FIRST CHAPTER.

EXTERNAL HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY.

§ 39.

ITS DIFFUSION.

Although the Christian writers of this time manifestly speak in exaggerated terms of the spread of Christianity, yet the extraordinary progress it made cannot be mistaken. In the west, it extended from Rome to western Africa, where Carthage was its chief seat. In Gaul, we find churches at Lyons and Vienne,

1 Justin. dial. c. Tryph. c. 117: οὐδὲ ἐν γὰρ ὅλως ἐστὶ τὸ γένος ἀνθρώπων, εἴτε βαρβάρων, εἴτε Ελλήνων, εἴτε ἁπλῶς φτινιοῦν ὀνόματι προσαγορευομένων, ἢ ἀμαξοβίων, ἢ ἀοίκων καλουμένων, ἢ ἐν σκηναῖς κτηνοτρόφων οἰκούντων, ἐν οἷς μὴ διὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος τοῦ σταυρωθέντος Ἰησοῦ εὐχαὶ καὶ εὐχαριστίαι τῷ πατρὶ καὶ ποιητῇ τῶν ὅλων γίνονται. Irenaeus i. 3 : καὶ οὔτε αἱ ἐν Γερμανίαις ἱδρυμέναι ἐκκλησίαι ἄλλως πεπιστεύκασιν, ἢ ἄλλως παραδιδόασιν, οὔτε ἐν ταῖς Ἰβηρίαις, οὔτε ἐν Κελτοῖς, οὔτε κατὰ τὰς ἀνατολὰς, οὔτε ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ, οὔτε ἐν Λιβύῃ, οὔτε αἱ κατὰ μέσα τοῦ κόσμου ἱδρυμέναι. Tertullianus adv. Judaeos, c. 7: In quem enim alium universae gentes crediderunt nisi in Christum, qui jam venit? Cui enim et aliae gentes crediderunt: Parthi, Medi, Elamitae, et qui inhabitant Mesopotamiam, Armeniam, Phrygiam, Cappadociam, et incolentes Pontum et Asiam, Pamphyliam, immorantes Aegyptum et regionem Africae, quae est trans Cyrenen, inhabitantes Romam, et incolae tunc et in Hierusalem Judaei et caeterae gentes (ac· cording to Acts ii. 9, 10): etiam Getulorum varietates, et Maurorum multi fines, Hispaniarum omnes termini, et Galliarum diversae nationes, et Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca, Christo vero subdita, et Sarmatarum et Dacorum et Germanorum et Scytharum et abditarum multarum gentium, et provinciarum et insularum multarum, nobis ignotarum, et quae enumerare minus possumus. In the Roman empire: Tertulliani apol. c. 37: Si enim hostes exertos, non tantum vindices occultos agere vellemus, deesset nobis vis numerorum et copiarum? Plures nimirum Mauri et Marcomanni ipsique Parthi, vel quantaecunque, unius tamen loci et suorum finium, gentes, quam totius orbis? Hesterni sumus, et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa, tribus, decurias, palatium, senatum, forum. Iren. iv. 49, mentions fideles, qui in regali aula sunt et ex iis, quae Caesaris sunt, habent utensilia.

2 Fr. Münteri primordia eccl. Africanae, Hafn. 1829, 4. p. 6 ss. The numbers of the Christians here, even so early as the end of the second

immediately after the middle of the second century (Euseb. v. c. 1). From this country Christianity may have spread into Germany (cisrhenana) and Britain, but only by the efforts of individuals. In the east, we find it firmly established in Edessa, so early as the middle of the second century; and from this city it had also extended itself, as it seems, into the countries lying eastward. In northern Arabia," there must likewise have been Christians so early as this period. About 180, Pantaenus went from Alexandria to India, to preach the gospel in that region (Euseb. h. e. v. 10.)

§ 40.

OPPOSITION TO CHRISTIANITY BY WRITERS.

Tzschirner's der Fall des Heidenthums. Bd. 1, S. 313 ff.

