dangerous they were to the interests of morality, and was able to bring them forward in popular instruction in no other than an inconsequential way. The Greek church could not but stumble at them; but it troubled itself little about such controversies. The exiled western bishops hoped therefore that they would so much the more readily obtain protection in Constantinople, as they belived they had wholly in their favour the works of Chrysostom, which were highly esteemed in that place.

36

consistent when he, epist. 194, c. 4, declares prayer for the efficacy of Divine grace consonant with his system, and epist. 157, c. 2, says, we receive Divine grace humiliter petendo et faciendo, and op. imperf. iii. 107: Homines quando audiunt vel legunt, ununquemque recepturum secundum ea, quae per corpus gessit, non debent in suae voluntatis virtute confidere, sed orare potius talem sibi a Domino praeparari voluntatem, ut non intrent in tentationem.

36 Comp. the refutation of Augustine's doctrines by Theodore of Mopsuestia, ap. Marius Mercator, ed. Baluz. p. 339 ss. ex. gr. p. 342 : Nihil horum prospicere potuit mirabilis peccati originalis assertor, quippe qui in divinis scripturis nequaquam fuerit exercitatus, nec ab infantia, juxta b. Pauli vocem, sacras didicerit literas.-Novissime vero in hanc dogmatis recidit novitatem, qua diceret, quod in ira atque furore Deus Adam mortalem esse praeceperit, et propter ejus unum delictum cunctos etiam necdum natos homines morte multaverit. Sic autem disputans non veretur nec confunditur ea sentire de Deo, quae nec de hominibus sanum sapientibus et aliquam justitiae curam gerentibus unquam quis aestimare tentavit caet.-The Greek church historians are altogether silent concerning the Pelagian controversy.

37 So Julian appealed to Chrysostom. See August. contra Jul. i. c. 6 s. With the same view Annianus, doubtless the Annianus Pseudodiaconus Celedensis who is mentioned by Hieron. ad August. (August. ep. 202) as a writer in favour of Pelagianism, and who was also present at the synod of Diospolis (see Garnerii diss. i. ad Marium Mercat. c. 7), translated into Latin numerous homilies of Chrysostom, of which hom. viii. in Matth. and hom. vii. de laudibus S. Pauli, still exist. Comp. his Prologus ad Orontium Episc. (who was condemned at Ephesus for being a Pelagian) prefixed to the hom. in Matth. (Chrysost. opp. ed. Montfau. con, T. vii. init.): Quid enim vel ad prudentiam eruditius, vel ad exercitationem ignitius, vel ad dogma purgatius nostrorum auribus offeratur, quam praeclara haec tam insignis animi ingeniique monumenta? Et hoc maxime tempore, quo per occasionem quarundum nimis difficilium quaestionum aedificationi morum atque ecclesiasticae disciplinae satis insolenter obstrepitur.--Quid pressius ille commendat, quani ingenitae nobis a Deo libertatis decus, cujus confessio praecipuum inter nos gentilesque discrimen est, qui hominem, ad imaginem Dei conditum, tam infeliciter fati violentia et peccandi putant necessitate devinctum, ut is etiam pecoribus invidere cogatur? Quid ille adversus eosdem magistros potius insinuat, quam Dei esse possibilia mandata, et hominem totius vel quae jubetur vel suadetur a Deo capacem esse virtutis? Quo quidem solo et

39

40

Hence they applied particularly to Nestor, who had been bishop of the see of Constantinople since 428. But when very prejudicial representations of Pelagianism had been disseminated from the west, especially by Marius Mercator, who was personally present in Constantinople, Nestorius saw the necessity of giving prominince to the ruinous consequences of the fall, and the necessity of baptism, which the Pelagians were said to deny. But, on the contrary, he found the Palagians themselves who had fled to him, so little heterodox, that he asked from the Romish bishop Caelestine (429) an explanation respecting the grounds of their condemnation. This very relation of the Pelagians to Nestorius was ruinous to them in the west; an interiniquitas ab imperante propellitur, et praevaricanti reatus affigitur. Jam vero iste eruditorum decus cum de gratia Dei disserit, quanta illam ubertate, quanta etiam cautione concelebrat! Non enim est in alterutro aut incautus, aut nimius, sed in utroque moderatus. Sic liberas ostendit hominum voluntates, ut ad Dei tamen mandata facienda divinae gratiae necessarium ubique fateatur auxilium: sic continuum divinae gratiae auxilium commendat, ut nec studia voluntatis interimat. Chrysost. in epist. ad Rom. hom. x. expressly rejects as an absurdity the opinion that by Adam's disobedience another person becomes a sinner. On the relation of grace to freedom he speaks in epist. ad Hebr. hom. xii.

