and sanguine in their expectations, would, | on the House going into a committee, be satisfied of their ultimate success. They would have gained one important step, for which they have so long been labouring in vain. Hope, already raised to expectation, would instantly be increased to ideal certainty. They would consider the Rubicon as passed, and retreat, on the part of parliament, impracticable; and if they are now unwilling to concede any favourite point, is it probable that, buoyed up by a partial success, relying on a fancied security, they will suddenly become more humble or more conciliating? If it is now adduced as an argument, in favour of the claims, that it were unsafe to refuse them, with how much greater force would it be urged, when the expectations of the Catholics have been raised to a higher pitch, and consequently when a refusal would rouse sensations doubly bitter!

I am not now addressing myself to those honourable gentlemen, who are willing to go all lengths; who think every thing should be conceded, without security, to the Catholic claimants. To such persons, indeed, every such argument would be an inducement to go into the Committee, in order that expectation might be raised, amongst the Catholics, to the highest pitch; because they know that, in this case, their wishes would be more nearly accomplished, that arguments, at present - urged, on the plea of expediency, might then assume the dictatorial tone of stern necessity. They might then say, " Thus far have you gone, recede now at your peril." To such persons therefore, it is naturally seen, that I do not address myself. I raise my voice, humble as it is, to caution those who have not determined to allow unlimited concessions, or those who have not made up their minds on any concession whatever, against running blindly into a measure, the consequences of which they have, perhaps, not fully considered. In avoiding Scylla they should take care lest they be hurried into Charybdis. In endeavouring to conciliate the Catholics they should at least beware of forging a weapon, which might be turned against themselves, the moment they endeavour to stop, thinking concession had gone far enough. They should at least ascertain that the Catholics would be fully satisfied, with the grant proposed, before they commence conceding; for is it to be supposed that men, whose disaffection is, at this moment, said to be apprehended by their

friends, if some measure is not brought for. ward in their favour, would fail to urge their claims, in the same powerful manner, whenever they choose to demand the completion of their wishes? If, therefore, danger is to be apprehended, whenever a claim is refused from this quarter (and all those even who are moderate friends of the Catholics, agree that a stand must be made somewhere) the House will do well to meet it boldly, in the outset. They should stem the torrent near its source, lest, by the prolongation of its course, it should increase in rapidity, in size and in power.

Perhaps it may be urged, that, going into a committee, is, in itself, conceding nothing; that, in fact, it is only considering whether concession should be made or not. But it should be remembered that this step is one, for which the Catholics and their supporters have long been effectually contending. It is the first stone of the building; it is an outwork of the fortification, the taking of which, although it may not ensure the overthrow, at least endangers the security of the citadel. If those, who have not made up their minds for unlimited concession, or if those, who have not determined on any concession to the Catholics, should now vote for going into a committee, the one, in the vague idea of producing a reciprocity of concession, on the part of the Catholics, the other hoping to conciliate them by a more candid examination of their claims, the former may find, too late, that partial concessions are only the stepping-stone to further exactions-the latter, that the encouragement of expectation, when it is not finally realized, instead of conciliation, produces an increase of animosity. I trust, therefore, that the former will not rush into a committee, with so little prospect of arriving at a satisfactory conclusion, whilst the latter will hardly be so infatuated as to assist the plans of their opponents, by agreeing to go into this proposed committee, in the vain and weak hope of satisfying the Catholics, by a mere momentary shew of acquiescence.

Mr. Henry Lascelles.-Sir, the subject, now under discussion, has been so fully debated, for several years, that I shall confine my observations solely to what appears, to me, to be the result. The House is now required to go into a committee, with a view to a conciliatory adjustment of the Catholic claims; but before I can consent to go into a committee, some practi

It has been stated in the course of this debate, by an hon. member, whose authority upon this subject is great, that use has been made of the Catholic question in Ireland, by the disaffected, and those who wish to render it instrumental towards the disunion of the two countries. I must observe, that I should have considered a disclaimer of such proceedings, by the sound part of the Catholics, as indicatory of a conciliatory disposition; I could have I wished that such disclaimer had taken place. For my own part, I cannot foresee any circumstance, which can ever induce me to agree to refer the consideration of this great question to a committee, before some specific plan shall be offered, upon which the committee shall act.

