spurious. Still more modern are the pretended authentic likenesses of Jesus; and the epistle of Lentulus to the Roman senate containing a description of his person. trinal interest in maintaining the miraculous stories of Jesus's youth in opposition to those Gnostics who asserted that the Aeon was first united with the man at the baptism of the latter. (Epiphan. haer. li. c. 20.) Several of these traditions are found in the Koran (comp. August. christologiae Coranicae lineamenta. Jen. 1799). Gospels of the infancy, still extant are the gospel of Thomas, an Arabic gospel of the infancy, and a Latin history of the nativity of Mary and the infancy of the Saviour. At a later period the virgin Mary also began to invite men to similar fabrications. Compounds of the two are exemplified in the Protevangelism of James, the Arabic history of Joseph the carpenter, and the Latin gospel of the nativity of Mary. B.) Respecting the last days of Jesus, Justin Martyr, apol. i. c. 35 and 48, refers to the rà el IIOVтÍQU Hiλáтov yevòμeva aкта; in the same way he himself alludes, c. 34, and also Chrysostom, hom. 31. de natali Christi, to the acts regarding the census of Quirinus, not that he had seen them himself, but because he presupposes their existence in the Roman archives. Hence arose Christian traditions in relation to the contents of these acts, out of which Tertullian, apolog. c. 5, 21, draws the fabulous. During the persecution of Maximin, the heathen, taking occasion from these traditions, produced wicked Acta Pilati (Euseb. h. e. ix. c. 5), to which the Christians of that day had none other to oppose. The latter, however, soon made their appearance afterwards (Epiphan. haer. 1. c. 1), and were fashioned and moulded in various ways. One of these fabrications has reccived in latter times the name, Gospel of Nicodemus. Cf. Henke de Pilati actis probabilia, Helmst. 1784, (opusc. academ. Lips. 1802, p. 199). W. L. Brunn de indole, aetate, et usu libri apocr. vulgo inscripti Evangel. Nicodemi, Berol, 1794, 8. Editions are: J. A. Fabricii codex apocryphus N. T. Partes iii. ed. 2. Hamb. 1719, 8. J. C. Thilo codex apocryphus N. T., T. i. Lips. 1832 (containing the apocryphal gospels). [Jones on the canon of the New Testament, Lond. 3 vols. 8vo.] Die apokryph. Evangelien u. Apostelgeschichten, übers. mit Einleit. und Anmerk. v. Dr K. F. Borberg, Stuttgart 1841. Cf. C. J. Nitzsch de apocryphorum Evangeliorum in explicandis canonicis usu et abusu. Viteb. 1808, 4. F. J. Arens de Evangell. apocr. in canonicis usu historico, critico, exegetico, Goetting. 1835, 4. The first traces of likeness of Christ are to be found among the Carpocratians (Iren. i. 25), and in the lararium of Severus Alexander (Lamprid. c. 29). The persecuted church of the first centuries needed in Christ the pattern of a sufferer. Hence arose the general opinion that he was of unsightly form, according to Isaiah liii. 2, 3. (So Tertullian de carne Christi 9. adv. Jud. c. 14. and often. Clem. Alex. paedag. iii. 1, Strom. ii. p. 308. Origenes contra Cels. vi. 327. duσeidès Tò 'Inσoû oŵμa.) At the same time all representations were forbidden, according to Exodus xx. 4. As soon as art began to represent Jesus, it must also have sought to express his excellence even in external form. Hence, from the fourth century onward, Jesus was supposed to have F SECOND CHAPTER. APOSTOLIC AGE TO THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. SOURCES: Acts of the Apostles,1 and Epistles of the New Testament. Scattered notices in the fathers of the first period, collected by Eusebius.2 WORKS: Lud. Capelli historia apostolica illustrata, Genev. 