38 Opera, ed. Jo. Garnerius, Paris 1673, fol. better Steph. Baluzius, Par. 1684, 8, (reprinted in Gallandii bibl. vett. Patr. viii. 613.) In the Commonitorium adv. haeresin Pelagii et Caelestii vel etiam scripta Juliani, ed. Baluz. p. 1. Commonitorium super nomine Caelestii, (429 presented to the emperor Theodosius II.) p. 132.

39 Marius Mercator always gives special prominence to the tenets of Caelestius (see note 4), though Pelagius had rejected most of them at the synod of Diospolis.

40 Nestorii sermones iv. contra Pelagium (Latin, partly in nothing but an extract in Marius Mercator, p. 120. The four discourses in the original among Chrysostom's orations, ed. Montfaucon, x. p. 733) are not aimed directly against Pelagius.

41 Marius Merc. p. 119: contra haeresin Pelagii seu Caelestii-quamvis recte sentiret et doceret, Julianum tamen ex episcopo Eclanensi cum participibus suis hujus haeresis signiferum et antesignanum, olim ab apostolica sententia exauctoratum atque depositum, in amicitiam interim censuit suscipiendum. Spem enim absolutionis promittens, ipsum quoque Caelestium litteris suis-consolatus est. This writing follows p. 131. On this account Nestorius applied in the year 429 to the Romish bishop Caelestine, in two letters (ap. Baronius ad ann. 430, note 3; ap. Coustant, among the epistt. Caelest. ep. vi. and vii). In the first: Julianus caet. -saepe-Imperatorem adierunt, ac suas causas defleverunt, tanquam orthodoxi temporibus orthodoxis persecutionem passi, saepe eadem et apud nos lamentantes.-Sed quoniam apertiore nobis de causis eorum notitia opus est,-dignare nobis notitiam de his largiri caet.

nal necessary connection between Pelagianism and Nestorianism was hunted out,42 and at the third general council at Ephesus (431), Pelagianism was condemned along with Nestorianism.43. Yet the Augustinian doctrine of grace and predestination was never adopted in the east.44

But even in the west, where this doctrine had been ecclesiastically ratified, there were never more than a few who held to it in its fearful consequences. Its injurious practical effects could not be overlooked, and appeared occasionally in outward manifestation.45 The monks, in particular, were naturally opposed to a view which annihilated all the meritoriousness of their monkish exercises.46 Hence Augustine soon found his doctrine disputed even by opponents of the Pelagians.47 The monks of Massilia especially, adopted a view of free grace between that of Augustine and that of Pelagius, which seems to have originated chiefly with John Cassian († soon after 432),48 a disciple

42 See below § 88, note 18.

43 See below § 88, note 27.

44 Münscher's Dogmengeschichte, iv. 238.

45 Comp. the memorable controversy among the monks of Adrumetum, 426 and 427. August. epistt. 214-216. Retractt. ii. 66, 67. Some (ep. 214,) sic gratiam praedicant, ut negent hominis esse liberum arbitrium, et, quod est gravius, dicant, quod in die judicii non sit redditurus Deus unicuique secundum opera ejus. They said accordingly (retr. ii. 67), neminem corripiendum,, si Dei praecepta non facit, sed pro illo ut faciat, tantummodo orandum (different after all only in the form, not essentially, from the doctrines of Augustine!) Others (ep. 215,) asserted, like the Semipelagians, secundum aliqua merita humana dari gratiam Dei. A strictly Augustinian party stood between. Against the first Augustine wrote de correptione et gratia; against the second de gratia et libero arbitrio. Comp. Walch's Ketzerhist. 245 ff.

