sionally disapproved.20 While Christians were supposed to be engaged in constant warfare with the world and the devil under the banner of Christ," they generally used the sign of the cross,22 and often exorcism,23 as a powerful defence against the machinations of evil spirits. Probably they already began to apply the latter in the case of those persons who, renouncing the prince of this world, prepared themselves for baptism. Many new usages were connected with baptism itself towards the end of the second century,25

24

20 Tertull. de baptismo, c. 18: Itaque pro cujusque personae conditione ac dispositione, etiam aetate, cunctatio baptismi utilior est: praecipue tamen circa parvulos. Quid enim necesse est, sponsores etiam periculo ingeri? quia et ipsi per mortalitatem destituere promissiones suas possunt, et proventu malae indolis falli. Ait quidem Dominus: Nolite illos prohibere ad me venire (Matth. xix. 14). Veniant ergo, dum adolescunt, veniant dum discunt, dum, quo veniant, docentur: fiant Christiani, quum Christum nosse potuerint. Quid festinat innocens aetas ad remissionem peccatorum? Cautius agetur in saecularibus, ut cui substantia terrena non creditur, divina credatur. Norint petere salutem ut petenti dedisse videaris. Non minore de causa innupti quoque procrastinandi, in quibus tentatio praeparata est tam virginibus per maturitatem, quam viduis per vagationem, donec aut nubant, aut continentiae corroborentur. Si qui pondus intelligant baptismi, magis timebunt consecutionem quam dilationem: fides integra secura est de salute. Cf. G. Walli hist. baptismi infantum, lat. vertit J. L. Schlosser (P. i. Bremae 1748, P. ii. Hamb. 1753, 4). P. i. p. 57 ss.

21 Tertull. ad Martyres, c. 3: Vocati sumus ad militiam Dei vivi jam tunc, cum in sacramenti verba respondimus, &c. De corona mil. c. 11. 22 Tertull. adv. Marc. iii. 18, de cor. militis, c. 3. But no adoration to the cross, Minucius Fel. c. 29: Cruces etiam nec colimus, nec op

tamus.

23 Tertull. de idololatr. c. 11 of the Christian Thurarius: Qua constantia exorcizabit alumnos suos (i.e, the demons, ironically), quibus domum suam cellariam praestat? De cor. militis, c. 11, of the Christian soldiers: quos interdiu exorcismis fugavit, noctibus defensabit, incumbens et requiescens super pilum, quo perfossum est latus Christi?

24 Barnabas epist. c. 16: Πρὸ τοῦ ἡμᾶς πιστεῦσαι τῷ θεῷ, ἣν ἡμῶν τὸ κατοικητήριον τῆς καρδίας φθαρτὸν καὶ ἀσθενὲς,—οἶκος δαιμόνων, διὰ τὸ ποιεῖν öσa v évavría т 04. From this view, the application of exorcism in the case of candidates for baptism resulted as a matter of course.

25 The ceremony of baptism was still very simple, as described in Justin. apol. i. c. 79. Otherwise in Tertull. de cor. mil. c. 3: Aquam adituri, ibidem, sed et aliquanto prius in ecclesia, sub antistitis manu contestamur, nos renunciare diabolo (åñoráσσeσbai daßów) et pompae et angelis ejus. Dehinc ter mergitamur, amplius aliquid respondentes quam dominus in Evangelio determinavit. Inde suscepti lactis et mellis concordiam praegustamus (qua infantamur, adv. Marc. i. c. 14): ex