1634, 4. ed. Jo. A. had a body of external beauty, something divinely majestic in his exterior, according to Psalm xlv. 3. (Hieron. comm. in Matth. ix. 9.) Yet they confessed still that there was no authentic likeness of Jesus to be seen. (Augustin. de trinitate, viii. 4. Nam et ipsius dominicae facies carnis innumerabilium cogitationum diversitate variatur et fingitur, quae tamen una erat, quaecunque erat, and c. 5, qua fuerit ille facie, nos penitus ignoramus.) Eusebius (h. e. vii. c. 18. Comp. the excursus in Heinichen's edition, Tom. iii. p. 396 ss.) relates concerning a statue at Paneas that it was there supposed to point to Jesus and the occurrence in Matth. ix. 20. All later writers repeat the story after him, and John Malala (600 A.D.), in his Chronog., p. 305, gave the name of the woman Beronice. This monument was destroyed by Julian (Sozom. v. 21. Philostorg. vii. 3), or according to Asterius, bishop of Amasia (about 400 in Photii bibl. cod. 271 in fine), by Maximin at a time when copies of it were hardly taken. Judging by the analogy of many coins, the memorial had been erected in honour of an emperor (probably Hadrian), and falsely interpreted by the Christians, perhaps on account of a owript or few appearing in the inscription (cf. Th. Hasaei diss. ii. de monumento Paneadensi, Bremae 1726, 4. and in ejusd. sylloge dis sertt. ii. 314. Beausobre über die Bildsäule zu Paneas in Cramer's Sammlungen zur Kirchengesch. und theolog. Gelehrsamk. Th. 1, Leipzig 1748). Later imagines Christi non manu factae (cf. J. Gretser syntagma de imagg. non manu factis, Ingolst. 1622, and appended to Georg. Codinus ed. J. Goar. p. 289. Is. Beausobre des images de main divine, in the Biblioth. Germanique, xviii. 10. Comp. also the controversial writings in the succeeding volumes of that work.) 1. The coτευκτος εἰκὼν, ἣν ἀνθρώπων χεῖρες οὐκ εἰργάσαντο (Evagrius hist. eccl. iv. 27), sent to King Abgarus, and often mentioned in the image controversy, came from Edessa to Constantinople. Rome and Genoa now contend for the honour of its possession. A new miraculous copy of it on a brick was brought by order of the Emperor Nicephorus from Edessa to Constantinople, 968 A.D. Bayer hist. Osrhoëna et Edess. p. 112. Cf. Leo Diaconus (prim. ed. Hase, Paris 1819), lib. iv. c. 10. 2. Sudarium St Veronicae, still in the middle ages rightly named Veronica, i. e. vera icon. Cf. Gervassi Tilberiensis (about 1210) otia imperialia, c. 25 (Leibnit. scriptt. Brunsv. T. i. p. 968): De figura Domini, quae Veronica dicitur. Est ergo Veronica pictura Domini vera. Matth. Paris ad ann. 1216: effigies vultus Domini, quae Veronica dicitur. Now in Jaen, Milan, and Rome. (Cf. Act. SS. ad. d. 4. Febr. Lambertini de servorum Dei Leatificatione, lib. iv. p. 2, c. 31.) John VII. (705 A.D.) is said Fabricius, Lips. 1691, 8. (William Cave's History of the Apostles, London 1677.) Ph. Jac. Hartmann comm. de rebus gestis Christianorum sub Aposto have erected a house of St Maria in Beronica. 3. Sudarium Christi (first mentioned by Bede in lib. de locis sanctis) in Besançon, and the Sindon Christi in Turin. Pretended images of Christ made by his contemporaries: 1. An image of Christ, painted by Luke. Perhaps the first mention of it is by Theodorus Lector (about 518) apud. Nicephorum Callistum (about 1333) hist. eccles. ii. 43, who also mentions pictures of Mary and the principal Apostles, painted by Luke, Gregorius III. in epist. ad Leonem Imp., Simeon Metaphrastes (about 900) in vita S. Lucae. There is a picture of Christ, as a boy of thirteen years of age, by Luke, in the Sancta Sanctorum in the church of St John Lateran at Rome. 2. A picture of