and consequently this new Platonism formed the prevailing philosophy. With it, as the philosophy of superstition," Epicureanism almost alone, as the philosophy of unbelief,1o divided the dominion over the minds of men generally. Of the pure Peripatetics there was always but a small number; and though the Stoics could boast of so distinguished men at this time (Seneca, Dio of Prusa, Epictetus), yet their system of morality excited admiration, instead of exerting an influence on the life.13 The Cynics had lowered themselves so much by their shamelessness that their influence on the age was of little consequence.

II.

CONDITION OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE.

SOURCES-Writings of the New Testament. Flavii Josephi (born 37 n. Chr. ↑ about 93) Opera (Antiquitatum Judaicarum, libb. xx-de bello Judaico libb. vii.—de vita sua contra Apionem, libb. ii.) ed. Sigeb. Havercamp. Amstel. 1726. 2 Bde. fol. Smaller editions by Franc. Oberthür, Wirceburgi 1782 -85, 3 Thle. 8. and C. E. Richter, Lips. 1826 s. 6 voll. 8.

J. M. Jost, Geschichte der Israeliten seit der Zeit der Maccabäer bis auf unsere Tage, Berlin 1820-28, 9 Thle. 8.

§ 15.

IN PALESTINE.

After the Babylonish captivity the Jews were successively

11 These Platonists also exercised the profession of astrology. So Thrasybulus, the soothsayer of Tiberius (Sueton. in Tib. c. 14, 62. Tac. ann. vi. 20).

12 See above note 8. Juvenal. Satyr. xiii. 86 ss.

Sunt, in fortunae qui casibus omnia ponant,

Et nullo credant mundum rectore moveri,
Natura volvente vices et lucis et anni:

Atque ideo intrepidi quaecunque altaria tangunt.

13 Cicero Orat. pro Murena, c. 30: arripuit-disputandi causa-magna pars. Respecting the customs of the philosophers of this time generally, compare in Seneca, epist. 29, the reason why he doubts of gaining over a wit (Marcellinus) to philosophy: Scrutabitur scholas nostras, et objiciet philosophis congiaria, amicas, gulam: ostendet mihi alium in adulterio, alium in popina, alium in aula. Hos mihi circulatores, qui philosophiam honestius neglexissent, quam vendunt, in faciem ingeret. Juvenal. Sat. ii. init.

subject to the Persians, Egyptians, and Syrians, and then formed (from 167–63 B. C.) an independent state under the Maccabees, till the last of that race, Hyrcanus, was obliged to acknowledge the Roman sovereignty. After his death, Herod, the Idumean (from 40-4 B. C.) ruled over the land in dependence on the Romans, and afterwards divided it among his three sons, so that Archelaus was ethnarch of Judea, Idumea, and Samaria, while Philip and Herod Antipas, as tetrarchs, received possession,— the former, of Batanea, Ituræa, and Trachonitis,-the latter, of Galilea and Peræa. After the banishment of Archelaus, 6 A.D.), his territories became a Roman province, and were governed under the proconsul of Syria, by a procurator, (the fifth Pontius Pilate from 28-37 A.D.) The tetrarchy of Philip did not continue long after his death in the hands of the Romans, but was consigned to Herod Agrippa (37), who united with it the tetarchy (39) of the banished Herod Agrippa, and was finally elevated by Claudius even to be king of all Palestine (41). After his death, his entire kingdom again became a Roman province, managed by procurators, (Cuspius Fadus, Tiberius, Alexander, Ventidius Cumanus, Claudius Felix, Porcius Festus, Albinus, Gessius Florus). His son, Agrippa II., afterwards obtained the kingdom of Chalcis (47), which he was soon obliged to change for the tetrarchy of Philip (52); whilst, at the same time, the superintendence of the temple at Jerusalem was entrusted to him as a Jew. With him the race of Herod became extinct (†100 at Rome).1

Oppression under a foreign yoke, and especially the persecution of religion by Antiochus Epiphanes, had produced among the Jews a strict separation from all that were unjewish, inflaming their contempt and hatred for all foreign customs, and, at the same time, raising to a high degree their national feelings and attachment to the religion of their fathers. But, alas! a spiritual feeling for religion had expired with the spirit of prophecy. The priesthood, finding no longer any opposing obstacle, connected, with one-sided aim, the renovated zeal of the people with the external law, and, in particular, with the Levitical wor

1 Christ. Noldii hist. Idumea, s. de vita et gestis Herodum, Franeq. 1660, 12. also in Havercamp's edition of Josephus, T. ii. Appendix, p. 331 ff. E. Bertheau's zur Gesch. der Israeliten zwei Abhandlungen, Cöttingen 1842, S. 437.