I feel the greatest respect for the Catholic body, and shall be as forward as any man in the House, to assist in relieving them from any real grievances of which they may have to complain; so far as I may be enabled to do so without risking essential principles of the constitution; and, in my opinion, the most satisfactory mode of effecting these points, is to discuss them in the shape of bills.

Much has been said upon the subject of the numerous petitions, which have been presented to the House, against the claims of the Catholics, and I own myself astonished at the doctrines now laid down by those very gentlemen, who, only a few months ago, were foremost in declaring, that, when the public mind is agitated, great allowance is to be made for the manner in which petitioners may express themselves; but it now appears that this liberality is meant to attach upon those only who agree with them in sentiment. Not only the petitioners have, upon this occasion, incurred the disapprobation of those honourable gentlemen, but the whole body of the clergy, because they have been found active in conscientiously

Impressed as I am with the conviction that no satisfactory result will arise from going into a committee, in the present disposition of the Catholics, as evinced by the resolutions and proceedings, lately adopted and published, by that body; and as no specific plan has been offered, for the adoption of the committee, which seems calculated to satisfy either the Catholics or the Protestants, I feel myself compelled to give my decided opposition to the motion of the right hon. gentleman. At two o'clock in the morning the House, on the motion of Mr. Ponsonby, adjourned.

ΤΟ

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Tuesday, March 2.

LETTER FROM THE PRINCESS OF WALES
THE SPEAKER. Immediately upon

the meeting of the House,

The Speaker rose, and stated, that he felt it to be his duty to inform the House, that he had received yesterday, while seated in the chair of that House, a Letter, purporting to come from her royal highness the Princess of Wales, and which it was expressed to be her wish should be communicated to the House. The Letter, however, being without date, and having been delivered to one of the messengers at the door of the House, the Speaker did not think that it came to his hands in such an authenticated form as warranted him in laying it before the House. This day he had felt it incumbent on him to ascertain whether the Letter was authentic or not, and from those enquiries, and from a letter which he had this day received from her royal highness the Princess of Wales, acknowledging that the letter of yesterday came from her, and enclosing a duplicate of it, he had now no longer any reason to doubt the Letter's being authentic. With the permission of the House, therefore, he should now, if it was their pleasure, read the Letter he had received this day, with the duplicate of the Letter of yesterday inclosed in it.

The Letter of this day, and its inclosure, were then read, as follow:

"Montague House, Blackheath, March 2d, 1813. "The Princess of Wales by her own desire, as well as by the advice of her coun

« Montague House, Blackheath, March 1st, 1813. "The Princess of Wales informs Mr. Speaker, that she has received from the lord viscount Sidmouth a copy of a Report made to his royal highness the Prince Regent, by a certain number of the members of his Majesty's privy-council, to whom it appears that his Royal Highness had been advised to refer the consideration of documents and other evidence respecting her character and conduct.

"The Report is of such a nature that her Royal Highness feels persuaded no person can read it without considering it as conveying aspersions upon her; and although their vagueness renders it impossible to discover precisely what is meant, or even what she has been charged with, yet as the Princess feels conscious of no offence whatever, she thinks it due to herself, to the illustrious Houses with which she is connected by blood and by marriage, and to the people among whom she holds so distinguished a rank, not to acquiesce for a moment under any imputations affecting her honour.

"The Princess of Wales has not been permitted to know upon what evidence the members of the privy council proceeded, still less to be heard in her defence. She knew only by common rumour of the enquiries which they have been carrying on, until the result of those inquiries was communicated to her; and she has no means now of knowing whether the members acted as a body to whom she can appeal for redress, at least for a hearing, or only in their individual capacities, as persons selected to make a report upon her conduct: the Princess is therefore compelled to throw herself upon the wisdom and justice of parliament, and

be instituted of her whole conduct during the period of her residence in this country. The Princess fears no scrutiny, however strict, provided she may be tried by impartial judges known to the constitution, and in the fair and open manner which the law of the land prescribes.

"Her only desire is that she may either be treated as innocent, or proved to be guilty.