Christ, cut out of cedar-wood by Nicodemus, which was before at Berytus, as is pretended (cf. (Pseudo-) Athanasius, de passione imaginis D. n. J. Chr. qualiter crucifixa est in Syria in urbe Beryto), appears first in the Acta Synod. Nicaenae, ii. (787) sess. iv., was brought to Constantinople by the Emperor Nicephorus (Leo Diac. x. c. 5), and is now at Lucca (vultus Lucanus in Gervasius, c. 24, in Leibnitii script. Brunsv. T. i. p. 967). Cf. Joh. Reiskii exercitatt. hist. de imaginibus J. Chr. Jenae 1685, 4. Jablonski de origine imaginum Christi, in Opuscul. ed. te Water. T. iii. p. 377. Lugd. Bat. 1809.) F. Münter Sinnbilder und Kunstvorstellungen der alten Christen (2 Hfte. Altona 1825, 4.) ii. 3. Junker üb. Christusköpfe, in Meusel's Miscellaneen artist. Inhalts. xxv. 28. Ammon über Christusköpfe in his Magazin for christl. Prediger, i. ii. 315. 5 (J. B. Carpzov) de oris et corporis Jesu Christi forma Pseudolentuli, Joh. Damasceni et Nicephori prosopographiae. Helmstad. 1777, 4. In aveerτlav epistolae P. Lentuli ad Sen. Rom. de Jesu Chr. scriptae denuo inquirit J. Ph. Gabler, Jen. 1819. (Pfingstprogr). [American Bibl. Repository, 1832.] For an account of the numerous acts of the Apostles which are found in antiquity, especially among single heretical parties, see the list Fabricii cod. apocr. Nov. Test. Tom. ii. p. 743 ss. Thus the Ebionites had the περίοδοι Πέτρου διὰ Κλήμεντος γραφεῖσαι (Epiphan. haer. xxx. c. 15, comp. below, § 59), and #pážeis ärλai 'AOσTÓλ (1. c. c. 16). The Manichaeans, the Actus Apostolorum, or Tv 'ATоσTóλw #epiodor, composed by one Leucius Charinus (Augustin. de fide contra Manich. c. 38, and often. Photii bibl. cod. 114), &c. One of the most modern and copious productions of this kind is the Abdiae (this Abdias, it is pretended, was a disciple of the Apostles, and first bishop of Babylon) historia certaminis apostolici (belonging to the eighth or ninth century), published in Latin in Fabricii cod. apocryph. Nov. Test. T. ii. p. 388 ss. specting the apocryphal productions of this kind, printed and unprinted, see Thilo acta Thomae in the notitia, p. lii. ss. Re 2 Later records are: Synopsis de vita et morte Prophetarum, Apostolorum, et lxx. discipulorum Christi, spuriously ascribed to Dorotheus Tyrius, who lived about 303 (Latin in Bibl. PP. max. Tom. iii. Greek fragments in Cave histor. literar. T. i. p. 164 ss., and in the Chronicon paschale, ed. du Fresne, p. 426 ss). Hippolytus (not Portuensis, about 230, perhaps Thebanus, about 930) de xii. Apostolis, ubinam quisque tolis, Berol. 1699, 4. J. Fr. Buddei ecclesia apostolica, s. de statu ecclesiae de eccl. christ. apostolica, Goetting. 1813, 4. Planck's Gesch. d. Christ, u.s.w. G. Ch. R. Matthäi der Religionsglaube der Apostel nach s. Inhalte, Ursprunge u. Werthe, Bd. 1, Gott. 1826. Chr. Fr. Böhme die Religion der Apostel Jesu Christi aus ihren Urkunden dargestellt, Halle 1829. § 25. EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY TILL THE The adherents of Jesus, more than 500 in number, (1 Cor. xv. 6), and among them the twelve disciples, Simon (Cephas, Peter), and Andrew, sons of Jonas, James and John, sons of Zebedee, (Boanerges, sons of thunder, Mark iii. 17),1 Philip, Thomas (called Didymus, John xx. 24), Bartholomew, (Nathanael? John i. 46), Matthew, (Matthew ix. 9, Levi, the son of Alphaeus, Mark ii. 14), James (the son of Alphaeus, Matthew x. 3, and of Mary, Matthew xxvii. 56, the wife of Cleopas, John xix. 25)2 Thaddeus, (Lebbaeus surnamed Thaddeus, Matth. x. 3, Jude the brother of James, Luke vi. 16; Acts i. 13), Simon Zelotes (the Canaanite, Matth. x. 4), and Matthias, who was chosen in place of Judas Iscariot, to whom were now added the brethren of Jesus who had become believers,3 spent the first days after eorum praedicaverit, et consummatus sit (in Combefisii auctario; T. ii. Paris 1648.) 