46 Comp. for example Cassiani, coll. xix. 8: Finis quidem Coenobitae est, omnes suas mortificare et crucifigere voluntates, ac secundum evangelicae perfectionis salutare mundatum nihil de crastino cogitare. Quam perfectionem prorsus a nemine, nisi a Coenobita impleri posse certissi

mum est.

47 Joh. Geffcken hist. Semipelagianismi antiquissima, Gotting. 1826, 4. Wiggers Darstellung des Augustinismus u. Pelagianismus, 2ter Th. --On the differences between him and Vitalis see August. epist. 217. Walch, v. 9. Geffcken, p. 40 ss. Wiggers, ii. 198.

48 His works: De institutis Coenobiorum, libb. xii. Collationes Patrum xxiv. De incarnatione Christi, adv. Nestorium, libb. vii.-Opp. ed. Alardus Gazaeus, Duaci 1616, 3 T. 8. auct. Atrebati 1628 fol. (Reprinted Francof. 1722 and Lips. 1733 fol.)-cf. G. F. Wiggers de Joanne Cassiano Massiliensi, qui Semipelagianismi auctor vulgo perhibetur, comm. iii. Rostochii 1824-25, 4. The same author's Augusti

of Chrysostom.49 Augustine received the first account of these Massilians, or, as they were first named by the scholastics, Semipelagians, from his zealous adherents Prosper of Aquitania, and Hilary (429),50 and attempted to bring them over to his views in his last two works, (429, 430). After Augustine's

51

nismus u. Pelag. ii. 7. Jean Cassien, sa vie et ses écrits, thèse par L. F. Meyer. Strasbourg 1840, 4.

49 Comp. especially Collat. xiii. (according to Wiggers, ii. 37, written between 428 and 432, according to Geffcken, p. 6, somewhat before 426). Among other things we find in c. 9: Propositum namque Dei, quo non ob hoc hominem fecerat ut periret, sed ut in perpetuum viverit, manet immobile. Cujus benignitas cum bonae voluntatis in nobis quantulamcunque scintillam emicuisse perspexerit, vel quam ipse tamquam de dura silice nostri cordis excusserit, confovet eam et exsuscitat, suaque inspiratione confortat, volens omnes homines salvos fieri, et ad agnitionem veritatis venire (1 Tim. ii. 4).—Qui enim ut pereat unus ex pusillis non habet voluntatem, quomodo sine ingenti sacrilegio putandus est, non universaliter omnes, sed quosdam salvos fieri velle pro omnibus?-c. 8: Adest inseparabiliter nobis semper divina protectio, tantaque est erga creaturam suam pietas creatoris, ut non solum comitetur eam, sed etiam praecedat jugi providentia.-Qui cum in nobis ortum quendam bonae voluntatis inspexerit, illuminat eam confestim, atque confortat, et incitat ad salutem, incrementum tribuens ei, quam vel ipse plantavit, vel nostro conatu viderit emersisse. Et non solum sancta desideria benignus inspirat, sed etiam occasiones praestruit vitae, et opportunitatem boni effectus ac salutaris viae directionem demonstrat errantibus.-c. 9: Ut autem evidentius clareat, etiam per naturae bonum, quod beneficio creatoris indultum est, nonumquam bonarum voluntatum prodire principia, quae tamen nisi a Domino dirigantur, ad consummationem virtutum pervenire non possunt, Apostolus testis est dicens: Velle adjacet mihi, perficere autem bonum non invenio (Rom. vii. 18).-c. 11: Haec duo, i. e. vel gratia Dei, vel liberum arbitrium, sibi quidem invicem videntur adversa, sed utraque concordant, et utraque nos pariter debere suscipere, pietatis ratione colligimus, ne unum horum homini subtrahentes, ecclesiasticae fidei regulam excessisse videamur. c. 12: Unde cavendum est nobis, ne ita ad Dominum omnia sanctorum merita referamus, ut nihil nisi id quod malum atque perversum est humanae adscribamus naturae. Dubitari ergo non potest, inesse quidem omni animae naturaliter virtutum semina beneficio creatoris inserta, sed nisi haec opitulatione Dei fuerint excitata, ad incrementum perfectionis non poterunt pervenire. Collat. iii c. 12. Nullus justorum sibi sufficit ad obtinendam justitiam, nisi per momenta singula titubanti ei et corruenti fulcimenta manus suae supposuerit divina clementia. Wiggers, ii. 47.