The concluding of a marriage was announced by the bishop of the church; and with this was very naturally connected the giving of his blessing on the new union.26 Second marriages were condemned by many in all cases,27 and began to be expressly disallowed in the case of the clergy.28 But when the Montanists forbade them universally, they met with opposition. Fasts, which were looked upon as a suitable preparation for prayer, and celibacy, were valued, but continued to be left to the free choice of every one,29 although the opinion of Philo, that the marriage intercourse was something that rendered a person unclean had been already introduced.30 Many Christians devoted themque ea die lavacro quotidiano per totam hebdomadam abstinemus. There is an opinion that the last-mentioned rite was borrowed from the heathen mysteries; see Mosheim de rebus Christ. ante Const. M. p. 321. An excursus to the whole passage is given in Neander's Antignosticus, S. 149 ff. Tertull. de baptismo, c. 7; Exinde egressi de lavacro perungimur benedicta unctione (xploμari) de pristina disciplina, qua ungi oleo de cornu in sacerdotium solebant). This anointing, according to Thilo Acta Thomae, p. 177, was of Gnostic origin). Cap. 8: Dehinc manus imponitur, per benedictionem advocans et invitans spiritum sanctum (χειροθεσία). Jo. Dallaeus de duobus Latinorum ex unctione sacramentis. Genev. 1659, 4, p. 126 ss. Neander's KG. i. i. 543. 26 Ignat. Epist. ad Polycarp, § 5. Tertull. ad uxor. ii. c. 9: Unde sufficiam ad enarrandam felicitatem ejus matrimonii, quod ecclesia conciliat, et confirmat oblatio, et obsignatum angeli renunciant, pater rato habet? De pudicit. c. 4: Penes nos occultae quoque conjunctiones, i.e. non prius apud Ecclesiam professae, juxta moechiam et fornicationem judicari periclitantur. Cf. Jo. Seldeni uxor Ebraica, lib. ii. c. 28. Concerning the marriage of the first Christians see in (Abele) Mag. f. Kirchenrecht, Bd. 1, S. 261 ff. Münter's Sinnbilder de alten. Christen. Heft 2, S. 112 ff.

27 Athenagoras deprec. c. 28: ὁ δεύτερος (γάμος) εὐπρεπής ἐστι μοιχεία. On the other hand, Hermae Past. lib. i. mand. iv. 4: Si vir vel mulier alicujus decesserit, et nupserit aliquis illorum, numquid peccat? Qui nubit non peccat, inquit, sed si per se manserit, magnum sibi conquirit honorem apud Dominum. So also Clem. Alex, Strom. iii. p. 548. Cf. Cotelerius ad Hermae, 1. c.

28 Tertull. ad uxor. i. 7: disciplina ecclesiae et praescriptio Apostolidigamos non sinit praesidere. Yet, de monagam. 12: Quot enim et digami praesident apud vos, insultantes utique Apostolo! Derived from 1 Tim. iii. 2. Tertullian read also in Lev. xxi. Sacerdotes mei non plus nubent (de exhort. castit. 7). Comp. Heydenreich's Pastoral briefe Pauli, Bd. 1, S. 166 ff.

29 Even for the clergy: G. Calixti de conjug. clericorum. Helmst. 1631, ed. Henke, ibid. 1783, 4. ii. 181. Theiner's Einführung der erzwungenen Ehelosigkeit bei den Geistl. i. 69.

30 Semisch Justin d. M. i. 199.

selves to a certain abstinence ('Aoxnral);31 but all forced and artificial asceticism was disapproved.32 The only custom of the kind which was universal, was the celebration of the passiontime of Jesus by a fast; but this was observed in very different ways. In other cases, for voluntary fasting and prayer (stationes, stationum semijejunia, Tert. de jejun. c. 13) they chose Wednesday and Friday.33 Sunday and the Sabbath were ob