ship which was always enlarging itself, in which alone the priests, as such, had an interest. Even the synagogues that arose after the Babylonish captivity, adapted as they were to promote a more spiritual religion, served still more to advance the legal spirit of the Levitical code. Hence, there arose at this time the most obstinate attachment-yea, a fanatical zeal for the Mosaic ceremonial, apart from any real religious feeling and moral improvement, and accompanied rather by a more general and deeper corruption of the people. Amid this disposition, which was directed only to the external, their pride in transmitted privileges, and in the peculiar favour of Jehovah, increased equally with the hope that God would soon free his favourite people from the yoke of the heathen, and, under the dominion of Messiah, elevate them to be the rulers of the earth. These earthly expectations and views, which the people painted to themselves in a highly sensuous degree, must have been very prejudicial to the inward religious feelings. At the same time, the opinion was not rare, that it was unworthy of the people of God to obey a foreign power. On the other hand, the prejudices and national pride of a people despised by the

2 Cf. Camp. Vitringa de Synagoga vetere, libb. iii. Franeker 1696, ed. 2, Leucopetr. 1726, 4.

3 Comp. Josephus in several passages; for example de B. J. v. 10, 5, he declares : μήτε πόλιν ἄλλην τοιαῦτα πεπονθέναι, μήτε γενεὰν ἐξ αἰῶνος γεγονέναι κακίας γονιμωτέραν. Ibid v. 13, 6. Ibid. vii. 8, 1: Ėyérero gáp aus ở χρόνος ἐκεῖνος παντοδαπῆς ἐν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις πονηρίας πολυφόρος, ὡς μηδὲν κακίας ἔργον ἄπρακτον καταλιπεῖν, μηδ' εἴ τις ἐπινοίᾳ διαπλάττειν ἐθελήσειεν ἔχειν ἄν τι καινότερον ἐξευρεῖν. οὕτως ίδιᾳ τε ταὶ κοινῇ πάντες ἐνόσησαν, καὶ πρὸς ὑπερβαλεῖν ἀλλήλους ἔν τε ταῖς πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἀσηβείαις, καὶ ταῖς εἰς τοὺς πλησίον ἀδικίαις ἐφιλονείκησαν.

* Respecting the Judaism of this time, see Dr Wette's biblische Dogmatik (2te Aufl. Berlin 1818), § 76 ff. Baumgarten-Crusius Grundzüge der bibl. Theologie, Jena 1828, S. 117 ff. C. H. L. Poelitz dissert. de gravissimis theologiae seriorum Judaeorum decretis, Lips. 1794, 4. The same author's pragmatische Uebersicht der Theologie der spätern Juden, Leipz. 1795, Th. 1, 8. A. F. Gfrörer's das Jahrhundert des Heils, 2 Abth. Stuttgart 1838. On the ideas entertained of the Messiah: Bertholdt Christologia Judaeorum Jesu Apostolorumquae aetate, Erlang. 1811, 8. C. A. Th. Keil historia dogmatis de regno Messiae Christi et Apostolorum aetate, Lips. 1781 (in Keilii opusculis, ed. J. D. Goldhorn, Lips. 1821, Sect. i. p. 22 ss.) Bertholdt and Gfrörer have ventured to throw too much of the later Rabbinism backward into this period.

s Judas Galilaeus and his adherents, μόνον ἡγεμόνα καὶ δεσπότην τὸν beòv úñeiληpótes (Jos. Ant. xvii. 1, 6). Ιούδας εἰς ἀπόστασιν ἐνῆγε τους

Romans, infused hatred into the minds of the procurators and other Roman officials, which was often exhibited in provocations and oppressions. Hence arose frequent rebellions against the Roman power, till at last the general insurrection under Gessius Florus (65) led to the devastation of the whole land, and the destruction of Jerusalem (70). By this means the strength of the people was broken for a time, but their disposition and aims were not changed.

It remains for us to notice three sects of the Jews:6 the Pharisees, in whom the Judaism of that time, with the new doctrinal sentiments acquired in exile, and its own continued culture of the Levitical law, presented itself in a completed form. All the traits of the national character were presented by this sect in a still more cultivated degree, and hence it was the greatest favourite among the people. The Sadducees 8 endeavoured to give prominence to the old Hebraism which appears in the written law of Moses. The Essenes led an ascetic life in retirement, and exerted but little influence over the people.

ἐπιχωρίους, κακίζων, εἰ φόρον τε Ρωμαίοις τελεῖν ὑπομένουσι, καὶ μετὰ τὸν θεὸν olooval Ovetous deσπóтas (de B. J. ii. 8, 1); cf. Deut. xvii. 15.