50 Ep. Prosperi ad August. among Augustine's epistles, ep. 225, ep. Hilarii, 226. Wiggers, ii. 153.

51 De praedestinatione Sanctorum, liber ad Prosperum. De dona perseverantiae liber, ad Prosperum et Hilarium (s. liber secundus de praedest. Sanct.

death, Prosper (†460) 52 continued the controversy with greater violence, but could not prevent the Semipelagian doctrines from spreading farther, especially in Gaul. To these Semipelagians also belonged Vincentius Lirinensis († 450) whose Commonitorium, composed in the year 434, was one of the works most read in the west as a standard book of genuine Catholicism.53

III. CONTROVERSIES CONCERNING THE PERSON OF CHRIST.

§ 88.

NESTORIAN CONTROVERSY.

SOURCES: Nestor's own account (Evagrius, hist. eccl. i. 7,) was made use of by Irenaeus (Comes, then from 444-448, bishop of Tyre) in his Tragoedia s. comm. de rebus in synodo Ephesina, ac in Oriente toto gestis. This last work of Irenaeus is lost; but the original documents appended to it were transferred, in the sixth century, in a Latin translation, to the Synodicon (Variorum epist. ad Conc. Eph. pertinentes ex MS. Casin, ed. Chr. Lupus, Lovan. 1682, 4, in an improved form, ap. Mansi, v. 731, and in Theodoreti opp. ed. Schulze, v. 608). Marius Mercator also has many fragments of Acts, opp. p. ii. (see above § 87, note 38.) A complete collection of all the Acts is given in Mansi, iv. p. 567

5? Works: Epistola ad Rufinum de gratia et libero arbitrio. Carmen de ingratis. Epigrammata ii. in obtrectatorem S. Augustini, all belonging to 429 and 430. Epitaphium Nestorianae et Pelagianae haereseos, 431. Comp. Wiggers, ii. 169. Against new opponents (comp. Walch, v. 67. Geffcken, p. 32. Wiggers, ii. 184): Pro Augustino responsiones ad capitula objectionum Gallorum calumniantium. Pro Augustini doctrina resp. ad capitula objectionum Vincentianarum (doubtless Vinc. Lirin.). Pro Augustino respons. ad excerpta, quae de Genuensi civitate sunt missa. De gratia Dei et libero arbitrio lib. s. contra Collatorem (about 432, Wiggers, ii. 138). Besides see Chronicon (till 454).-Opp. ed. Jo. le Brun de Marette et D. Mangeau., Paris 1711, fol. cum var. lectt. ex Codd. Vatic. Romae 1758, 8.

53 Commonitorium pro catholicae fidei antiquitate et universitate adv. profanas omnium haereticor. novitates. Often published, among others, cum August. de doctr. Christ. ed. G. Calixtus. Helmst, 1629, 8. (ed. ii. 1655, 4,) cum Salviani opp. ed. St. Baluzius. (Paris 1663, ed. ii. 1669. ed. iii. 1684, 8.) ed. Engelb. Klüpfel. Viennae 1809, Herzog, Vratisl. 1839, 8, comp. Wiggers, ii. 208. That this Vincentius is the one who was attacked by Prosper, and that even in the Commonitorium Semipelagian traces are found, has been proved by Vossius, Norisius, Natalis, Alexander, Oudinus de scriptt. eccl. i. 1231. Geffcken, p. 53. Wiggers, ii. 195. On the contrary side Act. SS. Maji, vol. v. p. 284 ss. littéraire de la France, T. ii. p. 309.

Hist.