The principal opponent of Christianity at this period was the

century, may be inferred from Tertullian apologet. c. 37: Hesterni sumus et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, etc. and adv. Scapul. c. 5, when it is said that, in case of a persecution of the Christians, Carthage would have to be decimated. About 200 A.D. a synod was held under Agrippinus, bishop of Carthage (Cyprian. epist. 71 and 73), which, according to Augustin. de baptism ii. c. 13, consisted of seventy African and Numidian bishops.

3 C. J. Hefele's Gesch. d. Einführung des Christenthums in südwestl. Deutschland, Tübingen 1837, S. 42.

4 The Christian scholar Bardesanes, about 160-170, was highly esteemed by the prince of Edessa Abgar Bar Manu. According to the Chronicon in Edessa in Assemani bibl. orient. i. 391, the church of the Christians in Edessa was destroyed by an inundation as early as 202 A.D. Comp. Bayer historia Osrhoena et Edessena. Petrop. 1734, 4. p. 170.

5 Bardesanes de fato (in Eusebii praepar. evang. vi. c. 10): oûte oi èv Παρθία Χριστιανοὶ πολυγαμοῦσι, Πάρθοι ὑπάρχοντες, οὔθ' οἱ ἐν Μηδίᾳ κυσί παραβάλλουσι τοὺς νηκρούς· οὐχ οἱ ἐν Περσίδι γαμοῦσι τὰς θυγατέρας αὐτων, Πέρσαι ὄντες· οὐ παρὰ Βάκτροις και Γάλλοις φθείρουσι τοὺς γάμους. οὐχ οἱ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ θρησκεύουσι τὸν Απιν, ἢ τὸν Κύνα, ἢ τὸν Τράγον, ἢ Αίλουρον· ἀλλ ̓ ὅπου εἰσὶν, οὔτε ὑπὸ τῶν κακῶς κειμένων νόμων, καὶ ἐθῶν νικῶνται.

6 Arabia petraea, since the time of Trajan a Roman province under the name Arabia, its chief city being Bostra, or Nova Colonia Trajana. So early as the middle of the third century there were many bishops here, Euseb. vi. 33, 37.

7 Probably Yemen, see § 27, Not. 28. Comp. Redepenning's Origines, i. 66.

ἀληθὴς

Epicurean Celsus (about 150), who, in a work styled "as Xoyos," and perhaps in others now lost, collected all that could be said against it with any appearance of probability.1 The cynic philosopher Crescens, and the rhetorician M. Cornelius Fronto (about 150), are known as the enemies of Christianity only by detached passages. Lucian of Samosata (about 180) also considered Christianity in no other light, than as one of the many follies of the time, which deserved the satirical lash.3

1 Celsus and his work are known only by the refutation of Origen (contra Celsum libb. viii, ed. G. Spencer. Cantabrig. 1677, 4to. translated by Mosheim, Hamburg 1745, 4to. cf. C. R. Jachmann de Celso philosopho disseruit, et fragmenta libri, quem contra Christianos edidit, collegit, a Koenigsberg Easter-programm 1836, 4). Origen calls him an Epicurean (i. p. 3, εὑρίσκεται ἐξ ἄλλων συγγραμμάτων Επικούρειος ὤν), who merely kept back his Epicureanism in his work (iv. p. 163, un mávu ἐμφαίνων διὰ τοῦ συγγράμματος τὸν Επικούρειον, ἀλλὰ προσποιούμενος πρόνοιαν eidérai), and assumed the mien of a Platonic philosopher (iv. p. 219, év πολλοῖς πλατωνίζειν θέλει); doubtless because he was able to influence the religious heathen only in this way. In opposition to the opinion that Celsus was really a Platonist, which has become common on Mosheim's authority (preface to his version of Origen, P. 22 ff.), his Epicureanism is asserted by J. F. Fenger de Celso, Christianarum adversario, Epicureo comm. Havn. 1828, 8. Tzschirner's Fall des Heidenthums, i. 325. According to F. A. Philippi de Celsi, adversarii Christianorum, philosophandi genere, Berol. 1836, 8. he was an eclectic with a special leaning to Epicurus. According to C. W. I. Bindemann (über Celsus u. seine Schrift gegen die Christen, in Illgen's Zeitschr. für d. hist. Theol. 1842, ii. 58), he was a Platonic philosopher of a more liberal tendency, who agreed with Epicurus in many points. According to Origen, i. p. 28, Celsus lived κατὰ 'Αδριανὸν καὶ κατωτέρω : It is certain that he wrote in the second half of the second century, for he recognises the whole of the Gnostic sects, and even the Marcionites (v. p. 272), as parties completely formed. Probably he is the same Celsus to whom Lucian dedicates his Alexander, as is assumed by the ancient scholiast (see Luciani Alexander, ed. C. G. Jacob, Colon. 1828, p. 8. Fenger, p. 40 ss. Bindemann 1. c. 99). Origen does not know (i. p. 53, iv. p. 186) whether he is the same Celsus who wrote several books against magic, and two other books against the Christians.