"The Princess of Wales desires Mr. Speaker to communicate this letter to the House of Commons."

nation being evinced on the part of any After a short pause, without any incliother member to address the House,

such

which had been just read by the Speaker, Mr. Whitbread observed, that the letter could not fail, not only to interest every person who had heard it, but to appear to all to be of such importance as to require the immediate attention of the House. He apprehended it was impossible that from so high a quarter, and suffered to a communication could be made pass with being simply read, in silence. He had waited until a noble lord opposite, a minister of state, one of the confidential servants of the crown, when her royal highness the Princess of Wales's conduct that part of his Majesty's most honourable was formerly taken into consideration, by privy council, particularly and popularly designated under the name of the Cabinet, and who must have been one of that body of privy counsellors, to whom the consideration of her Royal Highness's conduct waited until he saw that noble lord take had recently been submitted - he had his place (an intimation, as he presumed, that it was not that noble lord's intention to make any proposition on the subject), before he had risen to address the Chair.

Not seeing any other hon. member disposed to proceed in the business, he wished to ask the noble lord, whether it was his intention to call the further attention of the House to her Royal Highness's Letter.

Lord Castlereagh replied, that no person could feel more thoroughly than himself the importance and delicacy of the preed in the order book, of a motion at no sent subject. But, as a notice was enter. further distant period than the day after to-morrow, relative to her royal highnes

Sir Henry Parnell rose and addressed the House as follows:

the Princess of Wales, it did not appear to him to be necessary, at present, to enter on the transaction alluded to. Whatever delicacy he might entertain on the subject, when the proper day should arrive necessity might probably impose on him the obligation of fully explaining all the circumstances of the case. But he trusted that the House would agree with him that he had fulfilled his public duty in not anticipating the expected discussion.

Mr. Whitbread enquired if the hon. member who had given the notice (Mr. Cochrane Johnstone) was in the House. If so, he trusted that he would enter into some explanation on the subject. The Letter which had been read by the Speaker, avowedly originated with her royal highness the Princess of Wales. The hon. member who had given notice of a motion relative to her Royal Highness, could alone say whether he was authorised by, or whether he acted in concurrence with her Royal Highness. He (Mr. W.) apprehended not. As it appeared that the hon. member was not in the House, it might be expedient, that when he came, he should be requested to declare whether his motion was or was not founded on any understanding with her Royal Highness. If the hon. member should state that he had no authority from her Royal Highness, it would then be for the House to decide on the propriety of taking her Royal Highness's communication into their most serious and deliberate consideration (as he trusted they would), independently of a notice with which it would appear to be wholly unconnected. Here the conversation dropped.

MR. GRATTAN'S MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE ON THE CLAIMS OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS-ADJOURNED DEBATE.] The House, according to order, resumed the adjourned Debate upon the motion made upon Thursday last, "That this House will resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to take into its most serious consideration the state of the Laws affecting his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects in Great Britain and Ireland, with a view to such a final and conciliatory adjust ment as may be conducive to the peace and strength of the united kingdoms, to the stability of the Protestant establishment, and to the general satisfaction and concord of all classes of his Majesty's subjects."

Sir; the speech of the right hon. gentleman who spoke second in the debate last night (Mr. Pole), was not less creditable to him for its candour and sincerity, than deserving the attention of the House, inasmuch as he is a most competent witness to all the leading points of the ques tion. He has said that the whole Catholic body, even the very poorest of them, are anxious for emancipation; that the sense of the Protestants of Ireland is in favour of it, and that we are now come to that point, in consequence of the increased knowledge and riches of the Catholics, at which we must make up our minds, either to concede what they ask, or to re-enact the penal code and prepare for a rebellion.

A right hon. gentleman (Mr. Ryder) has, like many others who preceded him, founded his opposition, in a great degree, upon the language and resolutions of the Catholic board. If, however, there were any thing, in that language, expressing soreness under grievance, or impatience to obtain redress, the Catholics have learnt it from your own history. If their language has been violent or intemperate, it has been taught them, either by the doctrine or the example, certainly by the provoca. tion of their opponents. But great allowances should be made for the circumstances of irritation, under which this board was formed, the circular letter of the Irish Secretary; the proclamation of the Lord Lieutenant; the arrest of lord Fingal; the trials of the delegates; and the speech of the Attorney General, imputing treasonable intentions to the whole Catholic body. But the circumstance which should be most attended to, occurred immediately prior to the resolutions, which are the most condemned-the negociation for forming a new administration, which continued a whole month, and the Regent's having acceded to the emancipation of the Catholics, as a part of the basis of the proposed arrangements.