31 This appellation, formerly applied to the athletae (Plato de republ. iii. p. 297), was afterwards by Philo (de praem. et poen. 914, 917, 920) to the exercises of virtue in the wise. So also among the heathen philosophers (Arrian. diss. in Epict. iii. c. 12, Tepi dokhσews. Artemidorus, about 100, Oneirocrit. iv. c. 33, says of a certain philosopher, Alexander: ἔμελε δὲ αὐτῷ ὄντι ἀνδρὶ ἀσκητῇ οὔτε γάμου, οὔτε κοινωνίας, οὔτε πλούτου.) Athenagorae deprec. c. 28. Εὕροις δ ̓ ἂν πολλοὺς τῶν παρ' ἡμῖν καὶ ἄνδρας καὶ γυναῖκας καταγηράσκοντας ἀγάμους, ἐλπίδι τοῦ μᾶλλον σvvéσeolαι т e. Tertull. de cultu foem. 11. Non enim et multi ita faciunt, et se spadonatui obsignant propter regnum Dei (Matth. xix. 12), tam fortem et utique permissam voluptatem sponte ponentes (continentes,expareîs cf. de vel. virg. 3)? Numquid non aliqui ipsam Dei creaturam sibi interdicunt, abstinentes vino et animalibus esculentis, quorum fructus nulli periculo ant sollicitudini adjacent, sed humilitatem animae suae in victus quoque castigatione Deo immolant? Galenus see above § 41, note 16. cf. Sal. Deyling de Ascetis veterum, in ejusd. Observatt. sacr. lib. iii.

32 Dionys. Corinth. (ap. Euseb. iv. 23), in his letter to the Gnossians, exhorts bishop Pinytos, μὴ βαρύ φορτίον ἐπάναγκες τὸ περὶ ἁγνείας τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐπιτιθέναι, τῆς δὲ τῶν πολλῶν καταστοχάζεσθαι ἀσθενείας.—Ex epist. Eccl. Vienn. et Lugd. ap. Euseb. v. 3: 'Aλkißiádov yáp tivos éž avtŵv, πάνυ αὐχμηρὸν βιοῦντος βίον, καὶ μηδενὸς ὅλως τὸ πρότερον μεταλαμβάνοντος, ἀλλ ̓ ἢ ἄρτῳ μόνῳ καὶ ὕδατι χρωμένου, πειρωμένου τε καὶ ἐν τῇ εἱρκτῇ οὕτω διάγειν, 'Αττάλῳ μετὰ τὸν πρῶτον ἀγῶνα, ἓν ἐν τῷ ἀμφιθεάτρῳ ἤνυσεν, ἀπεκαλύφθη, ὅτι μὴ καλῶς ποιοίη ὁ ̓Αλκιβιάδης, μὴ χρώμενος τοῖς κτίσμασι τοῦ Θεοῦ καὶ ἄλλοις τύπον σκανδάλου ὑπολειπόμενος. πεισθεὶς δὲ ̓Αλκιβιάδης πάν των ἀνέδην μετελάμβανε καὶ ηὐχαρίστει τῷ θεῷ.

33 Respecting the Stationes, watches of milites Christi, which were usually continued till three o'clock in the afternoon, see Hermae Pastor iii. Sim. 5 and Fabricius ad h. 1. Gu. Beveregii cod. canonum eccl. primitivae vindicatus, lib. iii. c. 10.-Tertull. de jejun. c. 2. Certe in evangelio illos dies jejuniis determinatos putant (Psychici), in quibus ablatus est sponsus (Matth. ix. 15): et hos esse jam solos legitimos jejuniorum christianorum. (De orat. 14, die paschae communis et quasi publica jejunii religio est).-sic et Apostolos observasse, nullum aliud imponentes jugum certorum et in commune omnibus obeundorum jejuniorum; proinde nec stationum, quae et ipsae suos quidem dies habeant, quartae feriae et sextae, passim tamen currant, neque sub lege praecepti, neque ultra supremam diei, quando et orationes fere hora nona concludat, de Petri exemplo, quod actis refertur. (De orat. 14, statio de militari exemplo nomen accipit: nam et militia Dei sumus). C. 13, Bene