2 Respecting Crescens comp. Euseb. iv. 16, where also the passages Justin. apol. ii. c. 3, Tatian. orat. c. 19, are quoted. Respecting Fronto see Minucius Fel. c. 9 and c. 31.

3 In his works de morte Peregrini, c. 11-16. Alexander, c. 25, 38, de vera historia, i. 12, 30, ii. 4, 11, 12, cf. Walchii rerum christianarum apud Lucianum de morte Peregr. explicatio, in the Novis commentariis Soc. Reg. scient. Gotting. t. viii. p. 1 ss. Lucianus num scriptis suis adjuvare religionem christianam voluerit diss. scripsit H. C. A. Eichstädt, Jenae 1820, 4. (also in Luciani opp. ed. Lehmann, t. i. p. lxxv. ss.). Tzschirner's Gesch. d. Apologetik, i. 200 ff. The same author's Fall des

§ 41.

DISPOSITION OF THE PEOPLE IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE TOWARDS CHRISTIANITY.

Christ. Kortholt paganus obtrectator, Kilon. 1698, 4. J. J. Huldrici gentilis obtrecator, Tigur. 1744, 8. G. F. Gudii paganus Christianorum laudator et fautor, Lips. 1741, 4. Tzschirner der Fall des Heidenthums, i. 225 ff. 335 ff. G. G. S. Koepke de statu et conditione Christianorum sub. impp. Romanis alterius Chr. saeculi. Berol. 1828, 4. (a school programm.)

P.

In proportion as the peculiar nature of Christianity, as a different system from Judaism, became better known, so much the more must it have appeared, when viewed from the position of a heathen citizen, as a hostile, threatening power, whose rapid diffusion was highly suspicious. The Christians saw only evil demons in the gods of the heathen; and since the worship of the gods had pervaded all forms of life, they were compelled entirely to withdraw themselves from the public and domestic life of the heathen, from their amusements, and their displays of art,1 Hence Christianity appeared to the heathen in the light of a misanthropic superstition.2 But the Christians refused even to Heidenthums, i. 315 ff. K. G. Jacob's Charakteristik Lucian's v. Samosata, Hamburg 1832, S. 155. Baur's Apollonius von Tyana u. Christus, S. 140. The dialogue Philopatris, according to J. M. Gesneri de aetate et auctore dialogi Lucianei, qui Philopatris inscribitur, ed. 3. Gotting. 1741 (also in Luciani opp. ed. Reitz, iii. 708 ss.), is usually placed in the time of Julian. According to Niebuhr it was first composed under the emperor Nicephorus Phocas, in the year 968 or 969, see Corporis scriptt. hist. Byzant. Bonnensis P. xi. (Leo Diaconus, &c.) praef. p. ix. On the other side, see Bernhardy in the Berlin. Jahrbücher, Juli 1832, S. 131, and Neander KG. ii. i. 190. A new opinion is advanced by Ehemann in Stirm's Studien der ev. Geistlichk. Wirtemberg's, 1839, S. 47.