The Catholics must have been more than men, to have borne the result of it, the restoration of their opponents to power, in silence and satisfaction. But whatever may have been the impropriety of the language of the Catholics, it has nothing to say to the question; we are not to legislate upon this local and narrow view of the subject, but upon those great principles of wisdom and justice, which

direct us to take the whole of the case under our consideration, and adopt one general and comprehensive measure.

directed attacks of an hon. baronet (sir J. Cox Hippisley). But now we have, again, imposed upon us the task of resuming a discussion of antiquated doctrines and exploded calumnies, of that rubbish, as it was called by Mr. Burke, that nuisance, which he supposed to have been removed, even when writing, in 1795; of those accusations, which, even the corporation of the Protestant charter schools in Ireland have abandoned, by suppressing the catechism which taught them; of those doctrines which lord Liverpool disclaimed in 1810, and which Mr. Perceval allowed, in his last speech on this subject, were never, in any degree, the grounds of his opposition.

A right hon. member (Mr. Ryder) has asserted that the sense of the people is decidedly hostile to the Catholics; but this does not appear to be the case from the Petitions. Four counties only have met by public requisition; one of these, Cornwall, has said that enquiry ought to be gone into; and another, Wiltshire, refused to oppose the Catholics. Nine counties have sent only one Petition each, from one town in each; three counties have sent two; three counties have sent three; and two counties more than four, from towns within them, signed by the laity. Twenty-three Petitions come from corporations. From twenty English counties, five Welsh counties, and all Scotland, there is not one Petition from the laity. The just inference, therefore, is, that the sense of the people is decidedly in favour of the Catholics. Of the manner in which these Petitions have been obtained, it is only requisite to call to the recollection of the House, that the Third Part of the Statement of the Penal Laws was read, and believed to be an authentic work, during the whole time that these Petitions were preparing and deciding upon. In regard to the matter contained in them, this is of much more serious importance, as it indicts a whole community of professing treasonable principles, and teaches the people of England to form false notions of the nature of the constitution. By so doing, it leads them astray, from taking a right course, in case its safety should really be endangered by an attempt to subvert it.

But before entering on any examination of the contents of these Petitions, it is fit to enquire whence the necessity arises, of again discussing the obnoxious tenets which are imputed to the Catholics. Every one, who was present at the debate, when a right hon. gentleman (Mr. Canning) made his motion, last session, must well remember that the only point at issue was, whether or not any conditions should be annexed to the concession? The House would not have listened to any member, who might have wished to revive these charges. A right hon. and learned doctor seemed to have made his dying speech, in the preceding debate on the Catholic Petition. He had actually retired from the contest, as if wholly and for ever overthrown by the incessant and well

All this we were again called upon to re-argue, when this debate began; but it would appear that we have once more gained our advanced position; for the arguments, which have already been advanced, have put to flight the whole bench of ministers, who seem unwilling, any longer, to hear what may be said in favour of the motion, because they are utterly incompetent to answer or refute it. If we examine what the causes are, which have given so much confidence to those who have lately revived a clamour against the Catholics, we may discover the fons et origo mali, by referring to the history of the last thirteen months. The secondary causes have been the Charges of reverend prelates, and the activity of the inferior clergy.

It seems, the bishop of Lincoln has considered the church to be in such imminent danger, as to justify him in delivering to his clergy, at a triennial visitation, what,

to

some, may appear, a bad political pamphlet, in place of a pious and religious Charge, a pamphlet full of unfounded statements, exaggerated inferences, and inaccurate quotations; charging, on the whole body of Catholics, the profession of principles, incompatible with their duty as good subjects; and calling the rebellion of 1798, a Catholic rebellion. If similar charges had been brought against an individual Catholic, the consequences must have been the conviction of the reverend prelate for a libel. That this must have been the case is evident, from the fate, which befel a work, entitled a "Fair Representation of the Political State of Ireland." The author of which did try the experiment, of making similar charges against a Catholic gentleman of the name of Latin. Mr. Latin brought an