N

served as festivals; the latter, however, without Jewish superstition. In the celebration of the passover, there was a difference between the churches of Asia Minor and those of the west.34 The former adhered to the Jewish passover feast, giving it a reference to Christ; the latter, on the other hand, kept up the

autem, quod et Episcopi universae plebi mandare jejunia assolent-ex aliqua solicitudinis ecclesiasticae causa.-Irenaeus ad Victorem, ap. Euseb. v. 24, 4 : οὐδὲ γὰρ μόνον περὶ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐστὶν ἡ ἁμφισβήτησις, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τοῦ εἴδους αὐτοῦ τῆς νηστείας· οἱ μὲν γὰρ οἴονται μίαν ἡμέραν δεῖν αὐτοὺς νηστεύειν, οἱ δὲ δύο, οἱ δὲ καὶ πλείονας, οἱ δὲ τεσσαράκοντα ὥρας ἡμερινάς τε καὶ νυκτερινὰς συμμετροῦσι τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτῶν. On the last words see the Excursus in Heinichen, Euseb. t. iii. p. 377 ss. I am inclined to read rý ἡμέρᾳ αὐτῶν. "Others measures off forty hours along with their day" (μetpoûσi σìv tý hμépa), i. e. they fast the day which they celebrate as the passover, or the day of Christ's death (for in this there was a difference), and begin with the hour of the death (three o'clock afternoon), a new forty-hours' fast till the resurrection.-cf. Jo. Dallaeus de jejuniis et quadragesima, Daventr. 1654, 8.

34 The older historians, in taking the passover as the festival of the resurrection, misunderstood the celebration practised in Asia Minor. Different opinions of the moderns: Gabr. Daniel de la discipline des Quartodécimans pour la célébration de la Pacque (in his Recueil de divers ouvrages philos., theol., histor. Paris 1724, 4, iii. 473). Chr. A. Heumann vera descriptio priscae contentionis inter Romam et Asiam de Vero Paschate (in ejusd. nova sylloge dissertat. i. 156 ss). J. L. Mosheim de reb. Christ. ante Const. M. p. 435 ss. Zeander im kirchenhist. Archiv. 1823, Heft 2, S. 90 ff. Kirchengesch. i. i. 511 ff. J. W. Rettberg's Paschastreit der älten Kirche, in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. ii. ii. 91. (Comp. my remarks in the theol. Studien u. Krit. 1833, iv. 1149).

35 The most important in this festival was the passover day, the 14th of Nisan, which, after it had been probably spent in fasting, closed with a Christian paschal meal, (love-feast and Eucharist). (Epiphan. haer. 1. 1, ἅπαξ τοῦ ἔτους μίαν ἡμέραν τοῦ Πάσχα φιλονείκως ἄγουσι. Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, who defended, in the year 196, this solemnity against the Romish bishop Victor, designates it in Euseb. v. 24, as a τηpeîv tǹv ἡμέραν τῆς τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτης τοῦ Πάσχα κατὰ τὸ Εὐαγγέλιον. The whole day, therefore, was kept, but it might be observed merely by fasting. Comp. Tertull. de orat. c. 14, see above note 33). In favour of this they appealed to a passage of the law, (Epiphan. haer. 1. 1): ötl ἐπικατάρατος, ὃς οὐ ποιήσει τὸ Πάσχα τῇ τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ τοῦ unvós. They said (apud Hippolytus in chron. Pasch. p. 6): émoinσe tò Πάσχα ὁ Χριστὸς τότε τῇ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ ἔπαθεν· διὰ κἀμὲ δεῖ ὃν τρόπον ὁ κύριος ἐποίησεν, οὕτω ποιεῖν. In it they ate unleavened bread, probably like the Jews, eight days throughout: they said (Chrysostomus contra Jud. orat. iii. ed. Montfaucon, i. 610): ¿тi μетà тоû ášíμov тò Πάσχα ἐστίν. On the contrary, there is no trace of a yearly festival of the resurrection among them, for this was kept every Sunday.