1 Hence from the games (cf. Tertulliani de spectaculis liber), festivities, and banquets, (even the wearing of garlands was not permitted. Tertull. de corona militis. Clemens. Alex. in paedagogo, ii. c. 8), from certain professions, &c., cf. Tertull. de idololatri liber, Neander's Antignosticus, Berlin 1825, S. 22 ff. The same author's Kirchengesch. i. i. 450 ff. Fr. Münter's die Christinn im heidnischen Hause vor den Zeiten Constantin's d. G. Kopenth. 1828, 8.

2 Minucii Felicis Octavius, c. 12, the heathen Caecilius says: vos vero suspensi interim atque solliciti honestis voluptatibus abstinetis: non spectacula visitis, non pompis interestis: convivia publica absque vobis:

the emperors the usual marks of divine honour paid them.3 They cherished among them the expectation that a near destruction was impending over all the kingdoms of the earth; and many would not undertake civil and military offices to which they were called. It was natural, therefore, that they should be looked upon as bad citizens; and however solemn was their asseveration that Christianity demanded still greater obedience to the powers under which they lived, it appeared, notwithstanding, in the eyes of the heathen, accustomed as they were to a religion subordinate to political objects, a circumstance so much the more suspicious, that the Christians were constantly obliged to annex a condition, viz. that the commands of the magistrate should not contradict the Divine law.7 The moral impression which the doctrine and

sacra certamina, praecerptos cibos et delibatos altaribus potus abhorretis. Sic reformidatis deos, quos negatis. Non floribus caput nectitis, non corpus odoribus honestatis: reservatis unguenta funeribus, coronas etiam sepulcris denegatis, pallidi, trepidi, misericordia digni et nostrorum deorum, c. 8: latebrosa et lucifuga natio, in publicum muta, in angulis garrula.

3 Theophil. ad Autolycum, i. 11: èpeîs μoɩ διὰ τί οὐ προσκυνεῖς τὸν Bao Néa; Tertullianus ad nationes, i. 17: Prima obstinatio est, quae secunda ab eis religio constituitur Caesarianae majestatis, quod irreligiosi dicamur in Caesares: neque imagines eorum repropitiando, neque genios dejerando hostes populi nuncupamur. Tertull. de idololatr. c. 13-15, is zealous even against the illumination and decoration of the doors in honour of the emperors, cf. c. 15: Igitur quod attineat ad honores regum vel imperatorum, satis praescriptum habemus, in omni obsequio esse nos oportere, secundum Apostoli praeceptum, subditos magistratibus et principibus. et potestatibus: sed intra limites disciplinae, quousque ab idololatria separamur.-Accendant igitur quotidie lucernas, quibus lux nulla est, adfigant postibus lauros postmodum arsuras, quibus ignes imminent: illis competunt et testimonia tenebrarum, et auspicia poenarum. Tu lumen es mundi, et arbor virens semper. Si templis renuntiasti, ne feceris templum januam tuam.

How this was expressed in a manner exasperating to the heathen, especially by the Montanists, see below § 48, note 5. On this account, it appeared to the heathen politically dangerous. Justini apol. i. 11: Kal ὑμεῖς ἀκούσαντες βασιλείαν προσδοκῶντας ἡμᾶς, ἀκρίτως ἀνθρώπινον λέγειν ἡμᾶς ὑπειλήφατε, ἡμῶν τὴν μετὰ θεοῦ λεγόντων.

5 Especially Tertull. de idol. c. 17, 18. Idem de cor. militis, c. 11. Origen. c. Celsum, viii. p. 427: Still, however, there were many Christian soldiers at this time. Neander's KG. i. i. 464.

6 Epist. eccl. Smyrn. ap. Euseb. iv. 15, 9. Justinus M. apol. i. 17. Irenaeus, v. 24. Theophil. ad Autolycum, i. 11.

7 Tertulliani apologet. c. 2: Christianum hominem omnium scelerum rerum, deorum, imperatorum, legum, morum, naturae totius inimicum exis