6 Trium scriptorum illustrium (Drusii, Jos. Scaligeri, et Serarii) de tribus Judaeorum sectis syntagma, ed Jac. Triglandius, Delphis 1703. 2 voll. 4. De Wette's hebräisch-jüdische Archäologie, § 274, 275. Peter Beer's Geschichte, Lehren und Meinungen aller bestandenen und noch bestehenden religiösen Secten der Juden, und der Geheimlehre oder Cabbalah, Brünn 1822-23, 2 Bde. 8.

7 Winer's bibl. Realwörterbuch, ii. 289.

8 Chr. G. L. Grossmann de philosophia Sadducaeorum, Part iv. Lips. 1836-38, 4. is of opinion, that, although Philo does not name the Sadducees, there are many references to them in his works, whereas the parties whom Philo combats are to be looked for in Alexandria (comp. Schreiter in Keil's u. Tzschirner's Analecten, i. 1. u. ii. 1). Comp. Winer, ii. 415.

9 Respecting them see Philo quod omnis probus sit liber, Josephus in several places, Plinius nat. hist. v. 15. J. J. Bellermann's geschichtl. Nachrichten aus dem Alterthume über Essäer u. Therapeuten, Berl. 1821, 8. Jos. Sauer de Essenis et Therapeutis disqu. Vratislav. 1829, 8. A. Gfrörer's Philo und die alexandrinische Theosophie, ii. 299. A. F. Dähne's geschichtl. Darstellung der jüdisch-alexander. Religionsphilosophie, i. 469. Neander's K. G. 2te Aufl. i. i. 73. According to Gfrörer, they were Therapeutae who had come into Palestine, and whose opinions were there modified. According to Baur (Apollonius of Tyana, p. 125), they were Jewish Pythagoreans. Dähne is of opinion that the Essenes had at least an Alexandrian basis for their sentiments. Neander, on the contrary, thinks that the peculiar tendency which charac

INTR. II.—JEWS. § 16. HEATHEN'S SENTIMENTS TOWARDS THEM. 39

$ 16.

SENTIMENTS OF THE HEATHEN NATIONS TOWARDS JUDAISM.

Judaism was respected by the heathen as an old popular religion; and Jehovah, as the God of the Jews, received, particularly from the different rulers of this country, the honours due to the deity of the land. But the Jews did not respect the religions of other people in the same manner, inasmuch as they treated their deities as nonentities, avoided all intercourse with foreigners as unclean, and expected that their own only true God would one day triumph over all other nations.2 Hence they were despised and hated, especially since antiquity was accustomed to estimate the power of the gods by the condition of

terised them had been formed independently of external circumstances out of the deeper religious meaning of the Old Testament, but that subsequently it received foreign, old-oriental, Parsic, and Chaldean, but not Alexandrian, elements.

1 Even Alexander is said to have offered sacrifice in the temple at Jerusalem according to the direction of the high priest (Joseph. Ant. xi. 8, 5). So also Ptolemy Euergetes (c. Apion. ii. 5). Seleucus Philopator (2Macc. 3, 1-3) and Augustus (Philo de legat. ad Cajum. p. 1036) sent of their own revenues for the daily sacrifices. Vitellius sacrificed in Jerusalem (Jos. Ant. xviii. 5, 3). Tertullian Apolog. c. 26: cujus (Judaeae) et deum victimis, et templum donis, et gentem foederibus aliquando, o Romani, honorastis.

2 Certainly the Jewish idea of the Messiah was known to the heathens in general, but we must not derive the measure of this knowledge from the passages: Sueton. Vespas. c. 4, percrebuerat Oriente toto vetus et constans opinio, esse in fatis, ut eo tempore Judaea profecti rerum potirentur. Tacit. hist. 5, 13. Pluribus persuasio inerat, antiquis sacerdotum literis contineri, eo ipso tempore fore, ut valesceret oriens, profectique Judaea rerum potirentur. Both these historians have here manifestly copied Josephus (de B. J. vi. 5, 4: ĥv xenoμds duplẞoXos ὁμοίως ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς εὑρημένος γράμμασιν, ὡς κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας τὶς αὐτῶν ἄρξει τῆς οἰκουμένης,), as is proved not only by the similarity of the words and the common reference to Vespasian, but also the express mention of Josephus and his prophecy in Sueton. Vesp. c. 5. But Josephus, in this case, gave a Grecian expression to the Jewish notion of the Messiah, and the flattering application to Vespasian was made for the purpose of giving importance to the writer's nation and himself, and to remove suspicion from them for the present at least. Tacitus makes frequent use of Josephus in his history of the Jews, though he always takes a Roman point of view.