however, at the beginning of his reign, and confirmed the treaty existing between his father and the senate. Meanwhile he endeavoured, by a prudent and diligent administration, to strengthen has power, and retrieve the losses which his kingdom had sustained during the previous reign. But the Romans, who viewed with suspicion these indications of rising opposition, sought an early opportunity of crushing their foe, before his plans could be brought to maturity. Pretexts were not long wanting for such a purpose, and war was declared, notwithstanding every offer of concession on the part of Perseus. After a campaign of no decisive result in Thessaly, the war was transferred to the plains of Pieria in Macedonia, where Perseus encamped in a strong position on the banks of the river Enipeus. But the consul Paulus AEmilius having despatched a chosen body of troops across the mountains to attack him in the rear, he was compelled to retire to Pydna, where a battle took place, which terminated in his entire defeat, 20,000 Macedonians having fallen on the field. This single battle decided the fate of the ancient and powerful kingdom of Macedonia, after a duration of 530 years. Perseus fled almost alone, without waiting for the end of the conflict. He went first to Pella, the ancient seat of the Macedonian kings, then to Amphipolis, and thence to the island of Samothrace, whose asylum was considered inviolable. From this quarter he attempted to escape by sea to Thrace; but a Cretan master of a vessel, after having shipped part of his treasure, sailed away, and left the king on the shore. The attendants having also forsaken him except one, Perseus, with his

eldest son Philip, came out of the temple where he had taken refuge and surrendered to the Romans. He was treated at first by AEmilius with considerable indulgence, but was obliged to parade the streets of Rome with his children, to grace the triumph of his conqueror. He was afterward confined, by order cf the senate, at Alba Fucentia, near the lake Fucinus, where he died in a few years. His son Philip also died at Alba. Another and younger son is said to have become a scribe or writer to the municipality of the same place. (Liv., 44, 42.—Plut. Wit. P. Horsli. Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 17, p. 466. – Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 191.) Persia, a celebrated kingdom of Asia, compreherding, in its utmost extent, all the countries between the Indus and the Mediterranean, and from the Euxine and Caspian to the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean. In its more limited acceptation, however, the name Persia (or rather Persis) denoted a particular province, the original seat of the conquerors of Asia, where they were inured to hardship and privation. This region was bounded on the north and northwest by Media, from which it was separated by the mountain-range known to the ancients under the name of Parachoathras (Ptol., 6, 4.—Strab., 522); on the south by the Persian Gulf; on the east by Carmania; and on the west by Susiana, from which it was separated by rugged and inaccessible mountains. (Strab., 728) The country included within these limits is, according to Chardin's estimate, as large as France. The southern part of it, near the coast, is a sandy plain, almost uninhabitable, on account of the heat and the pestilential winds that blow from the desert of Carmania. (Plin., 12, 20.—Strab., 727.) But, at some distance from the coast, the ground rises, and the interior of the country, towards the north, is intersected by numerous mountain-ranges. The soil upon these mountains is very dry and barren, and, though there are some fertile valleys among them, they are in general fit only for the residence of nomadic shepherds. In the inner part of the country, however, there are many well-watered and fertile plains, in the largest of which Persepolis is situated. (Strab., 727.-Ptol., 6, 4.):

1. Names of Persia.

Persia is called, in the Old Testament, Paras. Another name employed by the sacred writers is Elam. Moses first uses this appellation in Genesis (10, 22), but a great error is committed by many who regard the ancient Elamites as the forefathers and progenitors of the whole nation of the Persians. The term Elam, strictly speaking, belongs only to one particular province of the Persian empire, called by the Grecian writers Elymais, and forming part of the modern Chasistan. The geographical notions of the ancient Hebrews were extremely limited : and as they first became acquainted with the inhabitants of the province of Elymais, before they knew anything respecting the rest of the Persians, they applied the term Elam to the whole of Persia.—Some modern writers have also regarded the name Chouta (Cuthaa), in the Scriptures, as designating Persia; and, in forming this opinion, they have been guided by the passage in the 2d book of Kings, 17, 24, where a Chouta is mentioned, which Josephus (Ant. Jud., 9, 14, 3) places in Persia. Michaelis, however (Spicileg., Geogr, Hebr. Ert., pt. 1, p. 104, seqq.), seeks to prove that Chouta was in Phoenicia, not in Persia; while Hyde and Reland place it in Babylonia. . If we adopt, in preference to the two last-mentioned writers, the testimony of Josephus, we may, with great probability, conclude that Chouta, like Elam, only denoted in fact a part, but, like it, was used to designate a whole. — Among the Greek and Roman writers Persia occasionally bears the name of Achaemenia, and the Persians themselves that of Achaemenii ("Axaputriot) Hence Hesychiu