1 According to Wieseler (theol. Studien u. Krit. 1840, iii. 648), the sons of Zebedee were cousins of the Lord, their mother Salome the sister of Mary. 2 He is generally reckoned the same person with the adeλpòs TOU Kuplov, Gal. i. 19. Comp. especially Pott prolegg. in epist. Jacobi (ed. iii. 1816), p. 58 ss. Schneckenburger annotatio ad. epist. Jac. (Stuttg. 1832), p. 144. On the other side see Dr C. F. W. Clemen die Brüder Jesu, in Winer's Zeitschr. für wissenschaftl. Theol. iii. 329. Credner's Einl. in d. N. T. i. ii. 571. Neander's apost. Kirche, ii. 422. E. Th. Mayerhoff's Einleit. in d. petrin. Schriften (Hamb. 1835), S. 43. H. Biom de τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς et ταῖς ἀδελφαῖς τοῦ κυρίου, Lugd. Βat. 1839. 8. Neudecker's Einl. in d. N. T., S. 656. Wieseler in the theol. Studien u. Krit. 1842, i. 71. Comp. Winer's bibl. Realwörterbuch, i. 620. 3 Act. i. 14, comp. John vii. 5. A. Christ's ascension in retirement in Jerusalem, till the Divine Spirit, who had been in the prophets and in Jesus, began to manifest his living power in them in an extraordinary manner on the day of Pentecost. Furnished with power and courage, the apostles now appeared more publicly, and the number of Christ's confessors increased every day. The community, however, did not renounce Judaism and the Jewish law, but rather considered themselves to be the society of genuine Israelites, (uanral, ἀδελφοί, πιστεύοντες, σωζόμενοι, φοβούμενοι τὸν θεόν, called in derision by the Jews Nazarenes and Galileans) who having been saved from that untoward generation (Acts ii. 40), were preparing themselves for the unfolding of the Messiah's kingdom in its excellency. It must certainly be admitted, however, that sensuous expectations and erroneous opinions of the near approach of Christ's return (Acts i. 6; iii. 19-21), were mixed up with their better principles. The conditions of reception into this kingdom were repentance and faith in Christ, on which forgiveness of sin was promised in baptism, and the Holy Spirit imparted by the imposition of hands. Though they knew that the heathen also were admitted into the kingdom of God, still more that they should be invited, they yet believed that these Gentiles should first be incorporated among the Jewish people as proselytes of righteousness, and necessarily observe the entire Mosaic law. With this opinion they could not be in haste to invite the heathen also to embrace Christianity. But, although the community did not separate itself from the religion of the Jews, yet they were more closely connected together by the peculiar direction which their religious feelings naturally took, and by their peculiar hopes. Thus there arose by degrees a regularly constituted society among the brethren. For this the Jewish synagogue presented itself as the most natural model. At first, the apostles themselves performed the duties of the society, but by degrees special officers were appointed. The apostles caused seven distributors of alms to be chosen (Acts vi. 1-6), inasmuch as the brethren showed very great 4 Chr. Fr. Boehme de spe Messiana apostolica, Halae, 1826, 8. 5 The chief work is: Campeg. Vitringa de synagoga vetere, lib. iii. quibus tum de synagogis agitur, tum praecipue formam regiminis et ministerii earum in ecclesiam christ. translatam esse demonstratur, Franequerae 1696, and Leucopetr. 1726, 4. "Luke calls them simply the seven (ol érтá), Act xxi. 8. In latter |