recollection of the death and resurrection of Christ, as in every week, so with greater solemnity every year, at the passover festival, on the corresponding days of the week, so that the passover Friday was always regarded by them as dies paschae. When Polycarp visited Rome, about 160, he had a conference on this point with the Romish bishop Anicetus (epist. Iren. ap. Euseb. v. 24). Both remained of the same opinion as before, but separated in perfect friendship. Among the Christians of Asia Minor themselves, there was a controversy in Laodicea respecting the passover, about 170; but the proper point debated is not certainly known.36

Since the Christians of Asia Minor appealed in favour of their passover solemnity on the 14th Nisan to John, (Polycrates, 1. c.), and yet, according to his gospel, Christ partook of the last supper with his disciples so early as the 13th Nisan; an argument has been lately deduced from this fact against the authenticity of John's gospel, (Bretschneider probabilia, p. 109, after him Strauss and Schwegler). To judge correctly of this matter, we must set out with that which is remarked very truly respecting it by Socrates, hist. eccl. v. 22 : οὐδαμοῦ τοίνυν ὁ ̓Απόστολος, οὐδὲ τὰ εὐαγγέλια ζυγὸν δουλείας τοῖς τῷ κηρύγματι προσελθοῦσιν ἐπέθηκαν· ἀλλὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν τοῦ πάσχα καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἑορτὰς τιμᾷν, τῇ εὐγνωμοσύνῃ τῶν εὐεργετηθέντων κατέλιπον.--σκοπὸς μὴν οὖν γέγονε τοῖς ̓Αποστόλοις, οὐ περὶ ἡμερῶν ἑορταστικῶν νομοθετεῖν, ἀλλὰ βίον ἐρθὸν καὶ τὴν θεοσέβειαν εἰσηγή σασθαι· ἐμοὶ δὲ φαίνεται, ὅτι ὥσπερ ἄλλα πολλὰ κατὰ χώρας συνήθειαν ἔλαβεν, οὕτω καὶ ἡ τοῦ πάσχα ἑορτὴ παρ' ἑκάστοις ἐκ συνηθείας τινὸς ἰδιάζουσαν ἔσχε τὴν παρατήρησιν, διὰ τὸ μηδένα τῶν ̓Αποστόλων, ὡς ἔφην, μηδενὶ νενομοθετηκέναι περὶ αὐτῆς. In the Christian assemblies the Jewish passover was at first kept up, but observed with reference to Christ, the true passover, (1 Cor. v. 7, 8). Thus John, too, found it in Ephesus, and allowed it to remain unaltered. He corrected it in his gospel only so far as it proceeded on the supposition that Christ had eaten with the Jews the passover on the day before his death, by making it apparent that Christ was crucified on the 14th Nisan. But that solemnity needed not to have been changed on this account; on the contrary, if the 14th Nisan was the true Christian passover day, the fulfilment of the typical passover took place on the same day with it.

36 Melito περὶ τοῦ Πάσχα ap. Eusebius, iv. 26, 2 : ἐπὶ Σερουΐλιου Παύλου, ἀνθυπάτου τῆς ̓Ασίας, ᾧ Σάγαρις καιρῷ ἐμαρτύρησεν, ἐγένετο ζήτησις πολλὴ ἐν Λαοδικείᾳ περὶ τοῦ Πάσχα, ἐμπεσόντος κατὰ καιρὸν ἐν ἐκείναις ταῖς ἡμέραις· καὶ ἐγράφη ταῦτα. Eusebius adds, that Clement of Alexandria was in duced to write his book on the passover by this work of Melito. Since Melito is quoted by Polycrates (Euseb. v. 24, 2) as an authority for the custom observed in Asia Minor, but since the paschal chronicle, p. 6 s., quotes the writings of the contemporaneous Apollinaris, bishop of Hierapolis, and Clement of Alexandria, on the passover, beside each other in favour of the view that Christ had not eaten the Jewish passover on the day before his death, it has been inferred that Apollinaris had attacked