remarks, 'Axatuávno, IIápanc. Ammianus Marcellinus (19, 2), in the common text of his history, gives Achaemenium as equivalent, in the Persian tongue, to “Rer regibus imperans;” but Valois (Walesius) corrects the common reading by the substitution of Saansaan, which closely resembles the modern title of royalty in Persia, Schaahinschaah.-The name Achaemenia comes in reality from that of Achaemenes, the sounder of the royal line of Persia. In the word Achaemenes, the last two syllables (-enes) are a mere Greek appendage, owing their existence to the well-known custom, on the part of the Greeks, of altering foreign, and particularly Oriental names, in such a way as to adapt them to their own finer organs of hearing. (Compare Josephus, Ant. Jud., 1,6.-Plin., Ep.,8, 4.) We have, then, Achaem ("Arap) remaining. The initial letter is merely the Oriental alif pronounced as a soft breathing, and the root of the word is Chaem (Xalp). On comparing this with the Oriental name Djemschid (in which the final syllable, schid, is a mere addition of a later age), we cannot sail to be struck by the resemblance. And this resemblance will become still more marked if we consider that Djem (Djoemo in the ZendAvesta) begins properly with a species of sibilant G, which, being pronounced more roughly in some dialects than in others, approximates very closely to the sound of Ch. Besides, all that the Greeks tell us of Achaemenes corresponds very exactly with what the East relates of its Djemschid. Achaemenes was the founder of the royal line of Persia, and to him Cyrus, Darius, and Xerxes were proud of tracing their origin. With the Persians of the present day, the name of Djemschid is held in the highest veneration as that of the founder of Persepolis, and a great and glorious monarch.-Herodotus (7,61) states that the Persians were anciently (trážai) called by the Greeks Cephenes (Knopfvec), but by themselves and their neighbours Artai ('Apraiot). As regards the name Cephenes, there is an evident mistake on the part of the historian, and the appellation beyond a doubt belongs only to certain tribes of the ancient Northern Chaldaea, who actually hore this name. With respect to the term Artari it may be remarked, that it merely designates a brave and warrior-people, being derived from the Persian art or ard, “strong,” “brave.” (Consult remarks at the end of the article Artaxerxes.)—One of the earliest names of Persia and the Persian empire, and the one most usual with the Persians themselves up to the present day, is Iran, while all the country beyond the Oxus was denominated Turan. The former of these appellations is identical with the Eeriene of the ZendAvesta, and will be alluded to again in the course of the present article.—The name Persia would seem to have come from that of the province of Faarsi-stan or Paarsi-stan, called also Faars or Paars, and the same with the Persis (IIápoto) of the Greeks. (Compare the Scripture Paras already mentioned.) In this province we find the genuine race of Iranians; and it was here that the magnificent city of Istakhar, which the Greeks have made known to Europe by the name of Persepolis, was built by the monarchs of Iran. The origin of the term Faars or Paars has been much disputed by philologists (Wahl, Vorder und Mittel-Asien, p. 225, seqq.); the root is evidently to be sought for in the term Aria or Eeriene, and this would bring Iran and Persia, as names of the same country, in close approximation. (Vid. Aria.) One explanation of the name “Persian” will be given farther on.

2. Origin and Early History of the Persians.

The first historical and religious epochs of Persia

are enveloped in such obscurity, and so many have

erred in relation to the character, far more mythic than

historical, of the early Oriental traditions, that we need

not wonder at the earnest enthusiasm with which such

men as Sir W. Jones and J. von Müller have adopted 6 M

the fictions of Dabistan. These fictions have far more connexion with the Brahminical traditions than with those of the Zend-Avesta, though they are found, in fact, ingrafted on the latter. The fourteen Abads ; the institution of the four castes by the great Abad; in a word, that ideal empire, as unlimited in geographical extent as in the immensity of the periods (sidereal in appearance, but at bottom purely artificial and arbitrary), that are connected with it; all this is evidently borrowed from India: and yet all this, when joined to the name of Mahabali, supposed to be identical with Baal or Belus, was thought to furnish a wonderful confirmation of the favourite hypothesis of a great antediluvian monarchy, which had embraced India, Persia, and Assyria in a common bond of language, religion, and national institutions. In this way it was believed that a solution could be given of all the difficult problems presented by the earliest portion of the history of the world. These traditions, however, have an air of philosophic abstraction, or, to speak more candidly, of premeditated invention, which ill agrees with the native simplicity that marks the legends of the ZendAvesta. It is from the Zend-Avesta, carefully compared with the more genuine portion of the Schah-Nameh, and with the scanty information which the Hebrews and Greeks have transmitted to us on this subject, that we must seek for some true information relative to the first periods of Persian history. At first view, indeed, there seems to be the widest possible difference between the narratives of the Jews and Greeks, and the national recollections of the people of Iran; and critics have heaped hypothesis upon hyso. in order to reconcile this discrepance: some

ave even regarded the thing as altogether impossible. Before the discovery of the Zend books, it was easy to suppose that the Oriental writers, coming as they did at so late a period upon the stage, had confounded together the Assyrians, Medes, and Persians as one and the same people, or else that they had designedly, and from feelings of national vanity, connected their own history o that of the powerful communities which had preceded them in the sovereignty of Western Asia. (Consult Anquetil du Perron, Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscript., vols. 40 and 42.—Görres, Mythengesch., vol. 1, p. 213, seqq., &c.) At the present day, however, this opinion is accompanied with great difficulties; for the same names, and, in general, the same ancient facts, are found, with some slight shades of difference, in the Zend-Avesta and in Ferdousi or his copyists. Everything, therefore, depends upon the period to be assigned for the composition of the Zend books.--Most writers distinguish between the Medes and Persians from their very origin; and to the former of these two nations they reser Zoroaster, his laws, the books that bear his name—in a word, the whole system of the Magian wo and the civilization of the Persians themselves. This theory makes the Medes to have formed originally a part of a great Bactrian nation, a Bactro-Median empire, and to have received from the Bactrians the elements of their own civilization. (Compare Heeren, Ideen, vol. 1, p. 427, seqq.) The writer just mentioned even inclines to the opinion that the Medes and Bactrians formed, for a long time, two distinct states, of which the latter was much earlier in its origin than the former (Handbuch der Gesch., p. 29); and this will serve to explain the two dynasties, so different from each other and so very unequal in number, that are given by Herodotus and Ctesias, while it at the same time re-establishes in their rights the communities on the banks of the Oxus, whom Aristotle and Clearchus regarded as having enjoyed, at so remote a period, the blessings of civilization. (Diog. Laert., proom. vi.)—As regards the origin of the Medes, Persians, and other ancient nations of the remote East, as well as their early history, all remains uncertain and obscure. It


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